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The article looks into Austrian attitude to security co-operation in Central Europe. Austria has arrived at a very flexible definition of its neutrality concept. The recent security & defense doctrine (2001) describes Austria not as a neutral but as a "non-allied state." In has introduced the principle of "European solidarity" in the Austrian security policy. The neutrality, however, remains to be a sensitive political issue, which splits the Austrian society. The regional partnership has created a new regional platform, which has produced positive results in several policy sectors. At the same time, the real political potential of the co-operation has yet to be seen, mainly in the course of the EU-enlargement. The security dimension of regional co-operation has developed with some dynamism. It testified willingness & ability of the military & experts to work with regional partners. Nonetheless, the co-operation has remained largely low-key. The reasons are, firstly, that the prioritizing of the orientation of Austria to the West prevented Vienna from an active regional policy for most of the 1990s. Secondly, & in the long run even more crucially, the non-allied status of Austria hampers the security co-operation in the most crucial areas: defense, sharing of sensitive information, sharing & thus cutting the costs of rearmament & modernization of the armed forces & of the defense infrastructure. References. Adapted from the source document.

Looking at the security environment and the genesis of military education in Czechoslovakia and the successor states, they point to the harmfulness of the ideologisation of this education, underestimation, insufficient funding and the absence of theoretical teaching and practical training in schools of all levels. The basic mechanism of functioning of the security environment not only in the Czech Republic is a comprehensive connection of military education with the life of society, which is influenced by internal and external vertical and horizontal relationships, where there are a number of friction areas and significant security risks. The main players in security on the threshold of the new decade of the 21st century are facing new challenges and perspectives. © 2022 The Author.

The aim of the article is to provide readers with general information on nanotechnology & possibilities of its use, as well as to refer to some of its relevant security risks. The author currently mentions claims of some scientists & NGOs warning against possible misuse of nanotechnology due to the insufficient control over the research & the application. So far, less anticipated consequences of nanotechnology, converging with genetics, robotics, informatics & cognitive science, on all branches of the economy & social & other relations require that sufficient information should be given not only to the Czech experts but to general society as well. The real threat of the misuse of nanotechnology towards the research, development & the production of the new types of chemical, biological & nuclear weapons & other security risks increase that need. In spite of the long-term knowledge of nanotechnology, the possibilities of its use in a revolutionary way increased from 80th of the last century. It was due to the new types of microscopes enabling for the first time precise manipulation of the nanoscale particles. Results of nanoscale exploration are more & more visible eg., in various consumer products & according to the views of some scientific circles we could witness dramatic transformation of the economy in the near future. The article points out the rapid increase of spending on basic nanoscience research, growing number of governmental, private & multinational corporations & various national nanoinitiatives dealing with this kind of research & development, accepted mainly in the high-industrialized countries. In the article there are mentioned some reservations & concerns of the prominent American scientists & NGOs in association with the important goal of the nanotechnology research focused on the process of self-reproduction, self-repair & self-assembly. Various arms control & disarmament experts pay attention to the connections of the nanotechnological research with the possibility of production of the new types of nuclear weapons of the 4th generation. In conclusion the author expresses his view on the usefulness to create efficient system of the governmental & public control of this sphere of the scientific research & the need to devote sufficient attention by the appropriate officials & experts to the security aspects of nanotechnology. Adapted from the source document.

This essay focuses on the pension system & highlights some of its key elements. The first part deals with the economic principles connected with the social security system. Eatwell's model is utilized to give some basic intuition of terms & concepts used in the pension reform discussion. The second part classifies pension systems from different perspectives & discusses some of the factors relevant for the Czech reform effort. The last part brings the main arguments of the pay-as-you-go supporters that seem to be missing in the current Czech debate. The aim of the authors is to show that a pension reform is a rather complex problem where no fast, simple & impartial view solutions exist. Rather than giving any particular recommendations, the authors try to stimulate the current pension reform debate by stating some controversial issues. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author aims to evaluate Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) with regard to another theoretical approach to security -- Network Actors Perspective (NAP). The evaluation will focus on how RSCT takes into account the influence of non-state actors on regional security dynamics & their growing deterritorialization. Firstly the regional level of analysis approach will be sketched, & the emphasis will lie on RSCT as defined by Barry Buzan & Ole Wcver. It's important characteristics & features will be critically compared with those of NAP. The result will be further illustrated through a case of a regional security complex -- the Horn of Africa. Adapted from the source document.

The key argument of the presented text is the idea that the reform of the US security policy that started after 9/11; the US participation on counter-insurgency, stabilization and nation--building operations in Iraq and Afghanistan; and the big pressure on the domestic security structure led to a reorganization of the US security policy and a transformation of the domestic governance structures and practices according to the model of security governance. In an effort to defend the US against possible future terrorist attacks and formulate the robust counter-insurgency operation in Iraq and Afghanistan, the US Government started to create a new model of security policy organization and integrate diplomacy, development and defense instruments. While security policy used to have a clear chain of command, security governance is marked by a non-linear, horizontal, and networked policy coordination. Adapted from the source document.

The article examines the issue of the Czech Republic's (CR) membership in the European Union as regards the external dimension of security policy. The focus is on the participation of the CR in peace missions, both military & civilian, in the "out of area" zone. Military missions are a key aspect of foreign & security policy, & a part of the contemporary European Security & Defence Policy (ESDP). The framework of analysis utilizes the three-dimensional concept of politics -- polity, politics & policy. According to our analysis, the CR's participation in EU's missions is a predictable & natural outcome of Czech membership. The article also discusses the area of possible EU operations. The perimeter of the "closer neighbourhood" will play an important role in the future. However, other areas such as central Africa & some parts of Asia will also become the target of EU activities, mainly due to the nature of contemporary security threats. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

This study offers an analysis of the role of private security companies (PSCs) in the Czech Republic that builds on the model of global security assemblages developed by Abrahamsen and Williams. It applies this model to the Czech experience with the privatization of security since the end of the cold war by utilizing available data, complemented with information derived from structured interviews with the owners of PSCs operating in the Czech Republic. It suggests that the Czech market with commercial security services exhibits several specific characteristics, including the relatively high total number of registered PSCs (7000+) and their professional associations (16), the size of the gray and black markets involving PSC services (30 to 40 percent of the entire market), and the phenomenon of so-called "reverse revolving doors," whereby former owners or top managers of PSCs directly, or through family members, enter into, or establish their own, political party. Overall, however, this study confirms the key conclusions from previous applications of the model regarding the partial disassembly of the Czech state's security functions and the corresponding re-articulation of relations among public and private actors in the provision of security. Adapted from the source document.

Using the empirical case of the Iranian nuclear program, the presented text is intended to test and conceptualize the security model of nuclear weapons proliferation, as it was outlined by Scott Sagan. As a byproduct of alternative explanations, the security model offers an implied interpretation rather than a clear conceptualization. A defensive reaction to a perceived threat from another nation is inherently expected within the security model. The security related but offensive intent is not appropriately covered by the model, though. Assuming that a defensive purpose requires a present danger from the other nation and the ability of a prospective arsenal to effectively challenge this danger, the two parts of the article's body are respectively devoted to two issues: first, it is examined whether the threat perceived by Iran actually exists, and second, the ability of the arsenal to deter opponents is subsequently addressed within the framework of nuclear strategy. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the rules of power distribution and the delegation of power in international security organizations. More specifically, the paper describes and evaluates the delegation of power in the security regimes of the UN, NATO, and the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The paper proceeds from a hypothesis drawing on existing research. According to this hypothesis, the security regime of the UN is marked by a substantial delegation of power, but we can observe only weak power delegations in NATO and the CFSP. So while the UN's security regime can be considered supranational, NATO and the CFSP represent intergovernmental regimes. The analysis carried out in this paper confirms the hypothesis. In comparison with existing literature, however, the paper submits much more precise and concrete findings. Moreover, the paper also forwards a rather unique conceptual and methodological approach for studies of power distribution in international organizations (IOs). In this way, it contributes towards the general study of IOs, which is currently rather stagnant. Adapted from the source document.

Obálka -- Obsah -- Úvodem -- I. Hrozby a výzvy pro zajišťování bezpečnosti -- 1. Globalizace nejistoty (Jarmil Valášek, František Paulus) -- 2. Limity, dilemata a výzvy evropské bezpečnosti a obrany v čase nejistoty (Miloš Balabán) -- 3. Vnitřní bezpečnost v globalizovaném světě (Oldřich Krulík, Martin Linhart) -- II. Strategie, koncepce a regulace bezpečnostní politiky -- 4. Zákonodárná a výkonná moc: legitimita a legislativa bezpečnostního systému (František Vavera) -- 5. Bezpečnostní systém: optimalizace, nebo nová koncepce? (Antonín Rašek, Vladimír Krulík) -- 6. Schopnost prosazení bezpečnostní politiky: bez plánování není řízení? (Bohuslav Pernica) -- 7. Řízení bezpečnostní a obranné politiky: vítězství byrokracie? (Jan Ludvík) -- 8. Silová ministerstva: konkurence, nebo spolupráce? (Bohuslav Pernica) -- III. Zdrojové limity bezpečnostní politiky -- 9. Lidské zdroje: výzva demografického stárnutí (Martina Šimková) -- 10. Profesionálové: kvantita, kvalita a příprava (Bohuslav Pernica, Jaromír Zůna) -- 11. Profesionalizace ozbrojených sil České republiky: úspěch, nebo neúspěch? (Vladimír Karaffa) -- 12. Financování obrany a bezpečnosti: konec české cesty? (Bohuslav Pernica) -- 13. Občané v bezpečnostním systému: dobrovolnictví a občanská participace v prostoru mezi státem a trhem (Libor Stejskal) -- Závěr -- Summary -- Literatura -- Autorský kolektiv

The article deals with the former US President Bush's plan for the so-called third pillar of the American missile defense system in Poland and the Czech Republic in the context of American-Iranian and American-Russian relations. We assess the explanatory power of different but interconnected (neo)realist conceptualizations of security dilemma and deterrence. Specifically, the study evaluates the relative importance of classical security dilemma versus imperialist security dilemma and the explanatory power of three different modalities of deterrence. The paper further shows how Iran and Russia balanced the United States. We also argue that the American missile defense system was not primarily motivated by defensive realist worries about security, but rather by an offensive realist struggle for power and gains at the expense of others. Adapted from the source document.

Kniha se zabývá bezpecnostní politikou Evropské unie a podrobneji také jednoho z jejích clenských státu, Ceské republiky. Hledá odpoved na otázku, jestli v Evropské unii dochází ke splývání vnitrní a vnejší bezpecnosti a zejména ke stírání rozdílu mezi dvema nejduležitejšími bezpecnostními institucemi - policií a armádou. Zda splývá role policie a armády na úrovni Evropské unie, zda evropská integrace takový proces povzbuzuje, nebo mu spíše brání, a konecne zda dochází ke stírání rozdílu mezi policií a armádou na úrovni clenského státu.Autor dochází na základe prípadových studií evropské a nár

This article attempts to explain the diverging evolution of foreign & security policy in the EU. It begins by characterizing the CFSP/ESDP at the level of the armed forces, administrative structures, & decision-making bodies in comparison with practical implementation. This survey reveals two modes of interpretation: One based on the realist theory & the other on integration theories of neofunctionalism or institutionalism. The fourth part of this paper expounds upon the finding that neither of these theories are able to fully explain the empirical contradiction, brought forward by the rift between the EU member states in 2003, with regard to the intervention in Iraq, or the parallel dynamic developments within ESDP. The author suggests a possible solution based on the conceptualization of "high" & "low" foreign & security policy, derived from Stanley Hoffmann's original concept. Adapted from the source document.