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SOCIAL CONFLICTS ARE THE MOTOR OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS & POINT TO A DESIRE OR STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL CHANGES. THESE CHANGES ARE SUBSEQUENTLY REALIZED IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS, & THE RESULTS LAID DOWN IN THE LAW. DISPROPORTIONAL POSITIONAL CHANGES OF ACTORS WITHIN A SOCIAL SYSTEM BRING ABOUT CONFLICTS. POSITIONS ARE TIED TO VALUE DISTRIBUTIONS, THUS DISPROPORTIONAL DISTRIBUTIONS OF VALUES LEAD TO CONFLICTS. A SECOND APPROACH MAY BE FOLLOWED, VIZ, THE UTILITY-THEORETICAL OR THE SATISFACTION-THEORETICAL APPROACH. THIS APPROACH DEALS WITH AN ANALYSIS OF UTILITY-FUNCTIONS OF ACTORS, CONFLICT BEING DEFINED AS A POSITION ON THE SATISFACTION-SCALE. 2 FIGURES. MODIFIED HA.

The state of Dutch political thought in the seventeenth century is reviewed. Three main approaches are discussed: (1) The critical approach is represented by P. de la Court, who, influenced by Hobbes, defended a more democratic type of government. (2) The historical-philological movement, represented by J. Lipsius, Boxhornius, & Burgersdijk, was based on Aristotelian metaphysical concepts to develop a more systematic base for historical research. This movement influenced the development of the typical research style of the political sciences in Germany. (3) B. de Spinoza's passion-reason theory led to an analytical political science, exemplifying the typical method of integrating theory & empirical (historical) information. Modified HA.

An examination of G. A. Almond's approach in the field of comparative res on pol'al systems, contained in his Introduction to THE POLITICS OF DEVELOPING AREAS, Princeton, NJ: 1960. His functional approach compares Western & nonWestern systems in terms of a common conceptual framework. However, there are theoretical & practical objections to Almond's work. There is, for instance, no clear theoretical reason why he selects particular functions rather than others; & when applied to existing systems, it becomes very difficult to distinguish pol'al soc'ization from recruitment. The functions presented in the Introduction are not made operational, & this difficulty must be solved before Almond's scheme may become a useful tool in comparative res. IPSA.

The framework of public administration in many developing countries was, to a large extent, set by the colonial powers: direct or indirect rule, centralization of administrative power benefiting only a small elite, & the abuse of power at the lower levels of government affect the administrative apparatus to this day. Other problems are the psychological insecurity of many administrators, the intertwining of politics & administration, the inability of the administrators to cope with problems of economic planning & performance, & the general shortage of skilled personnel, especially in the field of management. The science of public administration presents various approaches to the study of administration in developing countries, including: (1)`ideographic' analysis (largely descriptive, & directed at the solution of practical problems), & (2) typologies & classifications (`crude' models or sophisticated ideal types, like M. Weber's 'bureaucracy'). F. W. Riggs's bipolar ideal type of 'agraria' & 'industria' deserve particular attention; when used in the context of an ecological approach (eg, Riggs, F. W., Administration in Developing Countries-The Theory of Prismatic Society, Boston: Little, Brown, 1964) it forms a very useful approach to the study of public administration in developing countries. Ideographic analysis suffers from a lack of scientific rigor, but its attention to history & culture & its practical orientation constitute definite advantages. Yet, there are considerable problems in justifying `comparative ideographic' development assistance in the field of public administration. Weber's ideal type offers another useful starting point for the study of development administration, but only if one uses the bureaucratic ideal type in a more inductive way than Weber did, & if one takes great care to avoid simplistic notions about a `modern' bureaucracy. Riggs's ecological approach & Weber's ideal type of `the bureaucracy' as reformulated by F. Heady (Public Administration: A Comparative Perspective, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1966), seem to be the most solid bases for a further development of the study of development administration. Modified HA.

The framework of public administration in many developing countries was, to a large extent, set by the colonial powers: direct or indirect rule, centralization of administrative power benefiting only a small elite, & the abuse of power at the lower levels of government affect the administrative apparatus to this day. Other problems are the psychological insecurity of many administrators, the intertwining of politics & administration, the inability of the administrators to cope with problems of economic planning & performance, & the general shortage of skilled personnel, especially in the field of management. The science of public administration presents various approaches to the study of administration in developing countries, including: (1)'ideographic' analysis (largely descriptive, & directed at the solution of practical problems), & (2) typologies & classifications ('crude' models or sophisticated ideal types, like M. Weber's 'bureaucracy'). F. W. Riggs's bipolar ideal type of 'agraria' & 'industria' deserve particular attention; when used in the context of an ecological approach (eg, Riggs, F. W., Administration in Developing Countries--The Theory of Prismatic Society, Boston: Little, Brown, 1964) it forms a very useful approach to the study of public administration in developing countries. Ideographic analysis suffers from a lack of scientific rigor, but its attention to history & culture & its practical orientation constitute definite advantages. Yet, there are considerable problems in justifying 'comparative ideographic' development assistance in the field of public administration. Weber's ideal type offers another useful starting point for the study of development administration, but only if one uses the bureaucratic ideal type in a more inductive way than Weber did, & if one takes great care to avoid simplistic notions about a 'modern' bureaucracy. Riggs's ecological approach & Weber's ideal type of 'the bureaucracy' as reformulated by F. Heady (Public Administration: A Comparative Perspective, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1966), seem to be the most solid bases for a further development of the study of development administration. Modified HA.

J. Galtung's redefinition of the concept of peace is a classic example of an attempt to reorient a discipline by coining a new term; but it should not be the pleasant connotation of the term 'positive peace', but its usefulness in studying factual violence, which should be decisive in determining the merits of the new definition. Three objections to Galtung's definition are raised: (1) It is quite ineffective to criticize the 'minimal' definition of violence, which is meant to refer to observable phenomena, by counterproposing a theoretical construct. Galtung's definition of violence, which, apart from 'direct' violence, includes also 'structural' violence, needs prior operationalization before it can be used in empirical research. (2) Although Galtung's use of the term 'structural violence' suggests otherwise, any indication of the social units to which the 'actual' & 'potential realizations' in his definition of violence refer, is lacking. Most of Galtung's examples are at the individual level. Social interdependencies (eg, those resulting from the DofL) necessitate the introduction of properties of the SE order in Galtung's terminology & require that he make explicit how 'the best attainable realizations' (as the most likely interpretation of 'potential realizations') can be incorporated in his thinking. (3) In drawing a distinction between 'personal violence' & 'structural violence', Galtung mistakes a distinction between theoretical alternatives in the study of violence (ie, the Clausewitzian approach vs the causal-empirical approach) for a distinction between kinds of violent relationships. In emphasizing that the causes of war should also be searched for in periods of peace, Q. Wright has shown that 'positive peace' cannot be considered as an alternative for 'negative peace'. Nevertheless, Galtung's use of the term has induced serious disagreement among peace researchers about the most desirable research strategy in their discipline. 'Critical' peace researchers (Galtung not included) tend to rely on ideological testimony instead of empirical proof for the causes of violence. Research into those causes, including the relationship between social injustice & violence, is regarded a more fruitful approach. 6 Tables. Modified HA.

During the last 10 years, 2 different approaches to automatic content analysis have been developed. The 1st makes use of a theory about the meaning of words, as formulated in "dictionaries." The best example of such a program is the "General Inquirer." In the 2nd procedure, no assumptions are made about the meaning of the words, but an attempt is made to discover the content of a text by analyzing the co-occurrence of the words. Both procedures have been illustrated with RIQS, a retrieval program, which is available in the Netherlands. RIQS cannot be used for the dictionary procedure, because of the limits of the dictionaries; however RIQS can be used for the other procedures because the files produced by RIQS are written as SPSS-files, so that several types of analysis procedures can be used. Some important developments over the last years are mentioned: "disambiguation," validation of dictionaries, more flexible versions of the General Inquirer, dictionaries for non-English languages, & new computer programs for automatic content analysis. 7 Tables. HA Tr & Modified by I. Verluyten.

Questions re whether politicians make deductions re the formal pol'al power constellation on the nat'l level from the approach or results of municipal elections are raised. Data from the elections in Belgium over the past 100 yrs are examined in this context. The elections of 1921, 1926, 1938, & 1958 had no influence on the nat'l power constellation. Since WWI not a single municipal election has led to changes within the nat'l gov. It is traditional in Belgian pol that the nat'l opposition, when the results of municipal elections are in its favor & prejudicial to the party in office (as in 1946, 1952, & 1964), tries to question the legitimacy of the gov by way of motions & appeals in parliament. Gov's have never given in to these attempts. The elections of 1857, 1884, & 1932 show an element of power in the dissolution of the then gov's. The gov'al crisis of 1884, however, can only be explained through the constitutional position of King Leopold II. The municipal elections of 1932 anticipated the legislative elections of that yr & served as an indicator of the electoral condition. But in view of the diff between nat'l & local positions, it was an unreliable indicator. Modified HA.

An attempt to show how digraph-theory may be utilized in developing a soc network-theory, esp in the field of local power & influence. Some of the ways are indicated in which digraph-theory, which serves as a descriptive-explicative mathematical model, can be used to analyze componenets of theory of local power. Power is conceptualized as a system of SR. This presupposes in every local community a certain network of exchange ties. A mathematical description is sought of some of the properties of such a power-network. A mathematical model is used in the sense of a collection of definitions. The theory of graphs as a mathematical model in the study of local power configurations is, at least in the beginning, a descriptive theory of power structures. In a descriptive model based on the theory of graphs the power configuration (made of local influentials & the set of relationships among them) is conceptualized as a graph (a directed, possibly valued, multi-graph). When this is done, theorems about the graph, which is assumed to be isomorphic to the power configuration, can be translated into corresponding statements about the power structure. In this context the validation of such statements is a purely logical validation, a consequence of the assumed isomorphy between the graph & the power configuration. This descriptive approach is presented here. 27 Figures. Modified HA.

An extensive review is given of the book Graven naar Macht ([Digging for Power] Amsterdam: Van Gennep, 1975) by H. M. Helmers et al & with the collaboration of Jac. M. Anthonisse. The word Graven in the title not only means 'unearthing', but also refers to the research technique used: the analysis of graphs. The power in question is that allegedly possessed by the directors of big corporations, who spin a web of interlocking directorates within industry & finance & with government (particularly the Dept of Education & Sciences, of Economic Affairs, & the Social & Economic Council of the Netherlands). Although the authors are political scientists, they go beyond their competence by passing judgment on the contributions of economics, which they judge to be poor or entirely lacking. They argue that economics has lost sight of the phenomenon of power because it has become so mature in a technical sense, & abstract. Hence, the authors feel obliged to probe for the kernel of Dutch economy with a new method of analysis. It is argued that the authors missed the essentials of economic theorizing in general, that they were unaware even of those areas of economics that deal explicitly with at least part of the problem they want to tackle (especially the theory of allocation & of markets, managerial & behavioral theories of the firm, & the field of industrial organization) & that they failed to discover the core of Dutch economy, whether judged by the standards of their own approach or by comparison with the insights of economic theory. The gathering & presentation of the data & the presentation of graph theory are praised. The rest of the book is said to be a failure; the authors do not live up to their intentions. Modified HA.

DUTCH POLITICAL SCIENTISTS RECOMMEND THE USE OF D. EASTON'S FORMULATION OF THE 'AUTHORITATIVE ALLOCATION OF VALUES' BUT DO NOT TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE SPECIFIC WAY IN WHICH HE DEFINES THE CONCEPT OF AUTHORITY. HE EMPHASIZES THAT AUTHORITY PERTAINS TO THE FACT OF COMPLIANCE, IRRESPECTIVE OF THE REASONS FOR IT. AUTHORITY MAY BE BASED ON COERCION. IT MAY BE LEGITIMATE, BUT IT MAY BE NONLEGITIMATE (COERCIVE) AS WELL. THE 'AUTHORITATIVE ALLOCATION OF VALUES' REFERS TO THE BINDING CHARACTER OF THE OUTPUTS OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM. WE ARE BOUND TO COMPLY, WHETHER WE WANT IT OR NOT. EASTON PAYS CONSIDERABLE ATTENTION TO THE INPUT OF SUPPORT IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEM. WE ARE LENDING SUPPORT TO THE POWER HOLDERS, EVEN WHEN WE ARE COMPLYING UNDER THE THREAT OF SEVERE DEPRIVATIONS. THE RELATIVE F OF COMPLIANCE IS INTRODUCED AS AN ESSENTIAL VARIABLE OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM. THIS RELATIVE F MAY BE RELATIVE TO THE EXTENT THAT IT WOULD BE UNNECESSARY TO REQUIRE A RESERVOIR OF DIFFUSE SUPPORT (IE LEGITIMACY). WHEN EASTON DOES START BACK FROM THE IDEA THAT COERCION MAY GUARANTEE THE PERSISTENCE OF A POLITICAL SYSTEM, THIS IS A RATHER SHAKEY STEP. EASTON SEEMS SET AGAINST THE APPLICATION OF 'UNDEMOCRATIC' INSTRUMENTS. SUCH ANTIPATHY AS TO COERCIVE MEANS OF COMPLIANCE DOES NOT FIT WITH HIS REMARKS ON THE PLACE OF AUTHORITY IN THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK. AS FOR THE CRUCIAL FORMULATION OF THE 'AUTHORITATIVE ALLOCATION OF VALUES', IT IS POSSIBLE TO ANALYZE TESTS OF STRENGTH, REVOLUTIONS, TERRORISM, & DESPOTISM. THE APPROACH IS FAIRLY DYNAMIC. TODAY'S POWER-HOLDERS MAY BE TOMORROW'S POWERLESS; THE 'AUTHORITIES' HAVE THE CAPACITY TO ORDER OTHERS, NEITHER MORE NOR LESS. HA.

As a starting point comparative pol'al sci is circumscribed as the field within the discipline of pol'al sci which, in the methodological sphere, focuses on problems of comparison &, as to the substantial side, concentrates on problems of pol'al change, pol'al development, & pol'al modernization. The elaboration is accomplished by posing 3 questions: (1) Does comparative pol'al sci have a method of its own (the comparative method)? (2) Does comparative pol'al sci have a subject matter of its own? (3) If the previous questions are answered in the negative, does comparative pol'al sci refer to a particular perspective as regards pol'al life? It is concluded that comparative pol'al sci, although lacking a method & a subject matter of its own, may be considered a subdiscipline of pol'al sci: standing for a relativistic outlook on pol'al life, it seems to have an important task in the context of pol'al sci. Its main characteristic will remain the search for universal generalizations. B. J. S. Hoetjes (U of Amsterdam, the Netherlands) in a COMMENT, states that a definition of a field of (pol'al) sci should give the characteristics of the substantial problems & concerns within such a field. For a definition of comparative pol as a subfield of pol'al sci this implies the rejection of a purely methodological definition, the more because the comparative method does not seem to offer any distinct approach to the study of pol; one should look for a category of empirical pol'al phenomena to characterize the subfield. On this point Rosenthal is not seen to be very clear: he mentions the pol'al problems of developing areas as 'the' typical object of comparative pol, but the basic concern, according to him, is the widening of the empirical base to the theories, hyp's & generalizations. Since the study of any topic could very well contribute to this purpose, there remains no typical topic to characterize the subfield of comparative pol. At the same time, the widening of the empirical range of pol'al theories by itself can be considered the typical & legitimate concern of the 'empirical pol'al theorist' as a specialist within the field of pol'al sci. It seems useless as well as confusing to double-label this specialist as 'comparative pol'al sci'st.' Modified HA.