Suchergebnisse

What drives policy reform after long periods of policy inertia? What factors shape the effectiveness of policy implementation following reform decisions? These questions increasingly concern the international donor and research communities, given the importance of policy environments in shaping development outcomes and the growing need to achieve development impact with scarce resources. To address these questions, this paper introduces the Kaleidoscope Model of policy change. ; IFPRI3; Feed the Future Innovation Laboratory for Food Security Policy (FSP); DCA; ISI; CRP2; Capacity Strengthening; 2 Promoting Healthy Diets and Nutrition for all; 4 Transforming Agricultural and Rural Economies; 5 Strengthening Institutions and Governance; IFPRIOA; Urban food systems for better diets, nutrition, and health ; PIM; DSGD; DGO ; PR ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

ÖZETHerkese belli olduğu gibi Sovyet Birliği yıkıldıktan sonra bütün dünya ülkeleri eski Sovyet Birliği kapsayan ülkelere çok ilgi göstermeye başladı. Şunu da belirtmek gerek ki bu ülkeler özellikle Orta Asya ülkeleri tarihi boyunca ilk kez kendi bağımsızlığını ilan etmektedir.Sovyet Birliğinin yıkılması ile beraber, ayrıca güçlü devletlerin bölgeye olan ilgilenmelerinden dolayı Orta Asya bölgesi uluslar arası toplumun merkezine döndü.Dünyanın her tarafından kültür, akademik çalışmalar, büyükelçilik, ticaret anlaşmaları alanlarında sözleşmeye imza attılar.Rusya'nın Orta Asya'ya yürüttüğü politikası gittikçe zayıflamaya başlıyor,daha önce Afganistan'da yaşandığı gibi, daha doğrusu Afganistan'ın bölgeye etkisi daha büyümeye başlıyor.Eskiden beri Orta Asya cumhuriyetleri yöneticilerinin güvenlik, emniyet politikalarına ağırlık vermemeleri, ve onların sadece ekonomik, ticari ve kültürel faaliyetler üzerinde çalışma yaptıklarından dolayı gündemdeki politikada mağdur durumda bulunduklarını görebiliyoruz.Sonuç itibariyle geçtiğimiz 10 sene sonra Orta Asya uluslar arası terör örgütleri ile mücadele etmeye mecburen girdi.Yazdığım tezde de belirtecek en önemli olan ifade de Orta Asya güvenlik politikasının daha dinamik şekilde gelişmemesidir, fakat şuandaki Orta Asya'da yaşanan sorunları çözmek, Tali ban yöneticilerine karşı mücadele etmek ve onların yasal kurallarına haykırı siyasetini yürütmede engel olmak Orta Asya cumhuriyetleri için emniyete karşı ilk adımları diye algılayabiliriz,Gündemde Orta Asya herhangi bir tehdide karşı ve kendi savunma aktivitelerini sağlamlaştırdı, tabii ki bu konuda Rusya başta olan bir süre ülkelerden destek aldılar.Rusya etkisi diğer bakımdan da etkili olmaya başladı, bununla beraber Şanghay beşli anlaşmanın uluslar arası arenada iyice başarıya ulaşması ve bu ülkelerin geleceğe dönük güvence sağlaması Orta Asya halkına ümit veriyor. SUMMARYCENTRAL ASIAN SECURITY POLICY AFTER THE DISINTEGRATION OF SOVIET UNION.As you know after the disintegration of Soviet Union the world observed the emergence of new independent states in ex-Soviet territories. It is indeed that the states are appeared to world scene for the first time in their histories. Within the disintegration of the USSR the region appeared at the focus of the international society, especially powerful states have taken an active interest in. They have signed new trade agreements, set up embassy missions and created cultural and academic exchanges.The day-by-day Russian involvement was withdrawing as well as before withdrew from Afghanistan. On the contrary, after acquiring the independence Afghanistan policy started to involve to the region.It is also important that the potential of the security policy of Central Asian countries is weak, as they didn't attempt before, moreover the leaders of the region have been emphasized to the economic policy, trade, investment and other activities. As evidence, when the leaders of the region held the conferences among them, we can only see the treaty, agreements about trade, custom and others. So having spent about 10 years after the independence, there emerged one of the great problems in Central Asia.The main thing to signify in my thesis is the security policy of the region, but the republics couldn't maintain the strategy, because of weakening the social position, may be there are a lot of reasons.But I can say that the security policy for the region, at present is to defend each of own territory from terrorists, Islamic movements who have wanted to dominate with its rules. In the sense of defense the region is provided, having taken the humanitarian aids, weapons and also military forces.

This paper aims to explain Turkey's border security policy in dealing with non-state actors in Northern Syria. Turkey's policy was carried out after five years of involvement in the Syrian crisis and one month after a failed coup attempt. This study uses the theory of securitization by Buzan that explains the existence of threat and vulnerability factors faced by the state in anarchic international structures. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method with the type of causality analysis. This paper found that threats and vulnerabilities pushed Turkey to launch a series of military operations as border security policies to rid North Syria of ISIS and PKK/PYD/YPG militias to control the adverse effects caused by the presence of non-state actors such as civilian and military casualties, property damage, as well as instability and disintegration. The border security policy confirms the increasingly important role of Turkey in the region while demonstrating Turkey's consistency in pursuing national security interests even outside its territory ; Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan kebijakan keamanan perbatasan Turki dalam menghadapi aktor non-negara di Suriah Utara. Kebijakan Turki tersebut dilakukan setelah lima tahun keterlibatannya dalam krisis Suriah dan satu bulan setelah upaya kudeta yang gagal. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori sekuritisasi oleh Buzan yang menjelaskan tentang adanya faktor ancaman dan kerawanan yang dihadapi negara dalam struktur internasional yang anarki. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dengan jenis analisis kausalitas. Tulisan ini menemukan bahwa ancaman dan kerawanan mendorong Turki melancarkan serangkaian operasi militer sebagai kebijakan keamanan perbatasan untuk membersihkan Suriah Utara dari milisi-milisi ISIS dan PKK/PYD/YPG untuk mengontrol dampak buruk yang disebabkan oleh keberadaan aktor non-negara seperti korban sipil dan militer, kerusakan properti, serta instabilitas dan disintegrasi. Kebijakan keamanan perbatasan tersebut mengkonfirmasi tentang semakin pentingnya peran Turki di kawasan sekaligus menunjukkan konsistensi Turki dalam mengejar kepentingan keamanan nasional walaupun di luar wilayahnya.

Nordic cooperation on foreign and security policy has gained renewed attention in recent years. Changes in the Nordic states' immediate security environment after the Ukraine crisis,as well as growing global uncertainty, have turned foreign, security and defence policy into a focal point of the Nordic agenda.Nordic foreign and security policy cooperation is characterized by informality, as it takes place outside of the institutional Nordic structures. This report assesses the current state of this cooperation by opening up structures and formats within which the informal cooperation takes place. The report then discusses future prospects for, as well as constraints on,deepening the cooperation from different angles, including agenda formation, institutional complexities, Nordic cooperation in multilateral contexts and bilateral Nordic relations. Defence cooperation forms a separate sub-field of Nordic cooperation, as it has its own unique structures and practices. The report takes alook at developments in Nordic defence cooperation, at both the political and the military level. Nordic foreign and security policy cooperation is based on commonality and trust. It enjoys a solid legitimacy among Nordic populations and politicians alike. The informal nature of the cooperation is perceived as one of its strengths. Nordic countries have significant potential for deeper cooperation and for obtaining a stronger voice. However, there are various drivers and considerable differences between the Nordic states in security political solutions, institutional affiliations, priorities and levels of commitment. These impose dividing lines and limitations on the cooperation that are hard to overcome. ; -- Introduction -- Overview of the current state of Nordic cooperation -- Prospects for development: practices, gaps and potential for Nordic foreign and security policy cooperation -- Nordic defence cooperation -- Conclusions: towards a stronger Nordic voice in international politics

As China becomes more industrial and urbanized, it is likely to become more dependent over time on imports of (especially land-intensive) farm products, most notably livestock feedstuffs. If farmers are slow to adjust to their declining competitiveness, for example by obtaining off-farm employment, the farm–nonfarm household income gap may increase. A decline in food self-sufficiency may be perceived as undermining national food security, and a persistent farm–nonfarm income gap as contributing to social unrest. In these circumstances, what offsetting or compensating policy options should the government consider for ensuring adequate long-term food security and less income inequality? This paper evaluates China's historical record since 1980 and then projects China's economy to 2030, using the GTAP global economy-wide model. It draws on past policy experiences of both China and other economies to evaluate prospective interventions by government to address food security and income inequality concerns. The potential effects of some of those are estimated for 2030, again using the GTAP model. The paper concludes by suggesting alternative ways to achieve the fundamental objectives of national food security and less rural–urban income inequality, namely via generic social safety nets and improved rural infrastructure. ; The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the World Bank and Australia's Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation.

As China becomes more industrial and urbanized, it is likely to become more dependent over time on imports of (especially land-intensive) farm products, most notably livestock feedstuffs. If farmers are slow to adjust to their declining competitiveness, for example by obtaining off-farm employment, the farm–nonfarm household income gap may increase. A decline in food self-sufficiency may be perceived as undermining national food security, and a persistent farm–nonfarm income gap as contributing to social unrest. In these circumstances, what offsetting or compensating policy options should the government consider for ensuring adequate long-term food security and less income inequality? This paper evaluates China's historical record since 1980 and then projects China's economy to 2030, using the GTAP global economy-wide model. It draws on past policy experiences of both China and other economies to evaluate prospective interventions by government to address food security and income inequality concerns. The potential effects of some of those are estimated for 2030, again using the GTAP model. The paper concludes by suggesting alternative ways to achieve the fundamental objectives of national food security and less rural–urban income inequality, namely via generic social safety nets and improved rural infrastructure. ; The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the World Bank and Australia's Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation.

Bu çalışmanın öncelikli amacı, değişen uluslararası sistemin Avrupa ölçeğindeki yansımaları ışığında Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası'nın Avrupa güvenliğine ne derecede katkı sağladığını ve/veya katkı sağlayıp sağlamadığını ortaya çıkarmaktır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda, tez neo-realist bir yaklaşımı kullanmakta ve uluslararası sistemin çok-kutuplu yapısının Avrupa'nın büyük güçlerinin dış politika ve güvenlik politikalarını ve güvenlik algılarını Soğuk Savaş'ın bitiminden beri nasıl etkilediğini ve Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası'nın buna nasıl etki ettiğini tartışmaktadır.Çalışmanın ilk bölümünde, Avrupa güvenliğini incelemek için kullanılan neo-realist teorinin temel varsayımları ve çalışmanın eksenini oluşturan iki önemli kavram, güvenlik ve komşuluk, incelenmiştir. Sonrasında, ise Avrupa'nın çok kutuplu yapısı ve Avrupa'nın büyük güçlerinin politikaları açıklanarak Komşuluk Politikası'nın yürütüldüğü politik ortama ışık tutulmaya çalışılmıştır. İkinci bölümde ise Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası'nın oluşumu, amaçları ve araçları neo-realist varsayımlar ışığında incelenerek, içerisinde barındırdığı jeopolitik unsurlar ve Avrupa Birliği üyesi ülkelerin politika üzerindeki etkileri tartışılmıştır ve politikanın yürütüldüğü çok-kutuplu sistem mevcut güvenlik politikalarını göz önünde bulundurarak incelenmiştir. Bu tartışmalar ışığında, son bölümde örnek olay üzerinden, yani Ukrayna krizi üzerinden, Rusya'nın dış politikası ve güvenlik algılamaları ışığında Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası'nın Avrupa güvenliğine katkı sağlayıp sağlamadığı incelenmiştir.Sonuç olarak, bu çalışma günümüz Avrupa'sındaki çok-kutuplu sistem içerisinde Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası'nın, Rusya ile jeopolitik bir rekabete yol açarak modern güvenlik anlayışına dayanan yeni tehditler yarattığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. --- The main aim of this study is to find out whether or not, and to what extent the European Neighbourhood Policy contributes to European security in the light of effects of changing international structure on European scale. To that end, a neo-realist approach is applied in the study, and it is argued that in which ways the changing political structure affects foreign and security policies and security perceptions of European great powers since the end of the Cold War, and in which ways the European Neighbourhood Policy, especially its sub-policy the Eastern Partnership, has influence on these perceptions.The first chapter of the thesis defines basic neo-realist assumptions and two other important concepts, namely security and neighbourhood, in order to draw a framework for evaluate European security. Following part of the first chapter analyses the current political structure in multipolar Europe and policies of European great powers to examine the environment in which the European Neighbourhood Policy/the Eastern Partnership is pursued. The second chapter defines main motivations, aims and tools of the Policy from neo-realist perspective, and its geopolitical components. In light of assumptions of these chapters, the last chapter argues role of the European Neighbourhood Policy to provide European security by evaluating the recent Ukrainian crisis, taking Russia's policies and perceptions on the Policy into account.To conclude, this study claims that the European Neighbourhood Policy in multipolar structure of contemporary Europe is counter-productive for European security, creating geopolitical competition and new threats based on the traditional understandings of security.

This paper provides an analysis of political and institutional drivers that shape social policy in South Africa with a specific focus on social security. As elsewhere in the Global South, South Africa has a quite extensive social assistance framework, whereas social insurance is limited and inadequate. This is contrary to the experiences of the Global North, where social insurance has been the primary social security mechanism with social assistance playing a more marginal role. In order to explore the contrasting developments within social security policy, we focus our analysis on two case studies with varying policy outcomes: 1) the social cash transfer system, which is well established; and 2) the National Health Insurance (NHI) scheme, a recent policy, which has suffered several delays. Building on the power resource and historical institutionalism approaches, we explore how different actors seek to assert their policy preferences, and how current institutional arrangements shape actors' interests and their ability to influence policy reforms. The two cases reveal interesting differences that can explain the success of social cash transfer expansion and the sluggish progress (to date) to introduce national health insurance. While the latter has strong vested interests against reform, even though there is consensus on the need for a national health insurance scheme, the former has had no strong opponents and subsequent incremental expansions have benefited from well-established institutional arrangements, positive research evidence and civil society advocacy and litigation. Moreover, the introduction of a health insurance scheme is relatively more complex (politically, institutionally and technically), compared to expanding an already existing social cash transfer programme. In our analysis, we also explore the different ideational narratives related to the two types of policies. Social cash transfers have legitimacy as a policy addressing the needs of the most vulnerable, which are defined to be the elderly, young and people living with disabilities, but not able-bodied adults. In the case of health insurance, ideological narratives are pitted against each other: the concept of health as a common good against health as a commodity, and market-oriented strategies for delivery against state-centric approaches. ; Prepared for the UNRISD project New Directions in Social Policy: Alternatives from and for the Global South

The changed nature of international relations in the world after the Cold War caused changes in the global and regional environment. The risk of military conflict on a global scale is greatly reduced, but the world is still confronted with numerous traditional and new challenges, risks and threats to security. In the introductory part of this paper the author establishes new strategic policy of the EU to maintain a stable security environment, harmonization of relations and the interests of European countries and responsibility in the creation of European and global security. Furthermore the author defines contemporary security risks and threats (asymmetric and their transnational nature). In the final part of the paper the author determines the security policy of the Republic of Macedonia which monitors changes in the global and regional environment.In the introductory part the author will determine contemporary risks and threats to security that by their nature are unpredictable, asymmetric and have a transnational character.Furthermore the author will specify the new strategic role of the EU and NATO after the Cold War. In the final part the preventive actions of the European Union in preventing contemporary risks and threats.Subject of research is determining the contemporary risks and security threats and take preventive actions of the European Union in preventing contemporary risks and threats.Subject of research is determining the EU's role in the creation of European and global security.The purpose of this paper is to approach the importance of European security to the professional and scientific community. Key words: global security, contemporary risks and threats to security, national security

Includes bibliographical references. ; 1. Prospects for security in the Asia-Pacific region 2000-2010 / H.C. Stackpole -- 2. Changing Japanese attitudes toward security / John H. Miller -- 3. International dynamics of the U.S. military budget / Yan Xuetong -- 4. National security policy-making by the CCP: the role of domestic factors / Boris T. Kulik -- 5. Russia's security debate in 2000: superpower vs. great power / Kyong-wook Shim -- 6. Cross-strait security relations: the role of domestic politics in the PRC and Taiwan / Yasuhiro Matsuda -- 7. South Korea's economic reality after the financial crisis and its impact on South-North relations / Yukiko Fukagawa. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This study highlights the transformation of the security policy of the Kingdom of Sweden after the end of the bipolar confrontation, as well as adaptation to the new threats of the international environment of the 21st century. Based on a systematic approach, using the method of critical analysis, the main trends in the development of Swedish security policy in the late 20th century and early 21st century are studied. Explained the reasons for moving away from traditional neutrality and easing the non-aligned status. Revealed the issues of relations between Stockholm and the North Atlantic Treaty organization (NATO) and cooperation on the verge of membership. The article analyzes the relationship of the state with the European Union and neighboring States of the Scandinavian region. ; Дане дослідження висвітлює трансформацію безпекової політики Королівства Швеції після закінчення біполярного протистояння, а також пристосування до нових загроз міжнародного середовища ХХІ століття. На основі системного підходу, з використанням методу критичного аналізу досліджено основні тенденції та напрямки розвитку безпекової політики Швеції наприкінці ХХ – на початку ХХІ століття. Пояснюються причини відходу від традиційного «нейтралітету» та пом'якшення позаблокового статусу. Розкрито питання відносин Стокгольма з Організації Північноатлантичного договору (НАТО) та співробітництво на межі членства. Аналізуються взаємозв'язки держави з Європейським союзом та сусідніми державами Скандинавського регіону.

Cybersecurity policy analytics can be done using publically available internet information. This paper introduces the main idea, data sources, methodology and key findings of cybersecurity policy analytics research projects covering the following key issues: - Deterrence effect of domestic enforcement and international treaty legislation on cybercrime. - The dual use characteristic of hacking knowledge and tools and the issue of online hacker forum censorship. - Critical information infrastructure identification through internet topology analytics. - Incentive-compatible mechanisms for organizations to share information related to cybersecurity threats, incidents and emergency response. At the end of this paper, we propose future directions to promote cybersecurity policy analytics with internet information.

Ongoing political, legal, environmental and economic changes open up the Arctic. This has implications for regional security. The article tackles the question whether the preeminent regional institution, the Arctic Council, should include security-related topics in its portfolio to deal with the emerging challenges. The article argues that the regional security issues will be taken care of better in other institutions for at least two reasons: dealing with security-related topics might negatively impact the Arctic Council's institutional practice, while at the same time the Arctic Council might not provide the best institutional background needed to cope with the most pertinent issues on the security agenda.

The fundamental tasks that the founders of the North Atlantic Treaty laid in the foundation of its functions are collective defence and the preservation of peace and security. It demands joint, well-planned and organized actions of all member countries aimed at repealing external military aggression or armed attack with an appropriate package of forces and means (diplomatic, political and military). The well-organized rebuff of an armed attack on a NATO member state or the implementation of measures to maintain peace and security in the Euro-Atlantic area and beyond requires clear and coordinated action by both government officials and armed forces of member-countries and partners. The Alliance's ability to carry out common tasks lies in the light of effective defence planning, interaction and coordination at all levels of governance in political and military spheres, as well as standardization. The Alliance actively relies on partnership and cooperation in every area of its activities. The partnership acquires different forms and content. Some countries participate in the "Partnership for Peace Program" (PfP), which is based on an agreed Framework Document and Individual or Special Partnership Programs. Cooperation with the countries of the Mediterranean Dialogue, the Istanbul Cooperation Initiatives and the other Partners across the globe (Contact Countries Initiatives) are based on agreed work programs and plans. All practical bilateral and multilateral cooperation (partnership) programs with NATO differ based on the national interests, ambitions and priorities of the Partner-countries themselves. The only thing they have in common is the issue of standardization, namely the achievement of an appropriate level of compatibility, interchangeability or commonality, depending on the military-political ambitions in the field of cooperation of a particular Partner nation with NATO. The process of gaining full membership of Ukraine in NATO, among other things, involves the implementation of Alliance standards in all ...

The purpose of this article is to determine the theoretical foundations of information security policy as a key factor in society in today's world. In Ukraine, as well as throughout the world, the problems of ensuring the security of the state, society and the individual are increasingly coming to the fore in state policy. National security is one of the priority goals of a modern state and is the basis for its stable development. The introduction of modern information technologies in all spheres of public life has significantly increased the dependence of society on the reliability of the information space, the reliability of the information received, and its protection from unauthorized access. The state policy in this area should be based on the norms of international law and active cooperation of states in international relations. The need to study this question is due to the fact that currently interstate and interethnic conflicts are increasingly taking place in the information field. For Ukraine, information policy is an additional powerful resource in the modernization of the country and solving many current internal and external problems. It is quite obvious that the country's backwardness in the field of information policy technologies cannot contribute to success in solving the set tasks. The effectiveness of the exercise of power in any state, including Ukraine, depends on its information support. Without information, it is impossible to imagine a positively functioning political structure, the development of mass political consciousness, the interaction of political actors. In the process of information and communication influence in the minds of the people the image of state power, its political institutions and leaders is formed, and the governing functions of the state are carried out with the greatest potential and lowest energy costs only when the system of information links between the state, civil society and personality. At the same time, the state policy in the field of information security should be based on the principles of ensuring normal social, political, economic and technological development of society. ; Метою цієї статі є визначення теоретичних основ політики інформаційної безпеки як ключового фактору життя суспільства у сучасному світі. В Україні, так само як і у всьому світі, проблеми забезпечення безпеки держави, суспільства і особистості все більше виходять на перший план у державній політиці. Національна безпека одна з пріоритетних цілей сучасної держави і є основних чинником її стабільного розвитку. Впровадження сучасних інформаційних технологій в усі сфери суспільного життя істотно підвищило залежність суспільства від надійності функціонування інформаційного простору, достовірності отриманої інформації, її захисту від несанкціонованого втручання. Політика держави у цій сфері повинна ґрунтуватися на нормах міжнародного права та активної співпраці держав у міжнародних відносинах. Необхідність дослідження даної теми викликана тим, що в даний час міждержавні та міжнаціональні конфлікти все частіше протікають саме в інформаційному полі. Для України інформаційна політика є додатковим потужним ресурсом у здійсненні модернізації країни і вирішенні багатьох поточних внутрішніх і зовнішніх проблем. Цілком очевидним є той факт, що відставання країни в області технологій інформаційної політики не може сприяти успіху у вирішенні поставлених завдань. Ефективність здійснення влади в будь-якій державі, в тому числі і в Україні залежить від її інформаційного забезпечення. Без інформації неможливо уявити позитивно функціонуючу політичну структуру, розвиток масової політичної свідомості, взаємодію суб'єктів політики. В процесі інформаційно-комунікативного впливу в свідомості народу формується образ державної влади, його політичних інститутів і лідерів, а керуючі функції держави здійснюються з найбільшим потенціалом і найменшими енергетичними затратами лише тоді, коли досить добре розвинена система інформаційних зав'язків між державою, громадянським суспільством і особистістю. При цьому політика держави в області інформаційної безпеки повинна ґрунтуватися на принципах забезпечення нормального соціального, політичного економічного і технологічного розвитку суспільства. ; Метою цієї статі є визначення теоретичних основ політики інформаційної безпеки як ключового фактору життя суспільства у сучасному світі. В Україні, так само як і у всьому світі, проблеми забезпечення безпеки держави, суспільства і особистості все більше виходять на перший план у державній політиці. Національна безпека одна з пріоритетних цілей сучасної держави і є основних чинником її стабільного розвитку. Впровадження сучасних інформаційних технологій в усі сфери суспільного життя істотно підвищило залежність суспільства від надійності функціонування інформаційного простору, достовірності отриманої інформації, її захисту від несанкціонованого втручання. Політика держави у цій сфері повинна ґрунтуватися на нормах міжнародного права та активної співпраці держав у міжнародних відносинах. Необхідність дослідження даної теми викликана тим, що в даний час міждержавні та міжнаціональні конфлікти все частіше протікають саме в інформаційному полі. Для України інформаційна політика є додатковим потужним ресурсом у здійсненні модернізації країни і вирішенні багатьох поточних внутрішніх і зовнішніх проблем. Цілком очевидним є той факт, що відставання країни в області технологій інформаційної політики не може сприяти успіху у вирішенні поставлених завдань. Ефективність здійснення влади в будь-якій державі, в тому числі і в Україні залежить від її інформаційного забезпечення. Без інформації неможливо уявити позитивно функціонуючу політичну структуру, розвиток масової політичної свідомості, взаємодію суб'єктів політики. В процесі інформаційно-комунікативного впливу в свідомості народу формується образ державної влади, його політичних інститутів і лідерів, а керуючі функції держави здійснюються з найбільшим потенціалом і найменшими енергетичними затратами лише тоді, коли досить добре розвинена система інформаційних зав'язків між державою, громадянським суспільством і особистістю. При цьому політика держави в області інформаційної безпеки повинна ґрунтуватися на принципах забезпечення нормального соціального, політичного економічного і технологічного розвитку суспільства.