Predmet rada su činioci i struktura političke kulture mladih u Srbiji. Politička kultura shvaćena je kao sveukupnost političkih i politički relevantnih orijentacija među pripadnicima jedne političke zajednice koja obuhvata nekoliko tipova orijentacije: kognitivne, afektivne, motivacione, vrednosne i ponašajne. ; The paper explores the factors and structure of youth political culture in Serbia. Political culture is defined as a comprehensive sum of political and politically relevant orientations of the members of a political community and comprises several types of orientations: cognitive, affective, motivational, evaluative and behavioural. Accordingly, five components of youth political culture were distinguished and operationalised by a large number of indicators. The empirical basis for the thesis is a survey conducted in 25 randomly selected secondary schools from the city of Belgrade. The total of 788 students from four different types of secondary school participated in the research: grammar schools (N=202), technical (N=207), economic (N=211) and medical (N=168). The sample was restricted to students of the final year (average age M=18.10, SD=.40). Three-quarters of students (75%) in the sample attend urban secondary schools and one quarter suburban (25%). There were more female participants (58%) than male (42%). Research results indicate that the level of youth political knowledge is low. The majority are not informed about topical social and political issues nor acquainted with certain basic rules regarding the functioning of the Serbian political system, such as the election threshold, government composition or the number of MPs. The prevailing feelings towards numerous analysed political objects are negative. Young people are highly dissatisfied with the current socioeconomic situation. The President, the Government, the Parliament, police, judiciary, the European Union or NATO, are not much trusted. Political cynicism is dominant, while for the majority politics is not the field of interest nor is considered important in life. Most students believe that they cannot influence political affairs (however, surprisingly, they are ready to vote in the following elections) while their opinions on social activism are divided. The attitude towards pro-system values is often ambiguous and vague. The attitude towards democracy is predominantly positive. However, the majority of students do not perceive favourably the newly established mechanisms and institutions of market economy and are hence more inclined towards the socialist than (pro-)market orientation. It can be said that they do not support the freedom of speech, multi-party system and rule of law.
Post-cold war concept of security is based on realistic postulates and emphasises a concept of state, forces,power and national interests. Military and political concept of security was dominant while the relations between the superpowers was based on the so called bipolar balance of power. Identity of states was realised by membership in military, political and economic organisations. The strategy of returning to the era of nuclear weapons reaches its full flowering. The crucial point of security after the end of Cold war consists of searching for giving answers to the threats coming from the outside and abilities of states to maintain their independent integrity against changed relations among the powers, which potentially may become enemies. Under such circumstances powers should not be ignored in any interpretation of any aspect of security, for realistic theories of international relations are still of great influence in the field of security. They will be modified in different conditions and will act in the sense of enlarged concept of security - instead of dominant concepts of political and military security typical for the Cold War era, economic, social and environmental factors will appear. Basic weakness of the realistic theories of security is in the lack of recognising the importance of cooperation between main factors in international community. This failure will be replaced neo realistic and liberal and institutional theories of security which emphasises the concept of cooperation in the first place. Concepts of power, forces and integral processes will be observed within the context of changes in the international relations.
Just in the immediate neighborhood of European Union (EU), Western Balkan (WB) countries are lagging behind in the energy transition regardless technological advances and policy instruments available. EU recently created a momentum for the energy transition acceleration with the European Green Deal, which is forwarded to the WB through the Energy Community secretariat and in general, the response in the form of National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs) is expected in the short to midterm. Recently presented the new Republic of Serbia's Low Carbon Development Strategy with Action plan (LCDSA) will be analyzed, commented and improvements suggested for the acceleration of the energy transition, based on the newest findings from the simulation-based optimization techniques using the sectors coupling approach. Furthermore, integrated assessment modeling techniques (IAM), exploring the climate and energy cross impacts with the more details will be included. The purpose of the research is to provide the decision makers in the WB with the best available insights regarding sustainable energy systems, and citizens of the WB with to benefit from adoption of these strategies.
Each scientific explanation, as per the author's view, is strived and required to have the most possible systematic character, and to enable the explained problem to be comprehended in the widest theoric-systhematic frame. Having analysed the methodological problem of comparative studies in education from the point of view of the mentioned studies, the author determined that the approaches to comparative study of education and schooling were not to be uniformed ones from the simple reason they had been grown out from different philosophic and theoric fundament. From the wider point of view, comparisons enable the comprehension of the phenomenon of education and schooling, their dialectics of manifestation, and their importance for human and society development. Methodologically taken, comparativistics of education and schooling is enriched with new techniques and methods. The comparison overcomes the meaning of one method (comparative method). Different orientations and different methodological procedures in comparative study of education and schooling were being appeared. Bearing in mind the complexity of comparative pedagogy problems, the author indicated the relevant methodological problems from which the historic dimension of comparative pedagogy progress was being visible. The author made the analysis of methodological problem of comparative research in education through several phases having considered basic characteristic of research, understanding of method system of comparative pedagogy, problems of contradiction of comparative research, its presence etc. From the point of view of the indicated problem, it is essential to state the consciousness on the methodological foundation of comparative researches of education and schooling is being broadened, which leads to the research of phenomenon of education at more qualitative level.
У теорији постоји сагласност да тероризам представља политички мотивисано насиље и да у том смислу представља један од облика насилне политичке борбе. Специфична разлика тероризма у односу на друге облике политичког насиља је примарна усмереност ка стварању, одржавању и експлоатацији страха ради застрашивања противника и јачања подршке међу присталицама. Суштинска одступања од теоријских и правних критеријума при одређивању тероризма постоје у пракси Савета безбедности. Општа оцена деловања Савета безбедности приликом доношења резолуција о тероризму јесте да прати владајући политички дискурс у коме су најпре државе биле одговорне за тероризам, да би потом "слабе", "неодговорне" и "репресивне" државе биле одговорне за омогућавање деловања међународних терористичких организација на својој територији. Савет безбедности усвајао је резолуције у којима је терористичке акте одређивао спрам природе акта, али и спрам извршиоца чиме су сви акти претходно одређене терористичке организације квалификовани као терористички акти. Истраживањем је утврђено и да је приликом усвајања појединих резолуција политичка сврсисходност утицала да се истоврсна понашања не квалификују увек као терористички акти. На основу изведених закључака утврђено је да сложеност борбе против тероризма представља последицу првенства политичке сврсисходности при квалификовању акта насиља као терористичког акта, а не због тешкоћа у дефинисању тероризма. Промене у концепцији тероризма у резолуцијама Савета безбедности и њихова усклађеност са владајућим јавним дискурсом одвијају се истовремено са настојањем САД и других западних држава да преобликују међународну заједницу и успоставе нови светски поредак. У таквим околностима тероризам почиње да егзистира као офанзивно политичко средство хибридног ратовања, при чему се негативна конотација тероризма експлоатише на два начина. Прво, тероризам постаје политичка оцена нечијег деловања без обзира на природу тако означене активности. Друго, тероризам се употребљава као насилно политичко средство које, у зависности од интереса онога ко цени одређено понашање, неће у свакој ситуацији бити означено као тероризам, већ понекад и као легитиман облик политичке акције. Офанзивни карактер одлуке истовремено води занемаривању научних критеријума у корист политичке сврсисходности при квалификацији неког понашања као терористичког акта. Доминација политичког критеријума при квалификовању терористичког акта утиче на инструментализацију тероризма и његово претварање у ефикасно средство хибридног ратовања. Садржај хибридног ратовања није последица неограниченог избора средстава односно оружја нити њихове софистицираности, већ способности безбедносног менаџмента да у свакој конкретној ситуацији независно од организационог нивоа примени такву комбинацију различитих, али међусобно компатибилних појединачних начина ратовања којом се остварује синергијски ефекат ради реализације претходно постављеног циља. Управо због тога тероризам као облик сложеног политичког насиља постаје предмет експлоатације у сврху хибридног ратовања. На основу резултата истраживања описана су три модела експлотације тероризма у сврху хибридног ратовања. Први модел експлоатације тероризма изведен је из политичке праксе САД да државе за које САД сматрају да користе тероризам као политичко средство ставе на Листу спонзора тероризма. Имајући у виду политички и сваки други утицај који САД имају, овакава пракса и њене последице формално или неформално су прихваћене широм света. Основне последице стављања на Листу спонзора тероризма су санкције, дискредитација у међународној јавности и легитимисање мера против таквих држава, док се у исто време таквом праксом врши притисак на државе које нису на Листи да ускладе своју политику са интересима великих сила. Други модел експлоатације тероризма у сврху хибридног ратовања манифестује се кроз организовање, финансирање, опремање, обуку и усмеравање сурогат снага против влада држава са којима није остварена компатибилност интереса, при чему су сурогат снаге представљене у јавном дискурсу као борци за слободу. Предмет експлоатације у Другом моделу јесте насиље које испуњава теоријске критеријуме да буде означено као тероризам, али је због политичке сврсисходности квалификовано као борба за слободу, отпор против угњетавања и сл. Експлоатација насиља у Другом моделу врши се у циљу промене носилаца политичке власти, стварање аутономних регија односно држава које би биле кооперативне са политиком државе која примењује Други модел или као део шире стратегије управљања безбедносним процесима. Трећи модел експлоатације тероризма у сврху хибридног ратовања подразумева организовање и управљање сурогат снагама које су квалификоване као терористичке организације или се врши инфилтрација појединаца у изворне и самосталне народне побуне ради преузимања руководећих места и управљања њиховим деловањем у складу са интересима државе која предузима Трећи модел. Предмет експлоатације у Трећем моделу јесте насиље које је квалификовано као тероризам, при чему је циљ експлоатације вишеструк: 1. Путем насиља и страха који настаје као последица вршења терористичких аката управља се безбедносном ситуацијом у држави која је мета агресије или у региону који је потребно политички и територијално контролисати, са или без физичког присуства оружаних снага државе која примењује Трећи модел; 2. Стварање страха код одређеног или унапред неодређеног броја држава од потенцијалних напада терористичких организација ради вршења латентног политичког притиска на државе да буде кооперативне, и 3. Стварање разлога за војну интервенцију ради присуства и политичке контроле одређене државе или региона. На основу претходно изнетих резултата истраживања изведен је закључак да први корак у спречавању експлоатације тероризма против наше државе представља отклањање или смањивање потенцијала за друштвене сукобе који настаје услед стварања или продубљивања друштвених противречности. Из тог разлога извршена је анализа нормативно – политичког и институционалног оквира у релевантним областима друштвеног живота. Истраживањем је утврђено да у Републици Србији постоји добар основ за ангажовање и интегрисање свих ресурса друштвене моћи на плану остваривања националне безбедности, али и да постоји потреба да се актуелни политички и безбедносни институционални оквир усклади са таквим могућностима. Као резултат истраживања предложене су три групе мера чија примена треба за резултат да има: отклањање и смањивање опасности од стварања потенцијала за друштвене сукобе; успостављање ефикасног и интегрисаног институционалног оквира за супротстављање политичком насиљу које евентуално проистекне из постојећих противречности и отклањање и смањивање штетних последица таквог политичког насиља. ; U teoriji postoji saglasnost da terorizam predstavlja politički motivisano nasilje i da u tom smislu predstavlja jedan od oblika nasilne političke borbe. Specifična razlika terorizma u odnosu na druge oblike političkog nasilja je primarna usmerenost ka stvaranju, održavanju i eksploataciji straha radi zastrašivanja protivnika i jačanja podrške među pristalicama. Suštinska odstupanja od teorijskih i pravnih kriterijuma pri određivanju terorizma postoje u praksi Saveta bezbednosti. Opšta ocena delovanja Saveta bezbednosti prilikom donošenja rezolucija o terorizmu jeste da prati vladajući politički diskurs u kome su najpre države bile odgovorne za terorizam, da bi potom "slabe", "neodgovorne" i "represivne" države bile odgovorne za omogućavanje delovanja međunarodnih terorističkih organizacija na svojoj teritoriji. Savet bezbednosti usvajao je rezolucije u kojima je terorističke akte određivao spram prirode akta, ali i spram izvršioca čime su svi akti prethodno određene terorističke organizacije kvalifikovani kao teroristički akti. Istraživanjem je utvrđeno i da je prilikom usvajanja pojedinih rezolucija politička svrsishodnost uticala da se istovrsna ponašanja ne kvalifikuju uvek kao teroristički akti. Na osnovu izvedenih zaključaka utvrđeno je da složenost borbe protiv terorizma predstavlja posledicu prvenstva političke svrsishodnosti pri kvalifikovanju akta nasilja kao terorističkog akta, a ne zbog teškoća u definisanju terorizma. Promene u koncepciji terorizma u rezolucijama Saveta bezbednosti i njihova usklađenost sa vladajućim javnim diskursom odvijaju se istovremeno sa nastojanjem SAD i drugih zapadnih država da preoblikuju međunarodnu zajednicu i uspostave novi svetski poredak. U takvim okolnostima terorizam počinje da egzistira kao ofanzivno političko sredstvo hibridnog ratovanja, pri čemu se negativna konotacija terorizma eksploatiše na dva načina. Prvo, terorizam postaje politička ocena nečijeg delovanja bez obzira na prirodu tako označene aktivnosti. Drugo, terorizam se upotrebljava kao nasilno političko sredstvo koje, u zavisnosti od interesa onoga ko ceni određeno ponašanje, neće u svakoj situaciji biti označeno kao terorizam, već ponekad i kao legitiman oblik političke akcije. Ofanzivni karakter odluke istovremeno vodi zanemarivanju naučnih kriterijuma u korist političke svrsishodnosti pri kvalifikaciji nekog ponašanja kao terorističkog akta. Dominacija političkog kriterijuma pri kvalifikovanju terorističkog akta utiče na instrumentalizaciju terorizma i njegovo pretvaranje u efikasno sredstvo hibridnog ratovanja. Sadržaj hibridnog ratovanja nije posledica neograničenog izbora sredstava odnosno oružja niti njihove sofisticiranosti, već sposobnosti bezbednosnog menadžmenta da u svakoj konkretnoj situaciji nezavisno od organizacionog nivoa primeni takvu kombinaciju različitih, ali međusobno kompatibilnih pojedinačnih načina ratovanja kojom se ostvaruje sinergijski efekat radi realizacije prethodno postavljenog cilja. Upravo zbog toga terorizam kao oblik složenog političkog nasilja postaje predmet eksploatacije u svrhu hibridnog ratovanja. Na osnovu rezultata istraživanja opisana su tri modela eksplotacije terorizma u svrhu hibridnog ratovanja. Prvi model eksploatacije terorizma izveden je iz političke prakse SAD da države za koje SAD smatraju da koriste terorizam kao političko sredstvo stave na Listu sponzora terorizma. Imajući u vidu politički i svaki drugi uticaj koji SAD imaju, ovakava praksa i njene posledice formalno ili neformalno su prihvaćene širom sveta. Osnovne posledice stavljanja na Listu sponzora terorizma su sankcije, diskreditacija u međunarodnoj javnosti i legitimisanje mera protiv takvih država, dok se u isto vreme takvom praksom vrši pritisak na države koje nisu na Listi da usklade svoju politiku sa interesima velikih sila. Drugi model eksploatacije terorizma u svrhu hibridnog ratovanja manifestuje se kroz organizovanje, finansiranje, opremanje, obuku i usmeravanje surogat snaga protiv vlada država sa kojima nije ostvarena kompatibilnost interesa, pri čemu su surogat snage predstavljene u javnom diskursu kao borci za slobodu. Predmet eksploatacije u Drugom modelu jeste nasilje koje ispunjava teorijske kriterijume da bude označeno kao terorizam, ali je zbog političke svrsishodnosti kvalifikovano kao borba za slobodu, otpor protiv ugnjetavanja i sl. Eksploatacija nasilja u Drugom modelu vrši se u cilju promene nosilaca političke vlasti, stvaranje autonomnih regija odnosno država koje bi bile kooperativne sa politikom države koja primenjuje Drugi model ili kao deo šire strategije upravljanja bezbednosnim procesima. Treći model eksploatacije terorizma u svrhu hibridnog ratovanja podrazumeva organizovanje i upravljanje surogat snagama koje su kvalifikovane kao terorističke organizacije ili se vrši infiltracija pojedinaca u izvorne i samostalne narodne pobune radi preuzimanja rukovodećih mesta i upravljanja njihovim delovanjem u skladu sa interesima države koja preduzima Treći model. Predmet eksploatacije u Trećem modelu jeste nasilje koje je kvalifikovano kao terorizam, pri čemu je cilj eksploatacije višestruk: 1. Putem nasilja i straha koji nastaje kao posledica vršenja terorističkih akata upravlja se bezbednosnom situacijom u državi koja je meta agresije ili u regionu koji je potrebno politički i teritorijalno kontrolisati, sa ili bez fizičkog prisustva oružanih snaga države koja primenjuje Treći model; 2. Stvaranje straha kod određenog ili unapred neodređenog broja država od potencijalnih napada terorističkih organizacija radi vršenja latentnog političkog pritiska na države da bude kooperativne, i 3. Stvaranje razloga za vojnu intervenciju radi prisustva i političke kontrole određene države ili regiona. Na osnovu prethodno iznetih rezultata istraživanja izveden je zaključak da prvi korak u sprečavanju eksploatacije terorizma protiv naše države predstavlja otklanjanje ili smanjivanje potencijala za društvene sukobe koji nastaje usled stvaranja ili produbljivanja društvenih protivrečnosti. Iz tog razloga izvršena je analiza normativno – političkog i institucionalnog okvira u relevantnim oblastima društvenog života. Istraživanjem je utvrđeno da u Republici Srbiji postoji dobar osnov za angažovanje i integrisanje svih resursa društvene moći na planu ostvarivanja nacionalne bezbednosti, ali i da postoji potreba da se aktuelni politički i bezbednosni institucionalni okvir uskladi sa takvim mogućnostima. Kao rezultat istraživanja predložene su tri grupe mera čija primena treba za rezultat da ima: otklanjanje i smanjivanje opasnosti od stvaranja potencijala za društvene sukobe; uspostavljanje efikasnog i integrisanog institucionalnog okvira za suprotstavljanje političkom nasilju koje eventualno proistekne iz postojećih protivrečnosti i otklanjanje i smanjivanje štetnih posledica takvog političkog nasilja. ; There is a consensus in security studies that terrorism is a politically motivated violence and, therefore, it represents one of the forms of violent political struggle. What distinguishes terrorism from other forms of political violence is its primary focus on creating, maintaining and exploiting fear in order to intimidate opponents and strengthen support among allies. Fundamental deviations from theoretical and legal criteria in determination of terrorism are identified in the pratice of the Security Council. The general assessment of the Security Council's actions related to terrorism is that the Council has been following the prevailing political discourse in which, initially, states in their entirety were responsible for terrorism, and later the blame was put on "weak", "irresponsible" and "repressive" states for enabling international terrorist organizations to operate on their territories. The Security Council passed resolutions in which it classified terrorist acts according to the nature of the act but also to the nature of the perpetrator, which resulted in treating all acts of a previously designated terrorist organization as terrorist acts. The research also determined that during the adoption of certain resolutions, political expediency influenced the fact that similar behaviors do not always qualify as terrorist acts. Based on the previously derived conclusions, it could be said that the complexity of fight against terrorism is a consequence of the primacy of the political criterion in designation of an act of violence as a terrorist act, and not because of the difficulties in defining the notion of terrorism. Changes in the concept of terrorism in the Security Council Resolutions and their harmonization with the prevailing public discourse coincides with the efforts of the United States and other Western countries to reshape the international community and establish a new world order. In such circumstances, terrorism becomes an offensive political tool of hybrid warfare, with the negative connotation of terrorism being exploited in two ways. First, terrorism has become a political assessment of one's actions, regardless of the nature of the such activities. Second, terrorism has become a violent political tool which, depending on the interests of those in the position to evaluate certain behaviors, will not be labeled as terrorism in each situation, but rather as a legitimate form of political action at times. Offensive character of the decision leads to the neglect of scientific criteria in favor of political expediency in the process of terrorist act designation. Dominance of the political criterion in designation of a terrorist act influences the instrumentalisation of terrorism and its transformation into an effective means of hybrid warfare. Content of hybrid warfare is not a consequence of an unlimited variety of weapons used, nor their sophistication, but the ability of security management to apply such combinations of different, yet mutually compatible types of warfare in order to achieve a previously determined aim. These are reasons why terrorism, as a form of complex political violence, is exploited in hybrid warfare. Based on the results of the research, three models of exploitation of terrorism for the purposes of hybrid warfare are described. The First Model of exploitation is derived from the political practice of the United States to put countries on the U.S list of state sponsors of terrorism. In accordance with the political and any other influence that the United States has, this practice and its consequences are formally or informally accepted around the world. The main consequences of being placed on the List are sanctions, discredit on the international level and legitimization of measures against such states, while at the same time putting pressure on countries that are not on the List to harmonize their policies with the interests of great powers. The Second Model of exploitation of terrorism for the purpose of hybrid warfare consists of organizing, financing, equipping, training and directing surrogate forces against the governments of countries with whom compatibility of interests has not been achieved, where surrogate forces are presented in the public discourse as freedom fighters. The subject of exploitation in the Second Model is violence that meets the theoretical criteria to be designated as terrorism. However, due to its political expediency it is qualified as a fight for freedom, resistance against oppression etc. The exploitation of violence used in the second model is done with the intention of shifting political power in order to create autonomous regions or states that would be cooperative with the policy of the state that applies the Second Model or as a part of a broader strategy for managing security processes. The Third Model of exploitation of terrorism for the purposes of hybrid warfare implies organization and managing of surrogate forces that are qualified as terrorist organizations or infiltrating individuals into original and independent popular uprisings in order to take leadership positions and manage their actions in accordance with the interests of the state which apply the Third Model. The subject of exploitation in the Third Model is violence that is qualified as terrorism, with multiple goals: 1. Violence and fear that arises as a result of terrorist acts allows crisis management in the country targeted by aggression or in the region in need of political and territorial control, with or without the physical presence of the armed forces of the State applying the Third Model; 2. Creating fear of potential terrorist attacks in order to exert latent political pressure on states to be cooperative, and 3. Creating reasons for a military intervention which results in physical presence and political control of a certain state or region. Based on the previously presented research results, it may be concluded that the first step to prevent terrorist exploitation against our country should be to eliminate or reduce the potential for social conflicts driven by social contradictions. For this reason, an analysis of the normative - political and institutional framework in the relevant areas of social life was conducted. The research has determined that in the Republic of Serbia there is a good basis for engaging and integrating all resources of national power in terms of achieving national security. In addition, there is a need to harmonize the current political and institutional framework for national security with such possibilities. As a result of the research, three groups of measures have been proposed: elimination or reduction of the potential for social conflicts; establishment of an effective and integrated institutional framework for countering political violence that may arise from the aforementioned contradictions, and elimination and reduction of harmful consequences of such political violence.
NATO's political and - above all - military participation in secession-motivated conflicts in former Yugoslavia (1990-1995), will be remembered as a clear example of demonstration of power, intentions and (in)capability of the Victor in a decades-long global "cold war" between the "freedom-loving" West and "totalitarian East". Regardless of the expectations of liberal theoreticians and the majority of public opinion, it was soon revealed that the victory was no "triumph of freedom" and even less "the end of history". On the contrary, as historically typical, it was only an unstable resultant of relations between major actors in the modern global theater, who strive to legitimize their need for domination with varying success and vocabulary. Hence the lessons to be learned from the final act of destruction of Yugoslavia (several months of NATO bombing of Serbia in 1999) have the expected tone of banality: absolute might strives for absolute power (which remains unattainable in principle); "the mighty oppress" is true always and in any place (but with a time limit); and, finally, what everyone knows but does not (or is unable or refuses) to say aloud: the only true alternative to military threat and/or aggression of a single political actor is an equally valid (military) threat/aggression by another one. We are tempted to conclude that, despite the ideological ardor of NGO activists, the political correctness of theoreticians and the rhetorical figures of speech of politicians, the "banalities" remain valid as the only certainties, i.e., regularities in the unpredictable currents of relations between states.
The analysis has shown that both approaches are legitimate and useful in understanding and maintaining democracy. Of course, the interactional approaches are more complex, as well as more important and more vital for understanding democracy. The analysis has shown how political culture (democratic legitimation or political trust, support for civil freedoms, satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, etc.) often depend on the elements of the very political structure (party systems and coalition models, election patterns, patterns of democracy, positions in power structure, etc.). Political culture is autonomous in relation to political structure, but frequently its role greatly depends on the relations among political actors and the variables of the political culture itself. The analysis has also demonstrated how these investigations into the interaction (combined effects) between political culture and structure are extremely sophisticated and that in the future they are going to become the most fruitful part of political science, making possible not only a deeper understanding of the "dynamic regularities" in the functioning of democracy but also the attempts at its "innovative sustainment" and gradual development. (SOI : PM: S. 131) + The purpose of this essay is to prove the connection among political culture, political structure and democracy. All the arguments pointing to such a connection have been analysed within the framework of two fundamental approaches to the relationship between culture and structure i.e. within the framework of the classical approach to their correspondence (which claims - primarily in line with the functional theory of culture - that there is a functional concordance between culture and structure, that democracy is mirrored by the civic political culture, i.e. that "culture is a structure's way of life", that culture determines the structure) and the contemporary interactional approach (in which - primarily in line with the theory of culture "as meaning" or "social functioning" - complex relations among various cultural variables and structural variables are analysed as well as their combined effect on democracy as the consequence of these relations). The latter approach considers democracy not as a "fixed condition" but rather as a dynamic phenomenon or the end result of the combined interactional relationships between culture and structure
U radu se razmatraju promene koje su nastale poslednjih decenija u obrazovnoj politici Rusije, a koje se tiču razvijanja informatizacije obrazovne sredine. Prelazak na novi postsovjetski model sistema visokog obrazovanja, zasnovan na evropskim standardima, doveo je do promena u odnosu nastavnik–student, što se odnosi i na veću samostalnost u radu studenata i smanjenje angažovanja nastavnika i vremena koje je određeno za komunikaciju studenata sa nastavnicima. Značajan deo u sistemu ocenjivanja znanja sprovodi se putem testiranja. Ukazuje se na negativne posledice ovih promena koje se reflektuju na kvalitet budućih stručnjaka, s obzirom da interakciju u komunikaciji sa nastavnicima zamenjuju kompjuteri, odnosno formalno popunjavanje zadataka bez adekvatne refleksije. Uspon informatizacije obrazovne sredine u Rusiji preti značajnim nestankom celog niza profesija, kao i povećanjem broja nazaposlenih. Imajući u vidu značaj koji digitalne tehnologije imaju na razvoj ekonomije i privrede zemlјe, njenu odbrambenu sposobnost i političke procese, ukazuje se na potrebu za usklađivanjem obrazovanja sa potrebama na tržištu rada, kao i na potrebu da se obrazuju novi profili stručnjaka koji će biti sposobni da upravlјaju kompleksnom savremenom tehnikom, uređajima i robotima kako bi država sačuvala svoje pozicije na svetskom nivou. Naglašava se nedostatak interakcije i saradnje između strukovnih univerziteta sa poslodavcima i naučnim institucijama, što dovodi do smanjenja kvaliteta obrazovnih procesa, koji se najpre odnose na praktičnu osposoblјenost stručnjaka. Na osnovu analize problema u informaciono-obrazovnoj sredini koji su prikazani u ovom radu možemo da zaklјučimo da je neophodno razmotriti načine primene informaciono-komunikacione tehnologije u funkciji unapređivanja obrazovnog sistema. Naime, savremena obrazovna sredina mora da obuhvata sistem organizaciono-metodičkih, softverskih i drugih tehničkih sredstava za čuvanje, obradu i prenošenje informacija koja obezbeđuju brži pristup materijalima, među kojima je i stručna literatura. Takva sredina je pogodna za interaktivnu komunikaciju nastavnika sa studentima i time doprinosi efikasnijem učenju i pobolјšanju uvida nastavnika u samostalan rad studenta. Informaciono-obrazovna sredina se izgrađuje kao integrisani multikomponentni sistem pomoću koga se može napraviti selekcija na različitim nivoima. Razumevanje odlučujuće uloge informacija u evolucijskim procesima prirode i društva dovodi do otkrića potpuno nove, informacione slike sveta koja se značajno razlikuje od tradicionalnog tehnokratskog pristupa koji dominira u nauci. ; The work deliberates the changes that occurred in Russian educational policy in the last decades, concerning development of informatization of educational environment. Transition to the new post-soviet model of high education based on European standards led to changes in the teacherstudent relationship. These changes involve a greater independence in work for students and reduced engagement of a teacher and the amount of time intended for communication between students and teachers. A major part of knowledge assessment is performed via tests. It points to negative consequences of these changes that are reflected in the quality of future experts, as the interaction in communication with teachers is replaced by computers i.e. formal fulfilment of tasks without adequate reflection. The rise of informatization in Russian educational environment may jeopardise a significant number of professions and increase number of unemployed. Having in mind the significance of digital technologies for the development of the country's economy and industry, its defence capability and political processes, it points to the need for harmonization of education with the labour market needs as well as the necessity to educate new profiles of experts who will be capable of managing complex modern technical solutions, devices and robots so as to enable the country to preserve its global position. It stresses the lack of interaction and cooperation between vocational universities and employers and scientific institutions, which leads to decline in quality of educational processes, primarily regarding the know-how of experts. Upon analysing the problems in information-educational environment as presented in this paper, we can conclude that it is necessary to look into the ways of implementing the information and communications technologies for the sake of improving the educational system. Namely, modern educational environment has to include the system of organizational and methodical, software and other technical methods for storing, processing and transmitting the information which provide faster approach to resources, professional literature included. Such environment is suitable for interactive communication between teachers and students and contributes to a more efficient learning and a better teacher's insight into the student's independent work. Information-educational environment needs to be formed as an integrated multicomponent system, acting as a means for making selection at different levels. Comprehension of decisive role of information in evolution processes of the nature and society leads to discovery of a completely new, informational concept of the world, which differs a great deal from the traditional technocratic approach prevailing in science. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
Serbia's Law on Planning and Building has imposed the topics of energy efficiency in building sector, requiring adequate policy making and providing a starting point for improvement of the current situation in this field. Considering the fact that there are more than 3.200.000 housing units without any statistical classification a need arose for establishing a national building typology as a starting point for further decision making and appropriate activities definition regarding the existing housing stock.After joining EU TABULA (Typology Approach for Building Stock Energy Assessment) project, methodologies and approaches of the European countries have been analysed providing a common experience, at the same illustrating a need for identification and classification of local characteristics. In order to obtain adequate data a comprehensive survey has been conducted, providing a starting point for creation of typology. The National Typology has identified typical "model" buildings and defined the levels of improvement ranging from standard (according to the current law) to the low-energy level. The paper explains the methodology, procedures and local characteristics of the process and gives an insight in the activity describing the problems and potentials of the approach. ; Serbia's Law on Planning and Building has imposed the topics of energy efficiency in building sector, requiring adequate policy making and providing a starting point for improvement of the current situation in this field. Considering the fact that there are more than 3.200.000 housing units without any statistical classification a need arose for establishing a national building typology as a starting point for further decision making and appropriate activities definition regarding the existing housing stock.After joining EU TABULA (Typology Approach for Building Stock Energy Assessment) project, methodologies and approaches of the European countries have been analysed providing a common experience, at the same illustrating a need for identification and classification of local characteristics. In order to obtain adequate data a comprehensive survey has been conducted, providing a starting point for creation of typology. The National Typology has identified typical "model" buildings and defined the levels of improvement ranging from standard (according to the current law) to the low-energy level. The paper explains the methodology, procedures and local characteristics of the process and gives an insight in the activity describing the problems and potentials of the approach.
The author focuses on about twenty Croatian and non-Croatian authors, who published in this renowned political and literary review. They belong to different social groups and adopt differing political options, which also determine their attitude toward NDH. There are two main approaches. One, which simply explains the policies of NDH, where Jere Jareb is the most representative author. The other approach is the justification of those policies to some degree. A special attention is paid to authors who analyse foreign, especially German literature, that touches on Croatian issues, and to authors that were direct participants in the events, such as Mate Frkovic, who participated in the Lorkovic-Vokic putsch. (SOI : CSP: S. 95f.)
The author analyses Fayola's work in the light of recent achievements of the theory of administration. He looks into Fayola's organic approach and the immanent division of the content of his work into the constitutive and the functional aspects. Fayola's concepts are built into the foundations of the science of administration since they are used as the criteria for the classification of the subject-matter and for defining management. Also, his concepts are so well-defined that only an occasional new concept is added to them. The shortcomings of Fayola's thinking are the product of the limitations of his time and his internal organic approach as well as of the basically static structure of organization and administration. (SOI : PM: S. 206)
Analysis of efficiency of (judicial) mediation in Serbia and other European countries (Italy, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Denmark) illuminates the causes of poor representation of this legal institution in our country. Analysis of mediation in Italy, culturally most closely resembling country to Serbia, indicates that a legalistic approach to the promotion and implementation of mediation, especially if it is heterogeneous, is not efficient. On the other hand, countries that have implemented a bottom-up approach ('first applied, and then regulate'), such as the Netherlands and Denmark, have developed efficient mediation system. Switzerland, a country that relied on an approach based on the promotion of culture of mediation, has a mediation system that has not been developed to the extent to the developed system of conciliation. In any case, the Italian experience has taught us that the regulation of mediation is not a sure path to success in the implementation of this legal institution; Swiss experience highlights the importance of developing a culture of peaceful settlement of disputes; Dutch and Danish experience emphasizes pragmatism in the promotion and implementation of mediation. Since Serbia lacks an efficient regulatory framework of mediation, culture of peaceful dispute settlement and pragmatism in implementation of this legal institution, it seems that the experiences, for the purpose of analysis, observed countries are more than useful.
The author thinks that the American political and military initiative in Bosnia and Herzegovina has stopped the four year war and enhanced the American influence in the region. European Union has reacted to the latest developments by adopting a new regional approach towards the countries of southeastern Europe. This approach has been employed in relation to other European and Mediterranean regions outside EU as well (central and eastern Europe, the Baltic states, the Mediterranean countries, the Union of Independent States). EU's policy towards Croatia is extremely reserved. It has insisted on a set of preconditions being fulfilled by Croatia before the negotiations about Croatia's membership in this organization may even commence. Croatia wants to forge links with the EU and is willing to comply with its demands, but is highly sceptical of regional associations. (SOI: PM: S. 161)
The theory of public choice is a major link between political science and economic science. It includes economic research into the issue of non- market decision-making i.e. the application of economic analysis to political decision-making. The champions of the theory of public choice have most confidence in the market and the market institutions. They try to explain political decision-making by means of the standards operating on the market. The public choice theory approach is based on the concept of methodological individualism and homo oeconomicus, since individuals try to promote their own interests both on the market and in politics. Theoreticians of public choice investigate voters' behaviour, the roles of politicians, political parties, and interest groups in complex democratic societies. Central for their research is the political process in which voters behave as buyers, politicians as entrepreneurs, while bureaucrats are prone to self-aggrandisement and their ambition is to boost the significance of their office. The theory of public choice emphasises the category of exchange (political exchange) and the catalectic approach to economy. (SOI : PM: S. 100)
The paper offers a critical analysis of the strategic framework for long-term economic development of Serbia, of the role of strategic development in the success of the transition process, and the consequences of the lack of a development strategy. The strategy of long-term economic development of Serbia, as a programe intended to designate the economic and development policy of the state, is analysed with the aim of finding an acceptable formulation of development strategy. The authors consider various approaches and propose a strategy for Serbia in the period of transition towards market economy. They also point out that, in the period of transition from a government-planned towards a market economy, strategy should be given greater importance in period that do not represent turning points, because of the greater possibility of incorrect policy making, potential conflicts of interest groups, reaching sustainable development, and maximizing prosperity. The authors take into account the advantages and disadvantages of the radical and of the gradualist approach to transition and propose formulating a development strategy that would contain combined elements of plan and market mechanism. They believe that the process of transition lacks a clear development strategy, and that the quality of the existing development strategy of Serbia until 2010 is such it cannot be understood as a serious approach to the transition issue. The authors stress the consequences of underground transition without a development strategy, that include inappropriate dynamic and sequence of reforms< a lack of coordination between development policy, macroeconomic policy, market reforms, and spatial planning policy< higher costs of transition, insufficient rate of economic growth, etc. They offer proposals for a comprehensive development framework (CDF) and for strategic planning of territorial industrial development. ; Urednici: Nada Milašin, Nenad Spasić, Miodrag Vujošević, Mila Pucar ; Ev.br.projekta 1383 "'Planiranje i upravljanje razvojem u uslovima prelaska na tržišnu privredu privredu- institucionalno prilagođavanje praksi i standardima EU", Ekonomski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu i Institut za arhitekturu i urbanizam Srbije, 2002-2005. ; Posebna izdanja 44
