Suchergebnisse

The security situation in Papua has recently escalated and tends to heat up. Responding to the escalation and violence that occurred in Papua, ensure that the government has categorized the Papuan Armed Criminal Group and all organizations and people who are members of it, and who support the movement, as terrorists. The increasing security situation in the Papua region is an urgency for the need for a comprehensive approach between the TNI, Polri, Satkowil, Regional Government, Ministry and Institutions to synergize in order to reduce the Papua conflict. The theory used in analyzing this problem is the theory of optimization, synergy, counter insurgency, the concept of terrorism, and the concept of national defense. The method that the researcher uses is a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach, based on the researcher's experience while on duty in Papua. The results of this study indicate that synergies between institutions / ministries have been carried out in the form of dialogue, a soft power approach within the OMSP framework, as well as empowerment of local communities by synergizing with local governments. However, with the ongoing conflict and several escalations that occur, this shows that the synergy is still not optimal enough.

Direct elections for regional heads by the people began after the issuance of Law no. 32 of 2004 concerning Regional Government. After the implementation of direct regional head elections by the people for 12 years, there were pros and cons regarding the implementation of direct regional head elections so that Law No. 22 of 2014 concerning the Regional Head Election in a representative manner by the DPRD which was later canceled through Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 2014 concerning Direct Regional Head Election by the People. The issuance of a Government Regulation in Lieu of a Law is intended so that democracy at the regional or local level can develop where regional people can directly elect their leaders at the regional or local level. This research is a normative legal research where the focus of the study is the norms contained in Perpu No. 1 of 2014 which returns the regional head elections directly elected by the local people. This research approach uses a qualitative juridical approach, namely examining from the legal side in addition to providing explanations regarding the considerations issued by the president's Perpu and the public's response to direct regional head elections. The purpose of this study is to determine the process of regional head elections that are directly elected by the local people so that the development of democracy at the local level can run well. The results obtained from this research are that direct regional head elections by the local people reflect more of a democratic nature than through representation and are in accordance with the wishes of the constitution that sovereignty is in the hands of the people.

As a state of law as well as a democratic state, Indonesia guarantees and protects the right to freely express opinions and the right to organize in society. This in the end becomes the basis for every member of the community to be free to establish an Ormas. The freedom to establish these mass organizations in its development is not controlled due to the absence of real government control and supervision. This has resulted in many mass organizations being born into thugs and illegal organizations. This study aims to analyze the current system of supervision of mass organizations in Indonesia, the weaknesses in the current implementation of mass organizations, and the ideal reconstruction of a system of supervision of mass organizations capable of realizing a just law of mass organizations. The research in this dissertation uses the sociological juridical method. As for the results of the research conducted, it can be found that the current implementation of normative supervision has not been effective, as evidenced by the large number of problematic and prohibited mass organizations, weaknesses in the supervision of mass organizations in the community due to a legal vacuum in the regulation of supervision of mass organizations, so it is necessary to reconstruct values by conducting supervision and education. regarding the goals of mass organizations and the goals of the state and nation as well as legal reconstruction in the form of adding provisions for the supervision of mass organizations in the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 16 of 2017.

This edition of the laws promulgated by successive Anglo-Saxon rulers over a period of five centuries was published in three volumes between 1903 and 1916 by the German historian Felix Lieberman (1851-1925), and is still regarded as authoritative. This unique body of early medieval legal writing, unparalleled in other Germanic languages, provides valuable source material for scholars of Old English and of legal history, and Lieberman's thorough engagement with the manuscripts has never been surpassed. Volume 3 provides introductions to each set of laws presented in Volume 1, and detailed line-by-line explanatory notes that complement the dictionary and glossary of terms found in Volume 2. Frederick Attenborough's The Laws of the Early English Kings (1922), providing a modern English translation of early Anglo-Saxon laws, is also reissued in this series

This edition of the laws promulgated by successive Anglo-Saxon rulers over a period of five centuries was published in three volumes between 1903 and 1916 by the German historian Felix Lieberman (1851-1925), and is still regarded as authoritative. This unique body of early medieval legal writing, unparalleled in other Germanic languages, provides valuable source material for scholars of Old English and of legal history, and Lieberman's thorough engagement with the manuscripts has never been surpassed. Volume 2 contains a dictionary of the Old English, Latin and French words found in the texts in Volume 1. The dictionary is presented in one alphabetical sequence, and is followed by a German glossary of legal terms listing references in the texts, other medieval works and later scholarship. Frederick Attenborough's The Laws of the Early English Kings (1922), providing a modern English translation of early Anglo-Saxon laws, is also reissued in this series

This edition of the laws promulgated by successive Anglo-Saxon rulers over a period of five centuries was published in three volumes between 1903 and 1916 by the German historian Felix Lieberman (1851-1925), and is still regarded as authoritative. This unique body of early medieval legal writing, unparalleled in other Germanic languages, provides valuable source material for scholars of Old English and of legal history, and Lieberman's thorough engagement with the manuscripts has never been surpassed. His preface explains that owing to factors such as the extreme variability of Old English orthography, and the existence of both Latin and Old English versions of the same material, a traditional edition using just one base manuscript with a critical apparatus would have been too unwieldy. Volume 1 introduces the manuscripts, and gives several parallel versions of each text in Old English and Latin with a facing translation into modern German. Frederick Attenborough's The Laws of the Early English Kings (1922) is also reissued in this series

This essay presents a case study (the 2020 Presidential Election in the United States) in order to analyzing ongoing changes at domestic politics and foreign relations of a world superpower. It portrays a qualitative analysis informed by a bibliographic revision of the aforementioned topics. 2020 began with President Donald Trump dully avoiding an impeachment trial and trumpeting his divisive economic achievements (at the expenses of World Trade Organization and US partners). His mastery of a self-professed "art of the deal" at least seemed plausible as a set of political stunts. On the other hand, the Democratic Party remained splintered. The impeachment attempt put the party on the back foot, propelling POTUS' premature campaigning. With populism on the rise on the world stage, for a while – it seemed – Trump could stand a chance at reelection. At the shadow of a global epidemic, Trump's walls and fiery unilateralism fell down pretty quickly.

The United States and its allies based their legal basis for the 2003 war against Iraq on Security Council authorisation. Over time, the principal justifications originally given for the war have lost much of their force. The United States and their allies have toyed with the idea of other possible factors on which this war could be justified. They are: self-defence, the war on terrorism and Humanitarian Intervention. It is important to note that as the allies justification is based on United Nations Security Council authorisation, and not the other issues discussed below, they cannot be held legally liable under any of the below . The dispute about the legitimacy of the Iraq war is not just an academic issue. It is quite possible that serious political problems could emerge for a number of Governments. This analysis will seek to elucidate and weight up all the salient issues and arrive at a rational and objective view.

The Industrial Revolution 4.0 (IR4.0) is taking shape and has a strong impact on all areas of social life. For the state administration, the IR4.0 creates many opportunities as well as challenges that require managers to promptly grasp to have appropriate orientations and solutions, to perfect the state administration, to meet the requirements of national development. On the basis of analyzing the positive effects and challenges of IR4.0 on the reform of the state administration, the article proposes a number of recommendations: actively improve the institutional system of the administration, create a legal corridor for the development of industries and fields; promote the application of modern technological achievements to the management activities of administrative agencies; actively, proactively build and improve the qualifications and capacity of civil servants. Thereby, it will continue to perfect the state administration, and meet the requirements of IR4.0.

The common approach to the negotiation process focuses on the external manifestation of the interaction between two parties who are trying to reach a satisfactory agreement. This view does not take into account the internal drivers of behavior of the involved parties. The externalized dynamic between the negotiators is only the secondary result of the interplay between the conscious and unconscious elements in the psyche of both parties. The condition of a long-lasting agreement is therefore a collaboration between the conscious and unconscious representation on the individual level. This article examines the transcendent function as a union between the conscious and the unconscious, specifically the ego and the self. It focuses on the tendencies of these two factors that can either hinder or make the transition of energy possible in view of reaching a successful manifested agreement. The study provides a straightforward reference that can be used by analysts and business professionals to help them understand what are the psychological aspects that affect the negotiation process, both on the individual and on the collective level.

Post-Soeharto Indonesia, known as the era of reform and democracy, has not been able to inhibit corrupt behaviour by state officials at the central and local government levels, in legislative and executive institutions, or in the judiciary as a judicial institution. This article discusses and analyses the corruption process carried out by state officials, especially those occupying legislative, executive, and special judicial institutions at the central government level in interacting with each other and with outside institutions. The public's hope that ongoing democracy will be able to limit political corruption in Indonesia is only an illusion, considering the democracy model that developed in Indonesia post-Soeharto led to a patronage democracy, namely the interaction of power between state institutions which is based on mutually beneficial considerations. Another consideration is that the institution that administers justice which serves as law enforcement agency is involved in corrupt practices.

This article discusses election governance based on public participation with qualitative research methods, the approach used in case studies in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province, the region is one of thirty-four province in Indonesia. Governance is an approach that is considered relevant, because election governance is its manifestation. The results show that the Regional of General Election Commission of NTB as the authority of election organizers succeeded in building a model of election governance based on public participation through three strategies, namely the movement to protect suffrage, family-based voter education, and voter education based on educational institutions. These three models are designed through three approaches, namely multi-stakeholder partnership, convergence, safety and public health of disaster areas. The methods of implementation include; short videos about elections, consistent use of mass media and continuous election classes. The impact of the public participation-based election governance model in NTB is that the number of public participation in 2019 Elections increased to 82 percent compared to 2014 Election of 77.32 percent where the model has not been implemented. The obstacles faced in building participatory-based election governance are two, namely; the issue of legitimacy provided by the Electoral Law and has not been made the education of voters as core business of General Commission Election, while voter education is an effective instrument in developing public participation. The solution is necessary to change article 3 and article 15 (Presiden Republik Indonesia, 2017) on the elections to include participation as the principle of organizing elections. In addition, voter education should be the core business from the national to the regions.

: Based on Presidential Instruction Number 7 of 2015, the Indonesian Prosecutor's Office deems it necessary to provide assistance to relevant government officials in terms of development acceleration and strategic national development programs. In addition, the Indonesian Attorney General's Office as a law enforcement agency has a role in supporting the success of national government and regional governance and development through escort and security, both in planning, implementing and utilizing development outcomes, including efforts to prevent state irregularities and losses. The establishment of TP4D in Semarang Regency, as an effort to be able to prevent the occurrence of Corruption Crime (Tipikor), mainly related to Village Fund Financial Management (APB Desa). In the effort to prevent Tipikor in managing APBDesa often faced with internal problems of the Village Government, among others: low levels of devotion, low ethics and integrity, egoistic behavior, low professionalism. While those related to external problems, among others: the first factor of the government administration system, in the form of: regulations that are still overlapping, sectoral and institutional selfishness, limited internal supervision, development of HR management is still limited. The second is related to cultural factors, among others: the existence of a culture of "tired money / facilitation money" as an additional income for the apparatus, an attitude of reluctance, and a shift in social and economic values. The strategy that has been carried out by the Semarang District Government and the Village Government in suppressing the occurrence of corruption in APBDesa management, namely, among others: strengthening the Government Internal Supervisory Apparatus (APIP) institutions, monitoring planning, implementation and accountability, conducting APBDesa information disclosure, and increasing HR Village Apparatus