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The author approaches native languages from the pedagogical point of view, perceiving language as an invisible environment of the upbringing of youths. She indicates the value of the national language in the past as well as currently in the period of globalization, she draws attention to the necessity to protect it and the importance of the Act on the Protection of the Polish Language introduced (1999) with this aim in mind. Analyzing current linguistic modes she gives many examples of carelessness and infringements of the principles of the use of the native language. She points out that respect for the language used is an element of good upbringing. An additional element of the discussion is the expression in the language of the oppression of women, so-called linguistic sexism. The article ends with a demonstration of examples of good practice — activities promoting linguistic culture, including language sensitive to gender issues (inclusive).

A comparison is made between Judith Butler's book Excitable Speech & her exploration of the politics of the performative, especially pertaining to hate speech. Butler argues that linguistic agency creates a possibility for change, & that people should move away from looking to the law to mandate change in how people see other groups. The article particularly examines Butler's view of political activist Catherine MacKinnon & race theorists Richard Delgado & Mari Matsuda. G. Gifford

From 1960s onwards sexist language intended to denigrate, objectify and trivialize women has been seriously exposed internationally and huge efforts were made to replace it with gender-neutral language. However, to date, sexism has not been fully suppressed and it is especially conspicuous in relation to women who assume active roles in public life. This study has both qualitative and quantitative design and looks into the presence of overt and implicit sexism (as categorized by Mills, 2008) in journalistic discourse and the role of sexist language in molding the image of modern day women politicians. For the purposes of this study, we conduct a critical discourse analysis of a corpus of 40 news articles published on various online news portals and electronic platforms of traditional media. All analyzed articles comment on the political statements and actions of two Macedonian female politicians currently in office – the Minister of Defense and the Mayor of the city of Skopje. The findings suggest that Macedonian journalistic discourse, under the pretext that politicians' dealings need to be monitored closely, scrutinized and even criticized, still leaves the door slightly open for both overt and implicit sexist linguistic forms, which, in turn, depicts female politicians as ill-suited for this type of professional occupation.

This paper explores the role of language in the scientific study of politics. Conceding that politics is naturally an arena of heated disputation, it examines linguistic manifestations of factional polarisation by interpreting words, phrases, and sentences used by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) politicians during the party's acrimonious splits of 2005 and 2014 and subsequent re-union of 2017. I contend that the use of vituperative, exclusionary and inflammatory language fuelled personality clashes; ethnic chauvinism; sexism; racism; ideological discord and intraparty violence. This often derailed attempts to reconcile the party's bickering factions.

One kind of Mexican street vendor is a foulmouthed clown, whose off-color spiel uses racism, sexism, double-entendre, and nationalist chauvinism to assemble and entertain a crowd and, ultimately, to part its members from their money. Vulgar and highly formulaic, the clown's language reaches its creative peaks when the clown engages individuals—whether passers-by, shills, or marks—in direct interaction and subjects them to insult and verbal abuse for manipulative effect. I consider not the interactive insulation of taboo language but, in this highly public context, its subversive exploitation for both entertainment and commercial gain.

In the present paper, language standardization of Serbian is described as a form of institutionalized, legitimized discourse dominance based on a patriarchal cultural model. A sociolinguistic survey, which was conducted among highly educated women (more than half of them in decision-making positions regarding gender sensitive language policy and planning), indicates that there still exists a strong social and academic influence of predominantly male language planners in Serbia who use their publicly recognizable roles to claim that masculine morphological forms for nouns denoting social positions of power are neutral containers of semantic information which do not correspond with the natural gender of agents in public discourse. In consequence, they argue that there is no sexism in the standard Serbian language, thus maintaining and supporting a very strong traditional gender ideology which makes women less visible and less influential in public life. key words: gender ideology, language ideology, patriarchal cultural model, language standardization, grammatical gender and social gender in Serbian

Abstract
J. L. Austin argues that ordinary language should be used to identify when it is appropriate or inappropriate to make, accept, or reject knowledge claims. I criticize Austin's account. In our ordinary life, we often accept justifications rooted in racism, sexism, ableism, and classism as reasons to dismiss knowledge claims or challenges, despite the fact such reasons are not good reasons. Austin's Ordinary Language Epistemology (OLE) inadvertently classifies the discounting of knowledge claims in classic cases of epistemic injustice as legitimate ordinary maneuvers. I provide recommendations for revision of OLE and offer a means of distinguishing between dismissals in cases of epistemic injustice and their legitimate counterparts.

This essay considers some of the insight we have gathered about language, feminism, racism and power. In many respects, it celebrates the linguistic power of the many theories about how Black women navigate intersectionality where racism and sexism intermingle, suggesting that our analyses should always recognise that a lethal combination of factors are in play. Black women, in particular, actively insist on forms of language and discourse that both represent and create their world through words, expressions and verbal routines that are created within and outside of the African American speech community to confront injustice. One example involves the verb 'play,' which I argue often functions as a power statement or 'powermove' that demands respect while presenting a threat to the status quo. This use of 'play' is the opposite of inconsequential games of play or joking.

AbstractContemporary Iranian women writers contribute to the Iranian literary tradition by writing about women's roles during the political upheavals leading up to and after the 1979 Revolution. In Simin Daneshvar's Savushun and Shahrnush Parsipur's Women without Men, the authors meticulously employ colloquial sexist diction to expose the connection between sexism and violence against women. The portrayal of such violence relies on language that illustrates the authors' concerns and their commentary on the status of women. In this situation, literary criticism of the novels demands an approach that discusses feminism, language, and translation as interrelated. This article analyzes issues introduced in the translation of Savushun and Women without Men where translation choices have an impact on important elements of the original novels. By revealing how translation can minimize important culturally bound elements of Daneshvar's and Parsipur's feminist awareness and agency, it provides an example with relevance for critical translation studies.

Indonesian classic literary works culturally represent ambivalent sexist attitudes toward women. Instead of campaign againts sexism in most of countries, the novelist directly or indirectly plays role in the case of spreading out sexism. The track record of Indonesian literary works in wide world literature exposes that Pulau Buru quartet written by Pramoedya Ananta Toer has obtained special attention by readers over the globe. It has been translated into more than 40 foreign languages. Due to the phenomena, the research is conducted to examine how the translator translates the utterances which contain ambivalent sexist attitutes toward women in English version. The research is focused on analyzing the application of translation techniques and the impact to its translation quality. The results reveals that translator shows a contradictive attitudinal positioning. It means that the translator both takes it for granted and retains ambivalent sexist attitudes in the target text. Simultaneously, the translator attempts to make censorship for the issues. It is evidently reflected by the application of translation techniques. Both of translator's decisions dealing with the choice of applying translation techniques impacts its translation quality. Therefore, it is product oriented translation research. Consequently, it needs futher research to dig up the translator's reasons dealing with the absence and existence of ambivalent sexist attitudes in the target text.

AbstractIn this article, I reflect upon the persistence of racial injustice and sexism in the process of knowledge production. This gendered racial injustice is seen in publication rates, citation rates, and appointments to editorial boards. The underrepresentation of women in general, and black women in particular, discursively constructs scholarly enquiry as normatively white and masculine. The exclusion of nonwhite scholars partially emanates from a reliance on Euro-American theoretical frameworks that are applied, often uncritically, in other contexts as if the Euro-American experience were universal. The result is scholarship that is incongruous with local experiences and practices. As theJournal of Language and Sexualitycelebrates its tenth year of publication, it would benefit from including epistemic perspectives that are pluralistic in ontologies, cosmologies, and insights.

Abstract
The present paper is part of an overview of the discursive manifestations of the U.S. President Trump's sexist
attitudes and practices. Drawing upon Mills' model of sexism (2008) and Van Dijk's
socio-cognitive framework (2006), the study will analyse a corpus of all the negative
Tweets against women tweeted by President Trump since the beginning of his 2016 campaign (July 2015) to February 2019. The study sheds a light on how President Trump's vocabulary perpetuates a male-centric hierarchy. Considering
the outcome of the 2016 elections, it can be said that his ideology has had a significant impact, particularly amongst his
supporters. His political ascendency speaks to how these ideological beliefs risk to become dangerously ingrained in language and
society.

I argue that a feminist methodology can help liberal political theory get beyond the problems that it has been recycling since the seventeenth century. Taking political obligation as the focus for my analysis, I show how feminist psychoanalytic and psychological theory can help uncover the structural sexism of liberal theory and epistemology and point the way toward more consistent—and less biased—theoretical formulations. Rejecting the essentialist view of gender difference that has been attributed to this literature, I argue that it is more interesting and appropriate to read it as a symbolic language of power and as a heuristic device for uncovering the gendered dimensions of supposedly "neutral" concepts like obligation.