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This study examines the extent and consequences of press independence in the realm of problem definition. Beginning with an experiment, the analysis shows that many of the words and phrases used in the 1998 to 1999 Social Security reform debate were misleading in the sense that they caused citizens to draw incorrect inferences about the financial problems facing Social Security. Next, the study compares the prevalence of these same expressions in the mass media and in transcripts of political speeches and press releases. Contrary to theories of indexing, reporters and journalists exhibited considerable independence in how they described Social Security's financial problems. Ironically, however, this meant that media accounts had more misleading rhetoric than the actual statements of government officials.

This book is a major new contribution to our understanding of war and international relations (IR). Divided into two sections, the first part surveys the state of war and war studies in international relations, security studies and in feminist international relations. The second part addresses a missing area of IR studies of war that feminism is well-placed to fill in: the emotional and physical aspects of war. The author examines a wide variety of conflict situations, such as the Israel/Palestine dispute, the Cold War, Vietnam, Nicaragua, wars of liberation in Africa, genocidal war in Rwanda

This chapter shall focus broadly on the most relevant international developments with a thematic focus on participation, citizenship and transfrontier exchanges in 2015, covering the activities of those international bodies seized to promote relevant international standards and to monitor progress under the auspices the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe and the European Union respectively. The temporal scope of this chapter includes activities that either took place in or were first documented in 2015. The chapter aims to capture key developments and trends.

Linked to the image of a wild and still-to-be-explored territory, as well as to images of the region as one of new economic opportunities, discourses on the Arctic also tie in with issues of climate change, cooperation and conflict, Arctic governance, international law and the situation and rights of indigenous people, as well as Great Power politics. Taken together, these aspects characterize a region whose formation is different from regionalization processes in other parts of the world. As the regional peculiarity of the Arctic is reflected by a variety and plurality of representations, discourses, perceptions and imaginaries, it can usefully be analyzed as a region of unfolding governmentality. The present article argues that the prospects for the Arctic are strongly intertwined with perceptions and depictions of it as an international region subject to emerging practices of governmentality. By drawing on both Foucault's texts and governmentality studies in international relations (IR), we discuss how the Arctic is affected by governmental security rationalities, by specific logics of political economy and order-building, as well as becoming a subject for biopolitical rationalizations and imaginaries. The discourses and practices of governmentality that permeate the Arctic contribute to its spatial, figurative and political reframing and are aimed at making it a governable region that can be addressed by, and accessible for, ordering rationalities and measures.

What does the Lacanian notion of fantasy offer to the study of security imaginaries? The article answers this question by introducing a fantasmatic reading strategy illustrated by a case study of the US narrative of 'technological revolutions of war' that has recently been fueled by a growing demand for ethical and explainable artificial intelligence in military applications and weapon systems. The article offers a Lacanian comment to the expanding International Relations literature on security imaginaries. It demonstrates how a fantasmatic reading encompasses both a discourse analytical tracing of background understandings employed by many security imaginary scholars and an affective tracing at the margins of discourse that captures the force with which subjects continue to invest in – and patch the constitutive gaps of – a security imaginary. In studying security imaginaries through fantasies, we propose zooming in on three analytical moves: analyzing the continuing construction of a lost utopia in security discourses; following the specific objects of desire that is organized around its own inevitable failure; and locating the mode of enjoyment encountered at the boundaries of the socially acceptable norms.

This paper deliberates on the kind of challenges the international space business might have and what actions should the states undertake to help operators to access to space. This is a qualitative research paper. The entire material included in this article comes from dedicated conferences and seminars about space business and policy organized, legal documentation, and literature review, which refer to business security or safety in this subject. The analysis conducted by authors shows that states are forced to take internal actions, to monitor and control private activities of entrepreneurs. Interaction of international and national legislation is necessary for the face of privatization of space activities (in the domain, such as liability and jurisdiction). States have the legislative mechanisms needed to establish a licensing and monitoring regime and a sanctioning system. States should also be aware that economic and security challenges show the importance of peaceful cooperation between states according to the United Nations treaties. In such an environment, operators can be competitive and cooperative in the international space market. The constant process of commercialization of space requires adapting the existing legislation to current needs and challenges. The economic challenges show the importance of peaceful cooperation between states. As technology progresses and small satellites emerge, access to space becomes easier and cheaper. It favours small countries and their private entities. Free and undistorted competition, in line with the basic principles of operation of democratic states, should be supported by new space programs and strategies and national regulations, so as to make this space available to all. The subject of the article is innovative and new. As there is limited literature available on this subject, therefore, there is a clear need to fill this gap. The authors keep the reader informed about the latest updates and information in respect to management, policies and law regulation in ...

AbstractIn recent years, dozens of drone development projects have attracted hundreds of millions of euros from EU public research funds with little accountability and scarce political oversight. This article relates the ongoing exponential growth of the drone industry in Europe with the vast amounts of EU public research funding channelled to drone research. These projects typically configure partnerships that are neither strictly public, nor strictly private, and it is precisely a combination of their hybrid nature with the centrality of technologial expertise that makes them less visible. This partial invisibility is particularly relevant in the context of a dual‐use technology that enables new forms of surveillance, poses societal challenges, and can be used as a lethal weapon. Beyond providing short‐term responses to specific problems, we argue that these tactics are largely aimed at fostering a common EU security and defence research & development culture in a time of international security uncertainty.

This review examines the persistence of chronic hunger in Sub-Saharan Africa in the twenty-first century and reviews dominant famine theories, concepts of vulnerability, and household livelihood security and responses to recent food crises in the region. The authors argue that famine occurrences are linked to historical and contemporary socioeconomic processes that have increased over time the vulnerability of African households to hunger and reduced their resilience to environmental and economic shocks, political conflict, and the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS. Approaches to famine need to move away from the "emergency relief" framework to better address the underlying conditions that make food shortages endemic. Future food security for Africa requires an integrated long-term response to household vulnerability on the part of African governments, civil society, and international partners by incorporating new technologies, local expertise, and active involvement of African communities living with the realities of recurrent famine.

The self-proclamation of independence of the Saharawi nation was recognized by 72 states, and after that, Western Sahara was admitted in the UAO during 1982. Nevertheless, the failed negotiations between Morocco and the Polisary Front have influenced the no application of the International Judicial Court's resolution, keeping in status quo the self-determination of the recognized Saharawi nation. At the same time, the political support for the recognition of the Saharawi, since the withdrawal of the Spanish occupation in the seventies has reduced, because, nowadays several countries have retired its support to the state-building project. The Moroccan and American strategies as a warrant of the negotiation process have been one of stop and delay the making of a referendum that may allow the manifest of the will of the Saharawis in respect of their destiny as a nation. In fact, every day is more difficult to make such referendum, because the native population composition has been altered, situation that make unfeasible the creation of an electorate register system, and thus setting away the application of the international law, that through the International Court of Justice had recognized the existence of a nation, with a right of self-determination still kept on hold, and seeming that will still be kept in the future with no changes. ; La autoproclamación de independencia del pueblo saharaui fue reconocida por 72 Estados y posteriormente el Sahara Occidental fue admitido en la OUA durante 1982. No obstante, las fallidas negociaciones entre Marruecos y el Frente Polisario han incidido en que la resolución del Tribunal Internacional de Justicia no pueda aplicarse, manteniendo en espera la autodeterminación del reconocido pueblo saharaui. A su vez el apoyo político al proceso de reconocimiento de los saharauis, desde que España en los setentas del siglo pasado se retiró de su ocupación sobre la zona, se ha ido mermando puesto que en la actualidad varios países han retirado su reconocimiento al proyecto de ...