Suchergebnisse

Analyse eines Bausteines südafrikanischer Sicherheitspolitik der 80er Jahre. Ohne Beteiligung der betroffenen Bevölkerung sollte Swaziland 1982 verschiedene angrenzende Homelands erhalten. Das Homeland Ngwaruma hätte einerseits Swaziland einen Zugang zum Indischen Ozean ermöglicht, andererseits einen 'ANC-freien' Sicherheitspuffer zum nördlichen Nachbarn Mozambique für die RSA geboten. Der Autor beschreibt chronologische Genese und Scheitern des Planes sowohl aus der Perspektive Swazilands als auch Südafrikas und der betroffenen Homelands. (DÜI-Sth)

This article examines evolving China‐North Korea relations since the early 1990s. It suggests that current Chinese policy toward the Korean Peninsula is not based on ideology but driven by strategic and economic interests. While China‐South Korea relations have warmed up, China‐North Korea relations have deteriorated. Contrary to conventional perception that the two countries are allies, China sees North Korea as a liability now; yet China is unlikely to abandon North Korea soon. The complex China‐North Korea relationship reflects dilemmas China faces in its foreign policy. The so‐called "North Korea problem" is indeed a "US‐China problem." How far China can go regarding North Korea is closely tied to the state of US‐China relations. Only through US‐China cooperation to map out a future East Asian security arrangement acceptable to both powers can a satisfactory solution to the North Korea problem be found.

The alliance between the United States and Australia (Australia New Zealand United States or ANZUS), while one of America's least problematic Asia‐Pacific strategic relationships at present, could face a series of new challenges as structural change in this region continues apace. This article analyzes five such challenges facing ANZUS: the rise of China; changing American expectations of its allies and partners; the intensification of Australia‐Japan security relations; the emergence of a divide between Australian public and elite opinion on ANZUS; and the rise of Indonesia. The article concludes by offering a series of policy‐relevant recommendations designed to ameliorate the worst effects of these challenges. These include the generation of greater policy debate on ANZUS in Australia; the introduction of new public education programs highlighting the alliance's costs and risks; and the establishment of a new Australia‐Indonesia‐U.S. trilateral dialogue process at the second track or 1.5 track level.

Relations between Russia and the Philippines from the 19th century to the present are examined. Throughout history, Russia and the Philippines have cooperated on a number of mutual interests, including trade, energy security and geopolitical issues. Adapted from the source document.

The Wilsonian Monadic Peace argues that not only do joint democracies not fight each other, but they are inherently peaceful. They get involved in war primarily by being attacked and rarely initiate wars. The institutional explanation of this monadic democratic peace maintains that democracies have this pacific tendency because the people use the legislature to restrain the executive. This paper argues that the best way to assess the causal logic underlying the institutional explanation is by comparing specific cases where war is avoided and where it occurs to see if legislatures and the public restrain leaders. Three historical cases from the Nineteenth Century, which were uncovered as part of a larger project, are reviewed in detail: one that did not go to war and two that did. Cases are drawn from the most democratic states at the time—France, England, and the U.S. In each instance the casual process did not work the way it was expected. Instead, the legislature and the "public" were more prone to war hysteria than the executive. Each of these cases is regarded as anomalous for the democratic peace. The implications of these three anomalies are explored in detail.