Suchergebnisse

The term "diversity" was widely used in France in the early 2000s, following the unrest in the suburbs which highlighted the existence of systemic discrimination affecting part of the population, mostly from an immigrant background and relegated to "second-class" areas without jobs or public services. This problem has led to an awareness of the lack of diversity in the media, in politics and in business and has been a warning sign that not all citizens have the same chances to succeed. Whilst diversity is used in France to try to introduce positive measures in favor of discriminated categories, in the United States this notion – established since 1978 – has been introduced to save affirmative action programs which are increasingly contested, both socially and legally. The emergence in the french legal field of the notion of diversity is changing our traditional conceptions of equality, universalism or social justice. Its objectives are between equality of opportunity and equality of result. It is a matter of acknowledging the failure of equal opportunities to guarantee a non-discriminatory access to rights, without necessarily making equal results an objective to achieve for all individuals. It makes it possible to shift from an individual approach to discrimination towards a collective approach, which is already initiated by the notion of indirect discrimination. Research carried out by the social partners, of a balanced representation of diversity within the work force is an objective that, in the french context, could be legitimate, provided that certain precautions, particularly those related to skills, are introduced and that this objective becomes a legal obligation for all companies. ; Le terme de « diversité » s'est imposé en France au début des années 2000, à la suite de la crise des banlieues. Il a mis en évidence l'existence de discriminations systémiques affectant une partie de la population, majoritairement issue de l'immigration et reléguée dans des territoires dépourvus d'emplois ou de services ...

This article focuses on educational policies for gender and sexual diversity in the United-States. From an analysis of several documents produced by the GLSEN (gay, lesbian, straight educational network) and of legal material, I show that these policies are centered on the notion of safe space. They aim at reducing sexual and gender minority students' vulnerability to bullying and harassment and improving their experience in schools by implementing anti-harassment and non-discrimination procedures and favoring LGBT recognition and affirmation measures. If such safe spaces improve student' security and sense of safety, they run the risk of depoliticizing and reinforcing groups boundaries by focusing on students' emotional and intellectual comfort and concealing other types of domination. ; À partir d'une analyse de documents produits par le GLSEN (gay, lesbian, straight education network), principale association de défense des minorités sexuelles et de genre en contexte éducatif aux États-Unis et de textes législatifs, cet article montre que les politiques éducatives étasuniennes contre les discriminations fondées sur l'orientation sexuelle et l'identification ou expression de genre sont organisées autour de la notion de safe space. Ces politiques incluent d'une part des procédures anti-harcèlement et anti-discrimination, et d'autre part, des mesures de reconnaissance visant à valoriser les minorités sexuelles dans l'espace scolaire. Ces politiques de safe space, si elles permettent d'améliorer l'expérience scolaire des élèves non conformes à la norme hétérosexiste dans les établissements qui les mettent en place comportent aussi des risques et des paradoxes. Le prisme de la sécurité peut en effet dépolitiser et renforcer les frontières entre les groupes sociaux au lieu de déconstruire les normes qui les façonnent en mettant au centre des démarches la préservation du confort émotionnel et intellectuel des élèves et en invisibilisant les autres types de domination.

This article focuses on educational policies for gender and sexual diversity in the United-States. From an analysis of several documents produced by the GLSEN (gay, lesbian, straight educational network) and of legal material, I show that these policies are centered on the notion of safe space. They aim at reducing sexual and gender minority students' vulnerability to bullying and harassment and improving their experience in schools by implementing anti-harassment and non-discrimination procedures and favoring LGBT recognition and affirmation measures. If such safe spaces improve student' security and sense of safety, they run the risk of depoliticizing and reinforcing groups boundaries by focusing on students' emotional and intellectual comfort and concealing other types of domination. ; À partir d'une analyse de documents produits par le GLSEN (gay, lesbian, straight education network), principale association de défense des minorités sexuelles et de genre en contexte éducatif aux États-Unis et de textes législatifs, cet article montre que les politiques éducatives étasuniennes contre les discriminations fondées sur l'orientation sexuelle et l'identification ou expression de genre sont organisées autour de la notion de safe space. Ces politiques incluent d'une part des procédures anti-harcèlement et anti-discrimination, et d'autre part, des mesures de reconnaissance visant à valoriser les minorités sexuelles dans l'espace scolaire. Ces politiques de safe space, si elles permettent d'améliorer l'expérience scolaire des élèves non conformes à la norme hétérosexiste dans les établissements qui les mettent en place comportent aussi des risques et des paradoxes. Le prisme de la sécurité peut en effet dépolitiser et renforcer les frontières entre les groupes sociaux au lieu de déconstruire les normes qui les façonnent en mettant au centre des démarches la préservation du confort émotionnel et intellectuel des élèves et en invisibilisant les autres types de domination.

In 2018, the extreme right-wing deputy Jair Bolsonaro took by surprise the international public opinion by being elected president of the republic in Brazil. Using a racist, sexist, homophobic and antidemocratic rhetoric, Bolsonaro managed to articulate a broad conservative and extreme right front in his support. This article analyses one of the facets of this political articulation around the opposition to the expressions of sexuality dissonant of the heterosexual model. For this purpose, the concept of moral panic will be used to understand the mobilizations against the QueerMuseu exhibition opened to the public in August 2017. The article uses the Protest Event Analysis as a data collection methodology, in order to identify the social actors involved in the moral panic, their mobilization tactics, their justifying arguments, as well as the responses of civil society and the political class to the moral panic. The article aims to understand not only the relevance of gender and sexual diversity issues in the recent authoritarian advance in Brazil, but also to identify the potential and limits of the concept of moral panic as an analytical and empirical tool in sociology. ; En 2018, le député d'extrême droite Jair Bolsonaro a surpris l'opinion publique internationale en étant élu président de la République du Brésil. En utilisant une rhétorique raciste, sexiste, homophobe et antidémocratique, Bolsonaro a réussi à articuler un large front conservateur et d'extrême droite en sa faveur. Cet article analyse une des facettes de cette articulation politique, celle portant sur l'opposition aux expressions de la sexualité en dissonance avec le modèle hétérosexuel. À cette fin, nous utilisons le concept de panique morale pour comprendre les mobilisations à l'encontre de l'exposition QueerMuseu inaugurée en août 2017. L'article utilise l'analyse événementielle comme méthode de recueil des données afin d'identifier les acteurs sociaux impliqués dans la panique morale, leurs tactiques de mobilisation, les arguments qu'ils ...

With the rise of feminist and cultural protests, political liberalism has been criticized for promoting a version of public neutrality that does not take diversity seriously and marginalizes sexual, religious and cultural minorities. Thus, the "politics of difference" has been seen as a legitimate democratic alternative to a kind of liberalism hostile to diversity. Stephen Macedo aims to show that political liberalism respects a broad range of conceptions of the good and of ways of life, but cannot accommodate minorities who reject pluralism itself in order to maintain their group identity and whose claims and practises impede civic education and undermine toleration. Adapted from the source document.

When youth is examined from the angle of the social differences arising from gender, the diversity of European youth becomes easier to understand. During the time lapse stretching from puberty to the conception of a first child, women and, by association, men, play out a decisive game. Their goal is to attain true equality which will henceforth define them as adults, before assuming their respective sexual roles : "one is the other" before "XY" to use the terms adopted by E Badinter. The duration of their studies, their sexuality, access to the work market, establishment of a couple and the decision to conceive all pivot around this goal while taking on very different configurations from one country to another, especially in terms of East to West and North to South, as demonstrated by statistical observations.

We investigate the diversity of practices and representations of women's work on family dairy farms, based on interviews with twenty women, both French (in the Segala area of Aveyron) and Uruguayan (in the Salto dairy basin). Family dairy farming represents a relatively homogeneous work environment (heavy routine work, a couple's activity), but with differences between the two countries on the issues of professional status and on the place of women in society. Interview analysis shows that the norms of sexual division of labour are strongly interiorized despite the differences between the two countries. Women's work remains linked to the domestic sphere, notably care of animals, milking, and administrative work. The recognition of the legal status of "farmer" present in France but absent in Uruguay, is translated in the perception of the role within the couple : French women emphasize the choices they have made, whereas Uruguayan women speak of an attributed role. Having a legal status does not assure professional recognition. In both countries, they profess recognition for their work in the family sphere, but little recognition in the context of essentially masculine professional groups (dairy technical service, cooperatives, farmers'unions). Creative artisanal activities in Uruguay and local civic organizations in France constitute spaces of socialization and recognition for women ; Nous interrogeons la diversité des pratiques et des représentations du travail des femmes dans des exploitations laitières familiales à partir d'entretiens réalisés auprès de vingt femmes françaises (Ségala aveyronnais) et uruguayennes (Bassin laitier de Salto). L'élevage laitier familial présente un contexte de travail relativement homogène (poids de l'astreinte, travail en couple) mais avec des différences entre les deux pays sur les questions du statut professionnel et de la place des femmes dans la société. L'analyse des entretiens montre que les normes de la division sexuelle du travail sont fortement intériorisées malgré les ...

Since the adoption of the law on immigration and integration on July 24, 2006, any person applying for residency in France has the legal obligation to sign the Accommodation and Integration Contract (CAI). This contract notably subordinates the issuing or the renewal of a residence permit to the completion of language tests and/or trainings. In this context, a link is explicitly established politically between the necessity of this Foucaldian apparatus and the importance of the "equality between women and men" principle, presented as a fundamental base of the "French integration ideal".In this thesis, a fieldwork-based account of the implementation of these "offered-required" linguistic trainings demonstrates how the French teaching-learning contract is the place of the incorporation and reactualization of the consubstantial gender and social "relations" (rapports sociaux).In this case of cultural and linguistic institutional prescription, the problematizations and interpretations of the gender and social re-actualization processes are articulated with an analysis of the contexts and principles that trigger the realization of the contractual apparatus : sexual equality, the construction of opposition in immigration ("chosen vs. suffered"), employment activation policies, autonomy, equality of chances, work, diversity, etc. This will take us to consider the contractualization of social "relations" (rapports sociaux). ; La loi du 24 juillet 2006 relative à l'immigration et à l'intégration rend obligatoire la signature d'un contrat d'accueil et d'intégration pour toute personne amenée à demeurer sur le territoire français et elle subordonne, par son volet linguistique, la délivrance ou le renouvellement d'un titre de séjour à la condition linguistique. Dans ce contexte, un lien explicite est établi, au niveau politique, entre la nécessité de ce dispositif et l'importance que revêt le principe d'« égalité entre les femmes et les hommes », présenté comme un socle incontournable de l' « idéal français d'intégration ...

Since the adoption of the law on immigration and integration on July 24, 2006, any person applying for residency in France has the legal obligation to sign the Accommodation and Integration Contract (CAI). This contract notably subordinates the issuing or the renewal of a residence permit to the completion of language tests and/or trainings. In this context, a link is explicitly established politically between the necessity of this Foucaldian apparatus and the importance of the "equality between women and men" principle, presented as a fundamental base of the "French integration ideal".In this thesis, a fieldwork-based account of the implementation of these "offered-required" linguistic trainings demonstrates how the French teaching-learning contract is the place of the incorporation and reactualization of the consubstantial gender and social "relations" (rapports sociaux).In this case of cultural and linguistic institutional prescription, the problematizations and interpretations of the gender and social re-actualization processes are articulated with an analysis of the contexts and principles that trigger the realization of the contractual apparatus : sexual equality, the construction of opposition in immigration ("chosen vs. suffered"), employment activation policies, autonomy, equality of chances, work, diversity, etc. This will take us to consider the contractualization of social "relations" (rapports sociaux). ; La loi du 24 juillet 2006 relative à l'immigration et à l'intégration rend obligatoire la signature d'un contrat d'accueil et d'intégration pour toute personne amenée à demeurer sur le territoire français et elle subordonne, par son volet linguistique, la délivrance ou le renouvellement d'un titre de séjour à la condition linguistique. Dans ce contexte, un lien explicite est établi, au niveau politique, entre la nécessité de ce dispositif et l'importance que revêt le principe d'« égalité entre les femmes et les hommes », présenté comme un socle incontournable de l' « idéal français d'intégration ...

Based upon field work conducted in Patpong – a neighborhood in Bangkok dedicated to tourist-prostitution – I put forth a critical sociology of "sex tourism" that, through the combination of an ethnographic and historical survey, attempts to typify the plurality of the economies that run through prostitutional exchanges. More than just money, prostitution involves material, moral, emotional and symbolic goods that are traded and circulate according to specific rationales. This ethnographic study, by revealing the diversity of exchanges between Thai citizens and international tourists, prevents simplifying unions to a mere univocal relationship of domination. On the contrary, exchanges in tourist-prostitution appear as the product of complex power relations that are embedded in a particular context. These different economies can only be understood when taking into account a plurality of upward scales (local, national and global). Therefore, this ethnographic approach is complemented by a moral genealogy of sex tourism that provides a historical background on the process that enabled the construction, definition and dissemination of this new proscription. By combining the practical reality of relationships with their historical definitions, the analysis of sex tourism is a way to rethink the globalization of sexual issues and their political impacts. ; À partir d'une recherche conduite à Patpong, un quartier de Bangkok dédié à la prostitution touristique, je propose une sociologie critique du « tourisme sexuel » qui, en conjuguant enquête ethnographique et historique, tente de caractériser la pluralité des économies qui traversent les échanges prostitutionnels. Plus que de l'argent, la prostitution met en jeu des biens matériels, moraux, affectifs et symboliques qui s'échangent et circulent selon des logiques spécifiques. Ainsi, en révélant la diversité des échanges entre Thaïlandais-e-s et touristes internationaux, l'ethnographie empêche de réduire les unions à une relation de domination univoque. Les échanges ...

Based upon field work conducted in Patpong – a neighborhood in Bangkok dedicated to tourist-prostitution – I put forth a critical sociology of "sex tourism" that, through the combination of an ethnographic and historical survey, attempts to typify the plurality of the economies that run through prostitutional exchanges. More than just money, prostitution involves material, moral, emotional and symbolic goods that are traded and circulate according to specific rationales. This ethnographic study, by revealing the diversity of exchanges between Thai citizens and international tourists, prevents simplifying unions to a mere univocal relationship of domination. On the contrary, exchanges in tourist-prostitution appear as the product of complex power relations that are embedded in a particular context. These different economies can only be understood when taking into account a plurality of upward scales (local, national and global). Therefore, this ethnographic approach is complemented by a moral genealogy of sex tourism that provides a historical background on the process that enabled the construction, definition and dissemination of this new proscription. By combining the practical reality of relationships with their historical definitions, the analysis of sex tourism is a way to rethink the globalization of sexual issues and their political impacts. ; À partir d'une recherche conduite à Patpong, un quartier de Bangkok dédié à la prostitution touristique, je propose une sociologie critique du « tourisme sexuel » qui, en conjuguant enquête ethnographique et historique, tente de caractériser la pluralité des économies qui traversent les échanges prostitutionnels. Plus que de l'argent, la prostitution met en jeu des biens matériels, moraux, affectifs et symboliques qui s'échangent et circulent selon des logiques spécifiques. Ainsi, en révélant la diversité des échanges entre Thaïlandais-e-s et touristes internationaux, l'ethnographie empêche de réduire les unions à une relation de domination univoque. Les échanges prostitutionnels dans le tourisme apparaissent au contraire comme le produit de rapports de pouvoir complexes qui s'inscrivent dans un contexte particulier. Or ces différentes économies ne peuvent se saisir qu'à l'articulation d'une pluralité d'échelles (locale, nationale, mondiale). L'approche ethnographique est donc complétée par une généalogie morale du tourisme sexuel qui revient sur le processus historique ayant permis de construire, définir et diffuser ce nouvel interdit. Ainsi, en articulant la réalité pratique des relations à l'histoire de leur prise en charge, l'analyse du tourisme sexuel permet d'interroger la mondialisation des questions sexuelles et leurs effets politiques.

We investigate the diversity of practices and representations of women's work on family dairy farms, based on interviews with twenty women, both French (in the Segala area of Aveyron) and Uruguayan (in the Salto dairy basin). Family dairy farming represents a relatively homogeneous work environment (heavy routine work, a couple's activity), but with differences between the two countries on the issues of professional status and on the place of women in society. Interview analysis shows that the norms of sexual division of labour are strongly interiorized despite the differences between the two countries. Women's work remains linked to the domestic sphere, notably care of animals, milking, and administrative work. The recognition of the legal status of "farmer" present in France but absent in Uruguay, is translated in the perception of the role within the couple : French women emphasize the choices they have made, whereas Uruguayan women speak of an attributed role. Having a legal status does not assure professional recognition. In both countries, they profess recognition for their work in the family sphere, but little recognition in the context of essentially masculine professional groups (dairy technical service, cooperatives, farmers'unions). Creative artisanal activities in Uruguay and local civic organizations in France constitute spaces of socialization and recognition for women ; Nous interrogeons la diversité des pratiques et des représentations du travail des femmes dans des exploitations laitières familiales à partir d'entretiens réalisés auprès de vingt femmes françaises (Ségala aveyronnais) et uruguayennes (Bassin laitier de Salto). L'élevage laitier familial présente un contexte de travail relativement homogène (poids de l'astreinte, travail en couple) mais avec des différences entre les deux pays sur les questions du statut professionnel et de la place des femmes dans la société. L'analyse des entretiens montre que les normes de la division sexuelle du travail sont fortement intériorisées malgré les différences entre les deux pays. Le travail des femmes reste lié à la sphère domestique : soins aux animaux, traite, travail administratif. La reconnaissance du statut d'agricultrice, acquise en France, absente en Uruguay, se traduit dans la perception du rôle dans le collectif de travail : les femmes françaises mettent en avant les choix qu'elles ont effectués tandis que les femmes uruguayennes parlent de rôle attribué. Cependant, le statut professionnel n'implique pas que les questions de reconnaissance soient réglées, notamment en France. Dans les deux pays, les femmes se disent reconnues dans la sphère familiale, mais peu au sein des groupes professionnels essentiellement masculins : contrôle laitier, coopératives, syndicat professionnel. Les activités artisanales créatives en Uruguay ou les associations locales en France constituent des espaces sociaux d'ouverture et de reconnaissance pour les femmes

We investigate the diversity of practices and representations of women's work on family dairy farms, based on interviews with twenty women, both French (in the Segala area of Aveyron) and Uruguayan (in the Salto dairy basin). Family dairy farming represents a relatively homogeneous work environment (heavy routine work, a couple's activity), but with differences between the two countries on the issues of professional status and on the place of women in society. Interview analysis shows that the norms of sexual division of labour are strongly interiorized despite the differences between the two countries. Women's work remains linked to the domestic sphere, notably care of animals, milking, and administrative work. The recognition of the legal status of "farmer" present in France but absent in Uruguay, is translated in the perception of the role within the couple : French women emphasize the choices they have made, whereas Uruguayan women speak of an attributed role. Having a legal status does not assure professional recognition. In both countries, they profess recognition for their work in the family sphere, but little recognition in the context of essentially masculine professional groups (dairy technical service, cooperatives, farmers'unions). Creative artisanal activities in Uruguay and local civic organizations in France constitute spaces of socialization and recognition for women ; Nous interrogeons la diversité des pratiques et des représentations du travail des femmes dans des exploitations laitières familiales à partir d'entretiens réalisés auprès de vingt femmes françaises (Ségala aveyronnais) et uruguayennes (Bassin laitier de Salto). L'élevage laitier familial présente un contexte de travail relativement homogène (poids de l'astreinte, travail en couple) mais avec des différences entre les deux pays sur les questions du statut professionnel et de la place des femmes dans la société. L'analyse des entretiens montre que les normes de la division sexuelle du travail sont fortement intériorisées malgré les différences entre les deux pays. Le travail des femmes reste lié à la sphère domestique : soins aux animaux, traite, travail administratif. La reconnaissance du statut d'agricultrice, acquise en France, absente en Uruguay, se traduit dans la perception du rôle dans le collectif de travail : les femmes françaises mettent en avant les choix qu'elles ont effectués tandis que les femmes uruguayennes parlent de rôle attribué. Cependant, le statut professionnel n'implique pas que les questions de reconnaissance soient réglées, notamment en France. Dans les deux pays, les femmes se disent reconnues dans la sphère familiale, mais peu au sein des groupes professionnels essentiellement masculins : contrôle laitier, coopératives, syndicat professionnel. Les activités artisanales créatives en Uruguay ou les associations locales en France constituent des espaces sociaux d'ouverture et de reconnaissance pour les femmes

International audience ; Research on museology and gender appears primarily within the American and English context. It is part of a militancy which, since the 1970s, has denounced the failure to acknowledge women in cultural and artistic milieus. But why do these protests choose to target museums? It is undoubtedly because the museum is a very powerful multidimensional place, at once institutional, social, educational, media-related and cultural, which employs practises of collection, classifcation and display of stories through selected objects. It is as much a place of production and legitimation of knowledge as it is a place of afirmation of cultural sensibilities and identities. From its historical origins, as shown by TonyBennett in The Birth of the Museum. History, Theory, Politics (1995), the museum asserts itself as a place of social construction and identity-building which cannot possibly be apolitical. One could go further and suggest viewing the museum as a place that sets standards as much as it can also transform and perform them.The objective of this article is to trace a historiographical review of advocacy research combining engaged museology and gender up to the present day. Since the 1990s, study has provided a re-reading of the history of museums, museology and museography through the lens of gender, that is, in the light of the cultural and social construct of masculine and feminine identities and their cultural and sexual multitudes.From early work that was very critical of museums (articles by Gaby Porter, the work Gender Perspectives. Essays on Women in Museums, edited by Jane R. Glaser and Artemis Zenetou) to the most recent historical approaches re-evaluating the role of women in museums (the work of Leslie Madsen-Brooks), the article will discuss the process of efacement and invisibilization of certain social and sexual identities in museums (collective anthology Gender, Sexuality and Museums, edited by Amy K. Levin), as well as examining the possibilities of a scenographic and museographic re reading through the prism of gender (articles by Irit Rogoff and Rebecca Machin). Whether they develop a historical or a more contemporary point ofview, whether they are case studies or general refections, whether they are based on personal experience or promote a purportedly scientifcneutrality, all of these works invite one above all to shift the focus, to look anew at a museology which has too long remained androcentric and reliant on heterosexual norms. Examining patterns of discrimination, strategies for entryism and identity negotiation, acts of resistance in or against the museum, or hegemonic discourse, these studies have also beneftted from a strong interdisciplinarity and a dialogue with fertile theoretical concepts. By defnition interdisciplinary, gender has from this point of view an undeniable heuristic value for achieving a more accurate and nuanced vision of masculine and feminine heritage. This article thus explores the diversity of methodological and thematic points of view seen over the course of the last three decades, in order to note gaps and omissions and point the way to new research perspectives to follow from this standpoint. ; Les recherches articulant muséologie et genre émergent majoritairement dans le contexte américain et anglais. Elles s'inscrivent dans un militantisme qui, depuis les années 1970, dénonce l'absence de (re)connaissance des femmes dans les milieux culturels et artistiques. Pensons notamment à l'article de Linda Nochlin sur les femmes artistes en 1971, puis à celui d'Ann Sutherland Harris en 1973 pointant le faible nombre de femmes aux postes à responsabilité dans les départements d'art des universités et dans les musées 1. Les années 1970 voient aussi la création de plusieurs programmes féministes offrant de nouvelles interactions entre pratiques artistiques, enseignements, expositions et débats avec le Feminist Art Program en 1971 au California Institute of the Arts et l'ouverture du Women's Building à Los Angeles en 1973 2. C'est aussi un moment de fondation de collectifs activistes féministes comme WAR (Women Artists in Revolution) et WCA (Women's Caucus for Art). Les années

International audience ; Research on museology and gender appears primarily within the American and English context. It is part of a militancy which, since the 1970s, has denounced the failure to acknowledge women in cultural and artistic milieus. But why do these protests choose to target museums? It is undoubtedly because the museum is a very powerful multidimensional place, at once institutional, social, educational, media-related and cultural, which employs practises of collection, classifcation and display of stories through selected objects. It is as much a place of production and legitimation of knowledge as it is a place of afirmation of cultural sensibilities and identities. From its historical origins, as shown by TonyBennett in The Birth of the Museum. History, Theory, Politics (1995), the museum asserts itself as a place of social construction and identity-building which cannot possibly be apolitical. One could go further and suggest viewing the museum as a place that sets standards as much as it can also transform and perform them.The objective of this article is to trace a historiographical review of advocacy research combining engaged museology and gender up to the present day. Since the 1990s, study has provided a re-reading of the history of museums, museology and museography through the lens of gender, that is, in the light of the cultural and social construct of masculine and feminine identities and their cultural and sexual multitudes.From early work that was very critical of museums (articles by Gaby Porter, the work Gender Perspectives. Essays on Women in Museums, edited by Jane R. Glaser and Artemis Zenetou) to the most recent historical approaches re-evaluating the role of women in museums (the work of Leslie Madsen-Brooks), the article will discuss the process of efacement and invisibilization of certain social and sexual identities in museums (collective anthology Gender, Sexuality and Museums, edited by Amy K. Levin), as well as examining the possibilities of a scenographic and museographic re reading through the prism of gender (articles by Irit Rogoff and Rebecca Machin). Whether they develop a historical or a more contemporary point ofview, whether they are case studies or general refections, whether they are based on personal experience or promote a purportedly scientifcneutrality, all of these works invite one above all to shift the focus, to look anew at a museology which has too long remained androcentric and reliant on heterosexual norms. Examining patterns of discrimination, strategies for entryism and identity negotiation, acts of resistance in or against the museum, or hegemonic discourse, these studies have also beneftted from a strong interdisciplinarity and a dialogue with fertile theoretical concepts. By defnition interdisciplinary, gender has from this point of view an undeniable heuristic value for achieving a more accurate and nuanced vision of masculine and feminine heritage. This article thus explores the diversity of methodological and thematic points of view seen over the course of the last three decades, in order to note gaps and omissions and point the way to new research perspectives to follow from this standpoint. ; Les recherches articulant muséologie et genre émergent majoritairement dans le contexte américain et anglais. Elles s'inscrivent dans un militantisme qui, depuis les années 1970, dénonce l'absence de (re)connaissance des femmes dans les milieux culturels et artistiques. Pensons notamment à l'article de Linda Nochlin sur les femmes artistes en 1971, puis à celui d'Ann Sutherland Harris en 1973 pointant le faible nombre de femmes aux postes à responsabilité dans les départements d'art des universités et dans les musées 1. Les années 1970 voient aussi la création de plusieurs programmes féministes offrant de nouvelles interactions entre pratiques artistiques, enseignements, expositions et débats avec le Feminist Art Program en 1971 au California Institute of the Arts et l'ouverture du Women's Building à Los Angeles en 1973 2. C'est aussi un moment de fondation de collectifs activistes féministes comme WAR (Women Artists in Revolution) et WCA (Women's Caucus for Art). Les années