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Aus schwedischer Sicht + Stellungnahme wichtiger Persönlichkeit

The political situation of the late twentieth and early twenty-first century is characterized by the increasing influence of the ethno-national factor on the political processes taking place both in individual States and within the international community. There is growing antagonism among peoples within multinational States, accompanied by violent civil wars and refugee flows. Yugoslavia and Russia are striking examples of such conflicts. Along with the integration processes, which resulted in the creation of political, economic and social institutions at the supranational level, there is a trend of ethnicism of the European political space. Increasingly, national minorities are seeking to establish their own States or want to join the ancestral state. International security and the world were depending on the decision of problems of national minorities, international organizations and all stakeholders need to develop new approaches to the reconciliation of national interests. To understand the principle of free self- determination of peoples in the context of the rights of national minorities. The issue of the right of national minorities to self-determination is relevant and not indisputable in international law. The solution to the problem posed questions to international organizations, the answers to which were ambiguous as to whether there was a difference between the right of a people to selfdetermination and the right of a minority to self-determination. Whether a people in the position of a national minority could enjoy the right to self-determination. If so, to what extent, what legal and political problems may arise in its implementation.

Kernpunkt dieses Beitrags über die Auswirkungen der Wirtschaftskrise in den kapitalistischen Ländern auf die afrikanische Bevölkerung ist die Kritik an der Politik des "structural adjustment" von IMF und Weltbank: infolge der Akkumulationskrise und der diversen Anpassungsprogramme, die das nationale Selbstbestimmungsrecht untergraben, ist - so der Autor - der Lebensstandard der afrikanischen Bevölkerung drastisch gesunken, die Kraft der Arbeiterorganisationen geschwächt und die politische Repression verstärkt worden. Abschließend werden Beispiele aus verschiedenen afrikanischen Ländern für den erfolgreichen Kampf der Bevölkerung gegen die Politik des IMF genannt. (DÜI-Hns)

Sammelband mit 12 Beiträgen aus den Bereichen Sprachwissenschaft, Sozialanthropologie, Geschichte, Politik, internationales Recht und internationale Beziehungen. (DÜI-Etr)

Explores Tibetan demands for self-determination in the context of the Soviet Union's collapse & the independence of formerly subjugated nations. The Chinese Communist Party originally identified with V. I. Lenin's definition of self-determination as freedom from European colonialism. Under the rule of Mao Tse-tung, the promise of the right to self-determination made to the Mongolian, Tibetan, & Uighur peoples was replaced by the intent to form a multinational unitary state in which minorities were liberated from both the oppression of foreign imperialism & domestic reaction. This mixture of Marxist paternalism & Chinese nationalism has been negated by the resurgence of traditional culture in the newly independent nations of the former Soviet bloc, as well as post-Maoist developments in China. The Tibetan fulfillment of the prerequisites for self-determination as defined by the UN is discussed, along with the role of the Dalai Lama. It is argued that Chinese interests would not be eroded by self-determination in Tibet. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix. J. Lindroth

Patients' rights are subjective rights of the individual and mean the realization of broader or general fundamental rights. So on the one hand, the right to be informed and to consent to treatment or medical intervention is a realization of the right to physical and mental integrity of the person; on the other hand, the protection of data on patient health is a realization of the right to privacy of the person. And just as the right to manifest wills, they are also a depiction of therights to dignity and the free development of his personality.The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, approved in Nice on 7 December 2000 and awarded the same as the International Treaties by art legal value. 6.1 of the Maastricht Treaty (Treaty of Lisbon of 13 December 2007, which entered into force on 1 December 2009), recognized in the art. 3.2 a) the right of everyone to physical and mental integrity, forcing respect in the fields of medicine and biology «free and informed consent of the person concerned,in accordance with the procedures laid consent by Law.»

The main focus of this article is the methodological problem of the selfdetermination of the philosophy according to the phenomenological analysis carried out by Heidegger in one of the lectures of his early period (the so called Früh Freiburger Vorlesungen). The general frame of the current paper implies a hermeneutical thesis according to which the relevance of the well-known "factical life" is not solely thematic but mainly methodological. This function explains why these "phenomenological exercises" are some sort of genetical enquiries. In consequence, the specific aim of this article is, on the one hand, to show that the problem of the selfdetermination of the philosophy is the document of the more basic problem of the possibility of access to the intentional structures as such. On the other hand, this implies that the facticity as the primary horizon of comprehension constitutes in deed a redrawing of the intentional structure, in such a way that it is avoided the paradoxical consequences of the reflexive-intuitive model of access to one self and makes a relevant issue to the philosophy the problematic character of the intentionality itself.

Started 1998, Indonesia faced political instability due to the social unrest and the step down of Indonesian President Soeharto. The condition impacted into the East Timor condition to have self-determination right to have its independent. Indeed, historically The Dutch colonialized Indonesia; meanwhile East Timor was colonialized by the Portugal. Therefore, the creation of UNAMET initiated by the United Nations to give the right to the people in East Timor for referendum whether they choose to be independent or still be apart of Indonesia. This paper will try to prove that UNAMET was not promoted the right to self-determination for people in East Timor for several reasons. Firstly, the peace keeping forces of the UN in East Timor were led by Australia, which had a special interest to East Timor regarding the East Timor Gap Project. Secondly, UNAMET staff proved to be partial in supporting the pro-independence and intimidate the people in society who supported the integration with Indonesia by attacking the members of society who flew the Indonesian flag. Thirdly, the United Nations proved they were only there as a means to protect the US and Australian interests by postponing the referendum through the United Nations Security Council, which created more instability among the people in East Timor.