This thesis analyses the decolonization process of West Africa French territories, since the Brazzaville's Conference until the obtaining of Independence. The aim of this research project refers to the importance of French Soudan, nowadays Mali, in French West Africa, and how the leaders of this territory conducted the dialogue with the colonial authorities. The Soudan's political elite followed the political direction dictated by Houphouet-Boigny, leader of the political movement which connected French territories in this area, until the decision of breaking free from this position. Modibo Keita, father of the Nation of Mali, developed new alliances between the RDA leadership, but also with other political parties and leaders, such as Senghor. Keita and the Senegalese leader tried to avoid the balkanization of West Africa, proposing a project which was based on the principles of African Unity.
La comunità economica regionale della Southern African Development Community (SADC) è preda di drammatiche emergenze climatiche ed ambientali, e seppure vanti istituzioni intergovernative ben congegnate, le risposte sembrano scarsamente coordinate in una efficiente catena di trasmissione, per la debolezza di agenzie di governance locale diseguali, prive di fondi, perché spesso dirottati verso nuove emergenze o erosi dal cancro di una corruzione che non conosce bandiere. Chi ne soffre sono le popolazioni la cui resilienza è messa a dura prova. Peraltro, i problemi di coordinamento e sotto-finanziamento dei programmi rischiano di impattare seriamente sulla cultura democratica che sola garantirebbe un loro miglioramento. In parallelo, la ricerca avanza, studia e propone soluzioni che coinvolgono l'amministrazione della cosa pubblica.
The market-oriented Private Military Companies (PMC) are said to be a new tool for post-Cold War-peacekeeping in war-torn environments: actually, private security is strongly embedded in the so called "new wars", and derives from the retrenchment of the state in response to the globalisation. The study compares two different kinds of peacekeeping strategies: private security and regional peacekeeping are analysed in the context of Sierra Leone, an African country shocked by a savage civil war in the 90's. The first case describes the intervention of Executive Outcomes (EO) - a former and controversial South African PMC - in Sierra Leone (1995): EO provided only a short-lived frame of security which was instrumental to business interest of major international mining corporations. The second case is multilateral peacekeeping on a regional basis: ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) intervention in Sierra Leone (1997-2000) was the first case of sub-regional peacekeeping in Africa: despite its difficulties due to political ambiguity, financial capacity and logistical obstacles, this intervention put in place a more legitimate peacekeeping strategy. A full understanding of modern privatised security shows its inadequacy for successful peaceful conflict transformations. Additionally, regional-based peacekeeping strategies, albeit more legitimate than private security, needs to be deeply refined in terms of training, funding and political will, in order to be successful.
A new era of multiparty politics in Kenya began in December 1991, when President Daniel Arap Moi repealed the constitutional clause that enshrined the Kenya African National Union (KANU) as the sole political party. Despite widespread unpopularity, Moi won the presidential elections and his party secured a majority in parliament in the following two general elections, held in December 1992 and December 1997. This doctoral thesis is structured in five parts. The first part takes a historical perspective of African's Civil Movements and seeks to put into context of African's State. The second part takes a historical reconstruction of Kenya's Political Transiction. The third part traces and analyses the rule of Civil Association and particulary and examines and analyses NCEC's activities in its quest for constitutional reforms. The fourth part examines as aid donors played a central part not only in initially advancing the cause of multipartyism. The last part analyses the political role of NGOs.
In precolonial Morocco, dominated by a sultanate of religious origin (the Alawite dynasty), political fault lines referred to clans and guilds, in a social and cultural context firmly based on Islam. To defend its borders against both Ottomans and Europeans, Morocco chose a more closed policy than that current in the Middle East, staying at the edge of the progressive and secularizing reforms which were affecting nineteenth century culture and institutions of other Muslim countries such as Turkey, Egypt and Tunisia (Burke 1972). The treaty of Fes of March 30, 1912, which placed the country under a protectorate (Rivet 1996), profoundly changed this situation, plunging Morocco into modern dynamics. Though the process was doubtless gradual, it's possible to establish the moment when pre-colonial political dialectics gave way to new forms which would lead the country towards new expressions and contents, in the events which followed the publication of the Berber dahir on May 16, 1930.
Cette contribution analyse une forme particulière d'expérience de subalternité citadine – la vie dans un bidonville au Maroc. Je propose d'observer comment, depuis cet espace marginalisé, la migration « à tout prix » est conçue en tant que possibilité de rédemption sociale et de franchissement des limites imposées. Pour ce faire, j'examine notamment comment le bidonville, nommé en langue vernaculaire kariān (surtout, mais non exclusivement, à Casablanca), est devenu un des espaces emblématiques de la modernité marocaine et omment beaucoup de ses habitants, à partir des années 1990, ont partagé les imaginaires et les espoirs liés à la migration internationale bien répandus au niveau des classes populaires du pays. Parmi les habitants du kariān, le désir migratoire s'apparente à une façon de sortir d'une double marginalisation, l'une créée par les politiques urbaines de la ville coloniale et post-coloniale, et l'autre par les politiques migratoires contemporaines.
Presentazione del volume "L'Africa delle città-Urban Africa", a cura di A. Gusman , C. Pennacini (Accademia University Press, 2017). ; Presentazione del volume "Città sostenibili", allora in corso di pubblicazione (Altravista, dicembre 2018). ; Presentazione e discussione del volume Getting stuck between the old and the new di A. Pezzano (Emil, 2018).
Since the 1990s, decentralisation has acquired increasing popularity among governments and aid agencies. Today, it is hard to find a country that has not undergone the reform of its local government system. Since 2000, decentralisation has been heavily promoted by donors as an important tool to tackle extreme poverty and promote development. Despite this popularity, the pro-poor effects of decentralisation are not supported by unarguable evidence and the literature available offers, at best, a mixed picture. This study tries to contribute at filling this gap, using as case study a country, Zambia, which has been almost neglected by the literature on decentralisation.
Nella percezione collettiva, il Protettorato francese in Marocco è l'esito di un accordo siglato tra il Sultano 'Abd al-Ḥafīẓ e il governo di Parigi, con l'obiettivo di introdurre riforme istituzionali e strutturali di carattere modernizzatore. Anche lo sguardo storiografico su quell'esperienza pone generalmente l'accento sulle questioni politiche istituzionali, tralasciando (con l'eccezione della guerra del Rif) la fase di conquista del territorio, che sotto il termine 'pacificazione' richiama una dimensione irenica. Eppure, la sottomissione del paese da parte dell'esercito francese, coadiuvato dalle forze makhzeniane, ha comportato oltre venticinque anni di battaglie e almeno duecentomila vittime. Questo breve saggio si propone di indagare l'apporto della storiografia europea e statunitense (e in parte marocchina) allo studio della conquista del Marocco, mettendo in luce alcune delle motivazioni che hanno reso trascurabile una fase rilevante della storia coloniale.
The work examines the change involving the Church in Tunisia from the period of the Protectorate to the present through the fundamental moments of independence (1956) and the signing of the 'Modus vivendi' (1964). In the first structure of the "modern" Church, a fundamental role was played by the complex figure of the French Cardinal Charles-Allemand Lavigerie who, while giving strong impulse to setting up disinterested charitable social initiatives by the congregations (Pères Blancs, Soeurs Blanches and others), also represented the ideal of the 'evangelizing' (as well as colonial) Church which, despite its declared will to avoid proselytism, almost inevitably tended to slip into it. During the French Protectorate (1881-1956) the ecclesiastic institution concentrated strongly on itself, with little heed for the sensitivity of its host population, and developed its activities as if it were in a European country. From the social standpoint, the Church was mostly involved in teaching, which followed the French model, and health facilities. In the Church only the Pères Blancs missionaries were sincerely committed to promoting awareness of the local context and dialogue with the Muslims. The Catholic clergy in the country linked its religious activity close to the policy of the Protectorate, in the hope of succeeding in returning to the ancient "greatness of the African Church", as the Eucharistic Congress in Carthage in 1930 made quite clear. The Congress itself planted the first seed in the twentyfive- year struggle that led the Tunisian population to independence in 1956 and the founding of the Republic in 1957. The conquest of independence and the 'Modus vivendi' marked a profound change in the situation and led to an inversion of roles: the Catholic community was given the right to exist only on the condition that it should not interfere in Tunisian society. The political project of Bourguiba, who led the Republic from 1957 to 1987, aimed to create a strongly egalitarian society, with a separation between political and religious powers. In particular, in referring to the Church, he appeared as a secularist with no hostility towards the Catholics who were, however, considered as "cooperators", welcome so long as they were willing to place their skills at the service of the construction of the state. So, in the catholic Community was a tension between the will of being on the side of the country and that of conserving a certain distance from it and not being an integral part of it. In this process of reflection, the role of the Second Vatican Council was fundamental: it spread the idea of a Church open to the world and the other religions, in particular to Islam: the teaching of the Council led the congregations present in the country to accept the new condition. This new Church that emerged from the Council saw some important events in the process of "living together", of "cultural mixing" and the search for a common ground between different realities. The almost contemporary arrival of Arab bishops raised awareness among the Tunisians of the existence of Christian Arabs and, at the same time, the Catholic community began considering their faith in a different way. In the last twenty years the situation has continued to change. Side by side with the priests present for decades or even those born there, some new congregations have begun to operate, albeit in small numbers: they have certainly revitalized the community of the faithful, but they sometimes appear more devoted to service "within" the Church, than to services for the population, and are thus characterized by exterior manifestations of their religion. This sort of presence has made it possible for Bourguiba's successor, Ben Ali (president from 1987 to 2011), to practice forms of tolerance even more clearly, but always limited to formal relations; the Tunisians are still far from having a real understanding of the Catholic reality, with certain exceptions connected to relations on a personal and not structured plane, as was the case in the previous period. The arrival of a good number of young people from sub-Saharan Africa, most of all students, belonging to the JCAT, and personnel of the BAD has "Africanized" the Church in Tunisia and has brought about an increase in Christians' exterior manifestations; but this is a visibility that is not blatant but discreet, with the implicit risk of the Church continuing to be perceived as a sort of exterior body, alien to the country; nor can we say, lacking proper documentation, how it will be possible to build a bridge between different cultures through the "accompaniment" of Christian wives of Tunisians. Today, the Church is living in a country that has less and less need of it; its presence, in the schools and in health facilities, is extremely reduced. And also in other sectors of social commitment, such as care for the disabled, the number of clergymen involved is quite small. The 'revolution' in 2011 and the later developments up to the present have brought about another socio-political change, characterized by a climate of greater freedom, but with as yet undefinable contours. This change in the political climate will inevitable have consequences in Tunisia's approach to religious and cultural minorities, but it is far too soon to discuss this on the historical and scientific planes.
Pubblicazioni Guida della Biblioteca di Scienze politiche, consentono all'utente di ricevere un'informazione bibliografica rapida, corretta ed esaustiva sulla storia delle istituzioni in America, attraverso la presentazione del materiale bibliografico presente nel catalogo della biblioteca di Scienze politiche
Questo studio ha analizzato gli effetti della globalizzazione agroalimentare sulla povertà rurale in Tanzania, inquadrando il fenomeno nei più ampi processi di cambiamento politico, sociale ed economico in corso nel Paese e nel continente africano. Dopo un lungo periodo di disinteresse tanto del settore pubblico quanto di quello privato, negli ultimi anni è infatti emersa una nuova attenzione da parte dei governi nazionali, dei donatori e degli investitori esteri verso l'agricoltura e la terra africana. Come suggerito dalla Banca Mondiale con la pubblicazione del World Development Report 2008, il governo tanzaniano ha intrapreso una strategia di sviluppo che pone grande enfasi sull'attrazione di investimenti esteri nel settore agricolo, sulla creazione di 'cluster agroindustriali' e sulla diffusione di nuove colture 'high value' e 'labor intensive' per l'esportazione nel mercato internazionale. I donatori e il governo tanzaniano ritengono infatti di facilitare la riduzione della povertà sia attraverso la creazione di nuovi posti di lavoro nelle imprese agricole, sia tramite l'inclusione degli agricoltori locali nelle nuove filiere regionali e globali. La ricerca ha preso come caso di studio il recente sviluppo dell'industria ortofrutticola orientata all'esportazione – definita dalla stessa Banca Mondiale come 'la nuova agricoltura africana' - nelle zone montane delle regioni di Kilimanjaro, Arusha e Tanga, focalizzandosi in particolare sulle condizioni degli agricoltori coinvolti nella produzione di 'nuove colture' per il mercato globale attraverso i programmi di contract farming (CF) e sulle condizioni dei lavoratori salariati impiegati dalle imprese agricole e dagli stessi produttori tanzaniani. Lo studio contribuisce al dibattito internazionale sulle trasformazioni agrarie, sul ruolo dell'agricoltura, dello Stato, del mercato e della cooperazione internazionale nel processo di sviluppo in Tanzania e in Africa sub-sahariana. ; This Thesis deals with the impacts of globalization on rural poverty in Tanzania. It does so by looking at the wider process of political and socioeconomic change in the country as well in other sub-Saharan countries in the last decades. Since the beginning of the new century, there has been a growing interest by national governments, private investors and international donors in the African agriculture. As suggested by the World Bank in the World Development Report 2008, the Tanzanian government is implementing a development strategy aimed at attracting foreign investments in agriculture, at crating agro-industrial corridor and clusters and at promoting the production and export of high-value and labour-intensive products. Through this strategy, international donors and the Tanzanian government believe to foster the reduction of poverty by either the creation of wage labour and the inclusion of smallholder farmers in the emerging 'global value chains'. This study has taken the development of the horticultural industry in the northern regions of Tanga, Kilimanjaro and Arusha as case study. Within the actors involved in industry, this research has focused on the one hand on the impacts of contract farming, and on the other on the impacts of wage labor on poverty and inequality. The study contributes to the international debate on agrarian change and transformations and on the role of the State, market, agriculture and donors in the development process in Tanzania as well in other Sub-Saharan countries.
Il mio lavoro di tesi mira ad analizzare il processo di riforma fondiaria in atto dal 2009 in Burkina Faso, alla luce delle politiche di sviluppo rurale adottate a livello regionale (Africa occidentale francofona) e del percorso storico-politico che dalla conquista coloniale francese ci conduce all'ultima fase di democratizzazione del Burkina Faso. Ripercorrendo le principali strategie ed obiettivi di riforma agraria e fondiaria perseguiti dai Governi a livello regionale e nazionale intendo fare luce sui nodi irrisolti delle politiche di sviluppo rurale e sul rapporto politico che il Burkina Faso ha inteso costruire con il mondo rurale a partire dall'indipendenza, con un particolare focus sul periodo della rivoluzione sankarista (1983-1987). L'analisi storica dei sistemi di riconoscimento dei diritti locali di accesso e utilizzo della terra consente di avanzare riflessioni sull'ordine politico interno che i regimi coloniali e post-coloniali hanno inteso costruire con il mondo rurale e sull'effettiva inclusione della popolazione rurale nelle politiche di sviluppo adottate dai Governi a livello regionale e nazionale. Allo stesso tempo, identificando organi e istituzioni a cui è stato affidato a partire dall'indipendenza il potere di gestire le risorse e conferire diritti fondiari agli abitanti delle aree rurali ho intenzione di far emergere alcuni dei rapporti di forza e di potere esistenti tra livello nazionale e locale e il legame che intercorre tra di essi. L'obiettivo è quello di riflettere sulla possibilità che la riforma fondiaria in atto in Burkina Faso possa garantire una maggiore democraticità dei processi di sviluppo rurale e governance della terra. Attraverso l'analisi di tale processo di riforma è possibile contribuire al dibattito relativo alle strategie di sviluppo rurale in Africa occidentale tenendo conto delle problematicità politiche che tali processi di riforma si trovano ad affrontare ; The ongoing international debate on rural development focuses on the legalization of land property rights as a mean to guarantee land tenure security, to promote agricultural investment and rural development. As a result in francophone West Africa new land policies have been elaborated with the specific aim of resolving a dual institutional and juridical system of land tenure which causes land conflicts and hinder economic growth. My thesis aims to analyze the ongoing process of land tenure reform in Burkina Faso in light of the rural development policies implemented in francophone West Africa since the colonial period. It also takes into account the rural development paths adopted by the Government of Burkina Faso from the French colonial conquest to the late democratization period. By retracing the main strategies of land and agrarian reform at regional and national level I shed light on the unresolved political relationship that the State has built with the rural population since independence. In particular I identify statutory and customary institutions who have been entrusted over time with the power to manage natural resources and to allocate land rights in order to bring out some of the power relationships existing between national and local levels. Through the historical analysis of land tenure systems I advance considerations on the inclusion of rural people in the rural development policies. The main aim is to reflect on the possibility of the ongoing land tenure reform in Burkina Faso to ensure a democratic governance of the land and a more inclusive process of rural development. With this focus on land tenure reform in Burkina Faso my thesis will lead to a critical analysis of the new wave of land policies in West Africa and contribute to the ongoing debate on rural development from a political point of view.
