Suchergebnisse

The phenomenon we have tried to approximate in our work is that of Romanian inter-war spirituality. The "protagonists" of this research belonged to the so-called "young generation" or "generation 27", that is "The Criterion group": Mircea Eliade, Emil Cioran, Constantin Noica, Mircea Vulcanescu, as well as other two representatives of a different generation: Nae Ionescu and Nichifor Crainic.
The first chapter, entitled "Steps and traps in the perception of Romanian inter-war spirituality" stipulates the topic of our research. The novelty of the approach lies in our desire of deciphering the way in which these persons had perceived themselves and their role in what we are going to refer to as the great inter-war experiment. We intend to regard reality as the sum of various images, arising from different layers of perception, coming from the respective personalities, their critics and exegetes. These images overlap to an extent that does not justify the metaphor of a "mirror broken into pieces" and reconstructed; they merely form a sort of kaleidoscope whose images are recomposed in ever changing pictures every time the object one looks through revolves. In the same time, we make a starting point in an idea suggested by social psychology, which leads to our belief that the way in which the protagonists under discussion perceived themselves was defined by their representations on the events of the time, a sort of intellectual projection of collective consciousness.
We made clear some terms such as "post-event perception": the type of cognitive reflection upon a cultural background that occurs under the circumstances imposed to the subject, situated at considerable distance in time, capable of placing him in a favorable position – as the absence of subjectivism cannot contaminate direct, synchronic perception of events; possible reiteration of the moment achieved by means of reading, an experiment possessing the supplementary cognitive charge of an anticipatory knowledge of the denouement, as well as a series of disadvantages – such as the informational deficiencies caused by the passing of time, the reality of events being an indirect, secondary one; the contamination of hypothetical decisions and post-event judgments by the bulk and value of information on the events, as well as their subsequent evaluation, jeopardizing the accuracy of perception.
Evaluating the working hypotheses we notice that there is a considerable difference between the way in which we, who were not directly involved in the events, perceive the "epoch", and the way it was perceived by the persons whose intentions we are striving to decipher, together with the ideas and attitudes they shared, the people they came into contact with, the events they took part in or carried them along a sometimes disagreeable, often ungrateful History. Our protagonists observed that whatever culture consecrates or recovers is in possession of another type of reality. It is a relatively continuous reality; even if it becomes the subject of ever renewed evaluation, it constantly perpetuates a series of values, while history is anthropophagous, swallowing in an equally inconsiderate manner both geniuses and jesters, bringing together in its terrifying ignorance both illustrious characters and the most ordinary of all people.

Dezbaterile publice privind administraţia publică sunt de neconceput fără analiza problemelor ce vizează autoadministrarea colectivităţilor locale. Carta Europeană a Autonomiei Locale tratează colectivităţile locale ca fundamente ale democraţiilor contemporane, recunoscându-le dreptul şi capacitatea de a rezolva o parte considerabilă din problemele cu caracter local sub propria responsabilitate şi în interesul populaţiei locale. Pentru exercitarea acestui drept, fiecare stat elaborează cadrul normativ, care, sub influenţa mediului politic, social şi economic, este supus unor permanente modificări, operate pentru a da mai multă forţă sistemului de autoadministrare. Prezenta lucrare îşi propune să faciliteze cunoaşterea, înţelegerea şi însuşirea problematicii autoadministrării colectivităţilor locale. Pe planul informaţiei sunt prezentate rezultatele cercetărilor analitice, obţinute fie în cadrul unor eforturi de cercetare, fie în programe de consultanţă. Rolul acestora este de a sugera pe de o parte importanţa cunoaşterii potenţialului colectivităţilor locale, constrângerilor şi resurselor în planificarea unor măsuri asumate formal şi de o manieră sistematică. Pe de altă parte oferă soluţii practice şi sugestii privind aplicarea unor acte normative şi soluţionarea diverselor probleme generate de practicile cotidiene. Înserarea în conţinutul lucrării a problemelor de natură juridică şi teoretică urmăreşte nu doar înzestrarea cititorului cu informaţii relevante şi actuale. Acestea apar mai degrabă ca un reper pentru contemplare, pentru clarificare şi sistematizare şi mai ales pentru a le situa corect în raport cu misiunea activităţilor circumscrise administrării. Lucrarea va fi utilă celor implicaţi în procesul decizional local, funcţionarilor publici din instituţiile administraţiei publice locale, angajaţilor întreprinderilor municipale, studenţilor şi masteranzilor, tuturor celor interesaţi de problemele autoadministrării locale.

The European Charter of Local Self-Government is, so far, the first and most important international political tool which guarantees the development of decentralization of public power and local autonomy. It represents the commitment of the Council of Europe's member country to promote in the internal organization of their states, a new distribution of functions and powers in order to support the development of subnational levels.
In carrying out the delimitation process of responsibilities between levels of public power's achievement we should start from the provisions of The European Charter of Local Self-Government which is based on institutional practices and structures, tested for decades in dozen of European countries. That means rationing, giving up improper structures, which would result the removing of the vertical power and as consequence the demolition of foundations on which inefficiency and corruption are based on. The necessity of transferring the resources and powers to the local level is dictated by a vital imperative – the strengthening of local public authorities' capacities and potential in order to locally provide a maximum volume of qualitative public services. This requires creating a clear and simple demarcation algorithm of responsibilities between the levels of exercise of public power.

The study includes the results of the survey conducted on 241 students of the Polytechnic University of Timisoara in December 2019, which measured the self-assessment of their professional skills and abilities, perception of the faculty, practice activities, hopes after graduation.

It is important to study the decentralized government's bases for the current period of Moldova's development, to develop its conceptual bases and to create a theoretical model of decentralization which would be most acceptable for existing realities and would produce the expected results following the consistent introduction in daily practice.
An issue which decentralization of public power depends very much and should be considered as a priority is the creation of a favourable normative and institutional framework to decentralization process.
Although the Parliament of Moldova approved the National Decentralization Strategy, in its practical realization there are still many inconsistencies and shortcomings.

The article is an account of Romanian Marxist discourse between 1970 and 1980, one that was completely engaged in the justification and legitimation of the contemporary totalitarian political regime. Radu Florian's works, one of the most representative authors of this decade, are analysed via the conceptual lenses of Austrian economic theory. This methodological approach is quite fertile, since it generates clear explanations why Marxist theory and the communist state incarnating its teachings could not and cannot implement their claims. The samples of Romanian Marxist discourse under scrutiny are a showcase of philosophy invaded by rhetorics and converted into ideology. The author concludes that Romanian Marxism in the designated period represents a long line of contradictions resulting from the attempt to adapt a cruel reality to a generous and humane self-construction of a political programme.

The survey was conducted between March 9-20, 2022 on a sample of 800 people living in 220 urban and regional localities in all counties of Romania, with a statistical error of +/- 3.5%. He measured the attitude of Romanians towards refugees from Ukraine, but also from other geographical regions. Compared to the similar research in October 2021, there was a 25% increase in the favorable attitude towards refugees, and it is the highest increase among young people, those with higher education, employers, those living in very large cities. Romanians are favorable to the entry of refugees from Ukraine and hypothetically from Moldova, but more reluctant to those from Asia, Africa, Latin America or the Caucasus. Romanians' self-esteem has significantly increased for the exemplary way in which their fellow citizens have been involved in helping refugees in Ukraine, although they are aware that there is a risk of upsetting the Russian Federation.

The name is one of the essential basic elements of the identity of a local collectivity. The local collectivity is self-identified and individualized through its name, in relation to the other collectivities of the same type.
The name of local collectivities have functioned and developed during the centuries. Their meaning, content and evolution provide the valuable information concerning the evolution of local collectivities over time.
The return to the traditional names of local territorial collectivities was the first stage of the attempts to the territorial-administrative reform in Moldova.
Although, many localities have reestablished their historical names, the process is not ended. Still today, one can find in toponymic landscape of Moldova, the names of localities which are improper to the national spirit and historical traditions.
The procedure regarding the assignment or change of the designation and the return to the historical names of local collectivities is in the process of examination.

This article discusses the case of Ion Grigorescu, and of his ambiguous relationship with the communist regime, which he registered through a form of "documentary realism". Through his "realgrams" Grigorescu documented real life experiences in an innovatory approach to the majority of Romanian artists of the time using photographs of his everyday environment, and being inspired by his social and political context. Grigorescu is thus an artist committed to the public space and assuming a critical stance without it being discursive, pedant or moralizing. The approach of this study is descriptive, based on the artists' artworks and self-descriptions, and seeking to situate Grigorescu's approach in the context of the communist regime and its transformation after 1990 into a democratic regime. The conclusions show that Grigorescu's artworks are anti-system, criticizing any establishment, no matter in which regime he finds himself. His contestation is specific to a committed artist that chooses to express his freedom of expression beyond his own studio.

Subsidiarity emerged in Europe in the practice of self-governing local communities. The subsidiarity principle is one of the most solid pillars of the societies' organization. According to the dictionary of the Spanish Real Academy (Academia Real Española), subsidiarity is "a favorable trend in complementary participation (subsidiary) of the State in private or community support activities". In recent studies on this principle it was concluded that subsidiarity is a polyhedral concept, taking into account its theological, philosophical, political, and not least, juridicial origins. Subsidiarity is a general principle applicable only to situations when it is recognized a shared competence between the Community and the Member States. Exclusive Community competence established by the Treaty is not recognized as being subject to subsidiarity. Subsidiarity is the level by which the society is released from the state's tutelage, is the way in which citizens agree to articulate and monitor state power so that it will not be in a position to nurture itself and ambition to produce and control the citizens

Any reflection on the relationship between religion and politics in the Catholic thought cannot do without reminding the Augustinian distinction between the civitas Dei and civitas terrena. The goal and foundation of any just political community should be the orientation to wards the common good. In the contemporary catholic thought, Johann Baptist Metz proposes a political theology revolving around the concepts of the value of the human person, the necessary refusal, on the part of the Church, of any mundane ideology and the necessary use of the socially critical potential of theological thought. Hans Küng criticizes any politicization of theology. He insists on the development of an internal pluralism within the Church and advocates a self-limitation of the magisterial intervention in the world in the name of a necessary "eschato logical reserve". Joseph Ratzinger/Pope Benedict the XVIth , invested with the magisterial authority, relies heavily on official documents of the Catholic social doctrine. He emphasizes the necessity of founding the state on the central value of justice and its acting according to the principle of subsidiarity. In this context, the Christian faith and the Church in particular may have a pedagogical role, as it may guide reason to follow the right priorities. All three thinkers agree on the public significance of the Christian vision of society and on the fact that it may help society both by its critical and by its constructive dimension.

This article explores a number of the themes that late researcher and professor Alexandru Duţu treated in his the articles, book reviews and interviews published in the Romanian cultural and opinion press between 1990 and 1998 (Arc. Litere. Arte & Meşteşuguri, Cotidianul. Litere Arte. Idei, Dilema, Secolul XX, Transilvania, Viaţa Românească etc.). As some of these themes are covered also in his scientific works, the study contributes thus to an inventory of the historical premises for Duţu's ideas on the formal and contradictory duality of the modern world, including the duality of "organic" and "organized solidarities", as well as the Janus-like nature of liberty or of liberties. Furthermore, it investigates his view on the reconstitution within the orthodox space of the Romanian cultural and political tradition, "ravaged" by the rationalism of the 19th century modernization efforts. This "aggression" led to the emergence of a new image of tradition, in folkloric tones, that has stubbornly endured also throughout the protochronism preached by the communist regime. Finally, the article approaches the sensitive theme of human condition during communism and the Duţu's self- professed "inner exile", as well as on his reactions as a citizen of the polis. All these stem from this long scholarly history of dual worlds, particularly the condition of the individual for more than three centuries: that of a relentless search for the lost harmony between the "world within" and the "world outside"), as well as from the internalization of his personal development.

Cinematography was deliberately organized, financed and oriented towards the purposes of the system and consequently became the most effective element of political and cultural pedagogy. The synchronic correlation between word and image, the power of visual suggestibility, empathy as an emotional response to the actors' performance - all these had immediate effects on the collective imaginary, on the perception of reality as a social and identity-forging project determined by the emergence of the ideological discourse. The Romanian socialist cinematography from the time of Ceauşescu synthesized and systemized a coherent and explicit system of values wherein it integrated the message of literary and other artistic works, of variegated forms of cultural expression, so that Romanian cultural axiology could find new possibilities to stand out in strict dependence to the institutional and optional structures of mass culture. The cinema per se thus became a sort of pedagogy for universal use, rendering the past heroic, as it exacerbated the national ego via the instruments of entertainment. Highly permeated ideologically and quasi entirely subordinated to the Communist cultural policies, the cinema production, carried out because of the appeal to emotions and collective memory, thus became part of the official discourse and orientated its issues, especially after the 11th Congress of RCP, according with the political and ideological interests of the national Communist project. The analysis focuses on the Romanian historical films with subjects and episodes relevant for the ancient and mediaeval history, in relation with the efforts of identity reconstruction, coordinated during the Communist regime in relationship with the project of the socialist nation's building and, after 1989, in relationship with the attempt of reconsolidating, sometimes from a radical perspective, the nationalist mythologies. Socialist patriotism thus incorporated many stereotypes drawn out from the ante-bellum, as well as from the inter-bellum Romanian spirit: the lyric of self-identification expressed by the film soundtrack and by the majestic character of the heroic gestures, the heroic epic obvious in the popular ballad pattern of pre-modern nature, the activist pedagogy specific to all forms of identitarianism. Despite all this ideological infusion, the mythology of Romanian historical films during the Communist nationalist times remains one of a sadistic-masochistic nature, cultivating the fear towards the Other, fatalism, expectation and obedience, all chronic and historicized.