This work analyzes the Agenda 2030 in its main potentiality to lead public policies and private actions towards a more sustainable path. At the same time it acknowledges its dependency on measurements and finance mechanisms for the Sustainable Development Goals implementation. The main argument is that public expectations face difficulties to be translated in public actions, due to, among other factors, the lack of measurement and finance mechanisms. With this purpose it starts describing what is the Agenda 2030, and how this United Nations lead international declaration is structured to be monitored and implemented by States and others multi stakeholders. Secondly it analyses the importance of the measurements to address critical social environmental challenges and to allow comparison between the achievements of each member state. Third it remarks the role-played by international financial institutions, by international investment and by the private sector in general. Forth, the article highlights the drawbacks the methodology of goals can represent when used to overcome collective challenges marked by moral issues and diffuse impacts, being highly dependent on measurements and finance tools. The methodology chosen was the descriptive and normative, the techniques used were documentary, legislative and bibliographic research.
Self-determination is a crucial concept in establishing the legitimacy of political communities in the international system, and thereby in constructing social identities and political loyalties. At the most general level, self-determination refers to an idea of a right to freedom. In international politics, it also refers to a norm on ways of bounding political communities. At the same time, what self-determination precisely means is contested and contingent. I argue that self-determination evolves today amidst a tension between the challenges of diversity and liberal peace dictates. While diversity has to do with varieties of cultural expression, socioeconomic organization and political status, liberal peace dictates concern global governance practices that tend to impose previous liberal models of democracy, development and human rights. The essay first presents the evolution of the meaning of self-determination in international politics. Then it addresses critical approaches upon contemporary liberal peace. The remaining sections analyze how contemporary self-determination movements present claims highly suggestive to rethink forms of political community, of state-community relation, and of participation in global governance structures.
Self-determination is a crucial concept in establishing the legitimacy of political communities in the international system, and thereby in constructing social identities and political loyalties. At the most general level, self-determination refers to an idea of a right to freedom. In international politics, it also refers to a norm on ways of bounding political communities. At the same time, what selfdetermination precisely means is contested and contingent. I argue that self-determination evolves today amidst a tension between the challenges of diversity and liberal peace dictates. While diversity has to do with varieties of cultural expression, socioeconomic organization and political status, liberal peace dictates concern global governance practices that tend to impose previous liberal models of democracy, development and human rights. The essay first presents the evolution of the meaning of self-determination in international politics. Then it addresses critical approaches upon contemporary liberal peace. The remaining sections analyze how contemporary self-determination movements present claims highly suggestive to rethink forms of political community, of state-community relation, and of participation in global governance structures.
In international relations, international security combines that set of international relations that ensures global stability. In other words, international security is a state in which states are not threatened by war or by any breach of their sovereignty or independent development by other states. In accordance with the UN Charter, the Security Council currently has the main task of ensuring world peace, also having the sole right to impose sanctions against aggressors. The idea of international security, its realization in practice is determined by historical, economic, political, social conditions, as well as other factors. The problem of international security arose with the formation of the state institution, being always close to the problem of war and peace. Over time, there has been a change in the ability to analyze and report security issues. Along with these, both the policies and the security strategies of contemporary societies have undergone a process of metamorphosis.
After the Lisbon Summit of 2009, the whole matter of fundamental rights in the European Union has taken a new connotation. Local economic interests and social protests – in opposition to the "neoliberal agenda" of EU institutions – have played an important role in stopping the enforcement of the "Constitutional Treaty" and boosted an anti-Euro mobilization. In the meanwhile, the European bodies and transnational corporations have continued to settle a new and alternative basis for the integration. A radical shift can be observed, from the research of synthetic set of principles – as those established on the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights – to a deeply technical and detailed normative production. The regulation on safety and healthy workplaces is one of the best point of view to study this change. Far from calling into question the unbalanced positions between the parties in contemporary labour relationships, the European strategy for workers' protection move through procedural issues and voluntary obedience to the soft law instruments. In the past, the legal doctrine described the creation of a multilevel architecture of institutions, sometimes implemented in a top-down approach. Along with this, recently, it was implemented the establishment of common organizational standards associated to a specific system of corporate governance to pursue a better integration between business and fundamental rights. ; Após o Summit de Lisboa de 2009, toda a questão dos direitos fundamentais na União Europeia tomou uma nova conotação. Os interesses econômicos locais e os protestos sociais – em oposição a "agenda neoliberal" promovida pelas instituições europeias – têm desempenhado um papel importante em parar a execução do "Tratado Constitucional" e impulsionaram uma mobilização anti-Euro. No enquanto isso, os organismos europeus e as empresas transnacionais instalaram uma base nova e alternativa para a integração. Uma mudança radical pode ser observada, a partir da pesquisa de um conjunto (ainda) sintético de princípios – como os estabelecidos na Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais da União Europeia – para uma produção normativa profundamente técnica e detalhada. A regulação da segurança no lugar de trabalho é um dos melhores pontos de observação para estudar a transformação mencionada. Longe de pôr em causa as posições desequilibradas entre as partes nas relações de trabalho contemporâneas, a estratégia europeia para a proteção da saúde dos trabalhadores prefere as questões procedimentais e a adesão voluntária aos instrumentos de soft law. No passado, a doutrina jurídica descrevia a criação de uma arquitetura multi-nível de instituições, as vezes implementada por meio de uma abordagem de cima para baixo (top-down approach). Junto com isso, recentemente, teve a implementação de padrões organizacionais comuns para a criação de um sistema específico de governança corporativa, finalizado a buscar uma melhor integração entre os negócios e os direitos fundamentais.
Popular constitutionalism arises as a counterpoint to liberal constitutionalism, by rejecting the supremacy of the Judicial Power and proposing the transfer of the final, binding, interpretative authority of the Supreme Court to the people. The theory, which had its most prominent manifestation in Larry Kramer's work, is based on a popular dissatisfaction with the current constitutional model and on the perspective that the people are the best interpreter to preserve the real meaning of the constitutional text. However, according to the perspective adopted in this paper, the proposal starts from mistaken assumptions, affecting, in particular, their subsistence and practical implementation. In this article, using the hypothetico-deductive method, the theory of popular constitutionalism is analyzed, followed by the criticisms developed under the conceptual aspect and the fundamental bases of the proposal of Larry Kramer. The analysis reveals that Kramer, seeking to prevent judicial tyranny, defends the proposal of popular constitutionalism, while the criticisms are directed in the sense that the fragility of the judicial supremacy gives room for a popular tyranny. However, solutions to this dilemma are decided in politics, not law. Keywords: Federal Constitution; Popular constitutionalism; Judicial supremacy; Accountability. ; El constitucionalismo popular aparece como una oposición al constitucionalismo liberal, al rechazar la supremacía del Poder Judicial y proponer el traspaso de la autoridad interpretativa, final y vinculante de la Corte Suprema al pueblo. La teoría, que tuvo su manifestación más exponencial en la obra de Larry Kramer, se basa en un descontento popular con el modelo constitucional vigente y en la perspectiva de que el pueblo es el mejor intérprete para preservar el sentido real del texto constitucional. Sin embargo, la propuesta, según la visión que se defiende en este trabajo, se basa en supuestos erróneos, afectando en gran medida su subsistencia e implementación en el plan práctico. En este ...
This article analyses a series of legal and illegal state policies and ruling-party strategies, of a repressive nature or involving political perse-cution, which were implemented by Peronist governments between 1973 and 1976, in the period prior to the military dictatorship that imposed State terrorism in Argentina. The observation of these practices is combined with the study of the discourses of diverse members of the political system from the period.The study reveals the gradual establishment of a discourse about "national security", that is to say, based on the idea of a subversive enemy of a domestic nature and alien to the "national spirit". The Argentinian case study shows that this type of discourse, which is generally associated with the military regimes of the Southern Cone, also existed and was put into practice in constitutional regimes. ; In the 60s and 70s in Brazil, the Armed Forces were involved in the political repression under the inspiration of the National Security doctrine and the French military thought about Revolutionary War. According to these theories, this new kind of war, which combined military operations and political propaganda, required a strong intervention of the armed forces and the police, as well as the full knowledge of the techniques and tactics of the enemy, which was done by means of a strict information control. Much of this information was obtained through interrogation under torture of political prisoners. This article is about the themes of these interrogations, and the likely use of the collected information. Broadly, they were used in three fronts: Finding the enemy, knowing the structure and procedures of their organizations, and evaluating the militants' degree of involvement in political activities.
As a sovereign and independent state, the Republic of Moldova has been going, for more than two decades, through a long process of asserting the country globally, certifying the status of the Republic of Moldova as a member of the international community and subject to international law. An important role in this sense is also the membership of our state in various regional and international organizations, and of increased interest are those specialized in combating all forms of organized crime. Taking into account its geographical position, but also the socio-human factor, we can not neglect the strategic role played for this purpose by the organizations from the Community of Independent States, those from the Black Sea Basin, or the Western Balkans. Thus, this article aims to review the most important regional and international organizations fighting cross-border organized crime of which our country is a member, with the presentation of the activity and role of the Republic of Moldova within them
The problem to be addressed in this article is related to the precautionary principle and its incorporation into the Brazilian law. As it is beknown, this principle has been widely cited by Brazilian case law and it is an important part of the legal and environmental scholarly production. However, it follows that its application has been made fairly randomly, and even so there is no clear and operational definition of its content. The hypothesis being examined is that since the Rio Declaration's - in its translation into Portuguese - environmental legislation has termed as legal principle, which internationally is an approach, a precautionary measure, as can be seen in both the texts in English and French of the Rio Declaration and other relevant legal instruments. The methodology to be used is the research of the case law and relevant legal rules, as well as the examination of the scholarly production on the subject. As a result, the conclusion is that there is an overuse of the precautionary principle by the Brazilian courts, especially by the Superior Court of Justice and that, in this case, the Federal Supreme Court has played a moderating role in relation to the application of the precautionary principle.
Since 2003, the Brazilian government and certain sectors of Brazilian society have been debating the revitalization of the Brazilian defense industry (BDI). This article analyses some of the arguments in these debates (the rights of nations and duties of governments as regards defense, the possibility of coercive action by the great arms exporters, evidence that the defense industry has always run a deficit, and the export needs the country would have if it decided to revitalize its defense industry) and analyzes other questions that merit scrutiny (the causes of the crisis in the BDI that occurred in the 1980s, the causes of low internal demand, the economic and technological impact of the BDI). This is done by comparing these arguments and exploring these questions based on an analysis of documents. In this way, we aim to provide reliable information from Brazil and elsewhere to contribute to this debate. ; O governo brasileiro e setores da sociedade brasileira vêm promovendo, desde 2003, debates sobre a revitalização da indústria de defesa brasileira (IDB). O artigo analisa alguns argumentos presentes nestes debates (direito das nações e deveres dos governos em relação à defesa, possibilidade de uma ação coercitiva dos grandes exportadores de armamento, evidência de que a indústria de defesa sempre funciona de maneira deficitária e necessidade de exportar que teria o País como imposição da decisão da revitalizar a IBD) e analisa outras questões que também merecem aprofundamento (as causas da crise da IBD ocorrida na década de 1980, as causas da baixa demanda interna, o impacto econômico e tecnológico da IBD). O método adotado foi o de confrontar aqueles argumentos e explorar aquelas questões baseando-se em análise documental. Pretende-se, assim, proporcionar informação abalizada de origem nacional e estrangeira capaz de propiciar uma maior reflexão sobre o tema pela sociedade.
"Health Law is consolidated in Brazil as a specific field of knowledge to be studied, as is already the case in other countries, such as France and Canada. Endowed with hermeneutic principles that are proper to it, Health Law is presented today as the scientific field specifically aimed at understanding how the right to health can be effectively protected in democratic societies, including normative studies,jurisprudence and comparative." ; "O Direito Sanitário consolida-se no Brasil como um campo de conhecimento específico a ser estudado, a exemplo do que já acontece em outros países, como a França e o Canadá. Dotado de princípios hermenêuticos que lhe são próprios, o Direito Sanitário apresenta-se hoje como o campo científico voltado especificamente a compreender de que forma se pode proteger eficazmente o direito à saúde em sociedades democráticas, abarcando estudos normativos, de jurisprudência e comparados."
In every country, behind the official law composed of the Constitution, statutes, rules edited by the Executive branch, and legal precedents, there is also another concealed regulation, based on the structure of ruling powers within society and legitimized by social mentality. Such duplicity of legal systems has always existed in Brazil. Apart from the official law, which follows valid civilization standards of countries that we consider to be culturally more advanced, there is a tacit law in force, whose role is to protect the interests of dominant social groups. This article illustrates this twofold reality of Brazilian law with the historical cases of slavery and democracy. In order to change this social structure, whose appearance does not reflect effective reality, the author highlights the need for a wide and continual denunciation of its illegitimacy. ; Em todos os países, por trás do direito oficial, composto pela Constituição, pelas leis, as normas editadas pelo Poder Executivo e os precedentes judiciais, existe sempre outro ordenamento encoberto, fundado na estrutura de poderes dominantes na sociedade e legitimados pela mentalidade social. No Brasil, essa duplicidade de regimes jurídicos sempre existiu. Além do direito oficial, que acompanha os padrões de civilização vigentes nos países que consideramos culturalmente mais avançados, vigora um direito não escrito, cuja função consiste em proteger os interesses dos grupos sociais dominantes. O artigo ilustra essa realidade bifronte do direito brasileiro com os casos históricos da escravidão e da democracia. Para mudança dessa estrutura social cuja aparência não condiz com a realidade efetiva, o autor sublinha a necessidade de uma ampla e contínua denúncia de sua ilegitimidade.
O momento de ataques à democracia e ruptura com políticas desenvolvidas pelos governos populares (2003-2016), no Brasil hoje, vem produzindo reverberações na política educacional e tem encontrado diversas resistências. Propomos neste texto, tratar das especificidades dessa forma de resistência que foi a realização da CONAPE, em maio de 2018, em Belo Horizonte. No desenvolvimento de nossa argumentação, primeiramente situamos o golpe e suas consequências no contexto do que chamamos de tsunami conservador transnacional que opera em diferentes dimensões e aspectos da vida social, em que vamos tratar das resistências em geral, e da CONAPE, em particular, apontando que a luta por um mundo justo e solidário não se deixa paralisar. ; The current scenario of attack on democracy and rupture with policies developed by popular governments (2003-2016) in Brazil has been producing reverberations in educational policies not without resistance. This article proposes to address the specific form of resistance that CONAPE (National Conference on Popular Education) held in May 2018. In the development of our argument, we first situate the coup and its consequences in the context of what we call a transnational conservative tsunami that operates in different dimensions and aspects of social life, in which we will deal with resistances in general, and CONAPE in particular, pointing that the struggle for a fair and solidarity world that does not allow itself to be paralyzed.
Abstract This paper aims to reflect about the contradictions of international cooperation for development in Haiti that can be summarized in two perspectives: the North-South cooperation (NSC) and South-South cooperation (SSC). The dynamics of relationships can mix them (N-SSC). We identified governmental and nongovernmental particularly in health, linked to the OECD, the ALBA-TCP and UNASUR as empirical sources for reflection. The OECD privileges the perspective of NSC: commitment of developed nations with undeveloped. It operates mainly through NGOs. The ALBA-TCP and UNASUR have followed the perspective of SSC: commitment and solidarity among nations alike. They emphasize the horizontal partnership based on solidarity, respect for national sovereignty and peculiarities of each country. The resumption of the categories imperialism and internationalism may contribute to the understanding and analysis the contradictions in the international development agenda, illustrated by how these different actor in Haiti organize their actions. While the first one indicates bonding mechanisms geopolitical hierarchy, the latter suggests possibilities for overcoming these mechanisms. Key-words: International cooperation; Haiti; Imperialism; Internationalism; Organizational studies. Resumo Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre contradições da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento no Haiti, resumidas em duas perspectivas: cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS) e cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). A dinâmica das relações pode misturá-las (CN-SS). Identificamos atores governamentais e não governamentais, na área da saúde, vinculados à OCDE, à ALBA-TCP e à UNASUL como fontes empíricas para a reflexão. A OCDE se orienta, predominantemente pela CNS, ou seja, pelo compromisso de assistência que os países desenvolvidos oferecem aos subdesenvolvidos. Opera principalmente através de ONGs. Nas ações da ALBA-TCP e da Unasul predominam a perspectiva da CSS: comprometimento solidário entre nações iguais. Enfatizam a parceria horizontal baseada na solidariedade, no respeito à soberania e peculiaridades de cada país. A retomada das categorias imperialismo e internacionalismo contribui para compreensão e análise das contradições na agenda internacional do desenvolvimento, ilustradas pelas formas mediante as quais esses diferentes atores organizam suas ações no Haiti. Enquanto as dos países da OCDE denotam mecanismos geopolíticos hierárquicos, as ações dos países vinculados à ALBA-TCP e da UNASUR sugerem possibilidades de superação desses mecanismos, buscando a cooperação genuína e autodeterminada. Palavras-chave: Cooperação internacional; Haiti; Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudos oganizacionais. Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las contradicciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Haití, resumidas en dos puntos de vista: cooperación Norte-Sur (CNS) y cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS). La dinámica de las relaciones pueden mezclarlos (CN-SS). Identificamos los actores gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, en la salud, de la OCDE, del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR como fuentes empíricas para la reflexión. La OCDE se orienta principalmente por la CNS, es decir, ofrecen asistencia a los países sudesarrollados. Opera principalmente a través de ONGs; en las acciones del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR predominan la perspectiva de CSS: el compromiso solidario entre naciones iguales. La énfasis és en la colaboración horizontal basada en la solidaridad, el respeto a la soberanía y las peculiaridades de cada país. La reanudación de las categorías imperialismo y internacionalismo contribuye a la comprensión y el análisis de las contradicciones en la agenda de desarrollo internacional, ilustrada por las formas en que los diferentes actores organizan sus acciones en Haití. Mientras que los países de la OCDE indican mecanismos geopolíticos jerárquicas, las acciones de los países vinculados al ALBA- TCP y UNASUR sugieren posibilidades para la superación de estos mecanismos, buscando la cooperación genuina y autodeterminada. Palabras-clave: Cooperación internacional; Haití, Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudios oganizacionales.
This article aims to study the changes brought by Federal Law 13,655/18 to the Law of Introduction to the Rules of Brazilian Law - LINDB from the perspective of the control of the Public Administration. We intend to analyze the new provisions added to the original legal diploma and its implications regarding the control of the activities performed by the Public Administration entities. One of the most relevant changes concerns the necessary assessment of the consequences of decisions taken by the public control bodies, the assessment related to the efficiency concerning the Public Administration activities, the greater role played by social participation, and, therefore, a more democratic scenario. On this basis, consensuality also acquires greater relevance. The analysis took place here starts from a historical retrospective of the control of Public Administration in Brazilian Law. Secondly, the different forms of control of the Public Administration are analyzed, and then the new concepts brought by the LINDB, as it was altered in the year 2018, are analyzed. ; O presente artigo tem por escopo o estudo das alterações trazidas pela Lei Federal 13.655/18 à Lei de Introdução às Normas do Direito Brasileiro – LINDB, sob a perspectiva do controle da Administração Pública. Nesse esteio serão apreciados os novos dispositivos acrescidos ao diploma legal original e suas consequências no que toca o controle das atividades da Administração Pública. Nota-se que uma das mais relevantes alterações diz respeito à necessária apreciação das consequências das decisões a serem adotadas pelos órgãos de controle, a percepção de eficiência na ação administrativa, além da maior participação social e viés democrático. Nessa égide, a consensualidade também adquire relevância. A análise do tema partirá de um retrospecto histórico do controle da Administração Pública no Direito Brasileiro, passando pelas formas de controle da Administração Pública, para então analisarmos e discutirmos os novos conceitos inseridos na LINDB no ano de 2018.
