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Enshrined in the Bill of Rights of South Africa's Constitution[1] are a number of rights that affirm the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom. Section 9(3) states that 'The state may not unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds, including race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language and birth.' Despite these rights, which are also embodied in policy and law at the highest levels internationally, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people are subjected to discrimination, abuse, violence and even death because they do not fit into the expectations of what certain sectors of society consider to be the 'norm'.

The Nordic countries have often been depicted as progressive societies regarding sexual diversity and gender equality. These progressive changes in sexual minority issues, however, have not brought about radical changes in educational policies in addressing gender and sexual equality in schools. Both compulsory and upper secondary education often lack coherent protection of queer students. The same applies to specific policies on queer issues within the education system; they are hidden in the depths of many national curricula. In fact, a discrepancy exists in broader social policies supporting equality based on sexual orientation in the educational context. The main objective of this article is to investigate this discrepancy and justify it. In doing so, we will discuss in detail the educational policies and practices on sexualities currently operating in the Nordic area, particularly in Finland and Iceland. We analyse curricula documents, legislation, research reports, and other data from our own research projects, including ethnographic interviews, observation data, survey data, and written material. ; Academy of Finland (Strategic Research Council) [Grant number 292883] and University of Iceland ; Pre-print version

Abstract So-called "sexual reorientation therapies" represent a challenge to the scientific and professional development of Psychology, and to the exercise and free expression of sexual orientation as a human right. Since 1999 the Brazilian Federal Council of Psychology (CFP) has implemented a ban against the pathologization of homosexuality. The validity of that normative instrument, known as Resolution 01/99, has been contested by moral entrepreneurs within the profession, self-identified as Evangelical Christians, who pose a broader challenge to Psychology, standing as a secular, science-based profession. The controversy created by the challenge to CFP's positions on homosexuality and on religion extrapolates the domain of Psychology and its regulation as a science and profession, and becomes one more dispute related to sexual politics in Brazil. In this paper we explore the process by which sexual diversity has become a contentious issue for Brazilian Psychology, affecting the politics and regulation of the profession.

This article intends to talk about a democratic initiative of the Brazilian Bar Association to promote human rights and sexual diversity in Brazil. Brazil is walking up the road to protect LGBTI citizens and to legally recognize same-sex couples. The country has guaranteed many rights to homosexual couples and their children, but the lack of a specific act to rule these matters is a problem in a country whose legal system is still very dependent to legal acts and positivism. This work tries to show the state of art of homosexual couples' rights in Brazil and how the proposal of a new statute to protect the rights of LGBTI people, in all aspects of their daily life could protect them and contribute for a democratic society.

Enshrined in the Bill of Rights of South Africa's Constitution are a number of rights that affirm the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom. Section 9(3) states that 'The state may not unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds, including race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language and birth.' Despite these rights, which are also embodied in policy and law at the highest levels internationally, lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans-gender and intersex (LGBTI) people are subjected to discrimination, abuse, violence and even death because they do not fit into the expectations of what certain sectors of society consider to be the 'norm'. ; http://www.samj.org.za ; am2016 ; Immunology

African lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) organizations face various strategic dilemmas in contexts characterized by political hostility to gender and sexual dissidents. In Malawi, one such context, we examine how an LGBTIQ social movement organization (SMO) in Malawi, the Centre for the Development of People (CEDEP), navigated one particular strategic dilemma—the dilemma of whether to adopt a less politicized public-health approach or a more nimble, grassroots-oriented, and social-justice approach to their advocacy work—and the consequences of the organization's strategic decisions. Scholars interpret these approaches as signifying differential political engagement among organizations, with the social-justice approach indicating political engagement and the public-health approach signaling political disengagement. This difference has led critics to argue that a public-health approach is poorly suited to generating social and legal reform because it de-politicizes LGBTIQ issues over time, while a social-justice approach exerts constant pressure on political and religious elites. Drawing on qualitative interview data with Malawian LGBTIQ activists and news media data reflecting public debate around homosexuality in the country, we illuminate how this SMO metamorphosed from an organization ostensibly focused only on public health and HIV/AIDS to one that advances social justice for gender and sexual dissidents. We argue for an understanding of the indigenous development of a hybrid strategy integrating the public-health and social-justice approaches.

Purpose: This article explores different strands of educational discourse about sexual diversity in Portuguese schools, from the students perspectives. Method: The methodological approach consisted in conducting focus groups discussions: 36 with 232 young students (H = 106, M = 126) in 12 public secondary schools. Findings: Students reveal a polyphony of discourses that gravitate between liberal acceptance, conditional acceptance and intolerance. Research implications: Attention is drawn not only to discriminatory processes that question school as a democratic place for LGBT youth, but also to the gap between what is legally decreed and a lack of know-how in the approach to sexual diversity in school.

Purpose: This article explores different strands of educational discourse about sexual diversity in Portuguese schools, from the students' perspectives.Method: The methodological approach consisted in conducting focus groups discussions: 36 with 232 young students (H = 106, M = 126) in 12 public secondary schools.Findings: Students reveal a polyphony of discourses that gravitate between liberal acceptance, conditional acceptance and intolerance.Research implications: Attention is drawn not only to discriminatory processes that question school as a democratic place for LGBT youth, but also to the gap between what is legally decreed and a lack of know-how in the approach to sexual diversity in school.

Engaging key populations, including gender and sexual minorities, is essential to meeting global targets for reducing new HIV infections and improving the HIV continuum of care. Negative attitudes toward gender and sexual minorities serve as a barrier to political will and effective programming for HIV health services. The President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), established in 2003, provided Gender and Sexual Diversity Trainings for 2,825 participants including PEPFAR staff and program implementers, U.S. government staff, and local stakeholders in 38 countries. The outcomes of these one-day trainings were evaluated among a subset of participants using a mixed methods pre- and post-training study design. Findings suggest that sustainable decreases in negative attitudes toward gender and sexual minorities are achievable with a one-day training.

The notion of 'gay' has been interpreted by popular culture in Portugal to stem from a liberalization of individual practices and beliefs in the realm of sexual culture in general. As such, sexual orientation is commonly conflated with a cultural trend linked to modernity, in opposition to recognizing it as a constitutive element of sexual citizenship and the related set of rights it entails. This often unnoticed conflation obliterates significant socio-historical changes and the role played by an array of institutions and agents that contributed to those changes. In this article, the political and social history of homosexuality throughout the twentieth century will be the departure point to examine issues of impact and change in relation to the cultural representation of lesbians and gay men in the public sphere. Media reports of LGBT events throughout the 1990s and early 2000s will be considered a key indicator of cultural representation of sexual diversity. From criminalization to same-sex marriage, the article critically interrogates the extent to which formal change has translated into more inclusive notions of sexual justice regardless of sexual orientation.

"Sexualpolitik im Sinne der LSBTTIQ"? Im Herbst 2013 wurde ein Arbeitspapier der baden-württembergischen Landesregierung öffentlich, aus dem die Absicht hervorging, 'sexuelle Vielfalt' als Querschnittsthema in allen Unterrichtsfächern einzuführen. Dieses Vorhaben zog eine Reihe von Protesten nach sich: Fast 192.000 Bürger*innen unterzeichneten eine Petition gegen die geplante Bildungsplanreform. Von Februar 2014 bis Februar 2016 gingen regelmäßig Tausende auf die Straßen, um gegen "Genderideologie und die Sexualisierung unserer Kinder per Bildungsplan" (Demo für alle 2014) zu demonstrieren. In diesem Beitrag analysiere ich sowohl das Arbeitspapier als auch die Petition aus einer diskursanalytischen Perspektive. Konkret arbeite ich heraus, wie Wissen über Geschlecht und Sexualität in den beiden Dokumenten re_produziert und transformiert wird. Es zeigt sich, dass sich die Petition einer eindeutig 'antigenderistischen' Rhetorik bedient. Aber auch die LSBT*I*Q-Repräsentationen im Bildungsplanentwurf sind durchaus ambivalent. Beide Dokumente tragen trotz ihrer gegensätzlichen Intentionen zur Re_Produktion einer heteronormativen Ordnung bei.

This article explores the relation between the State and social movements in the production of public education policies focused on gender and sexual diversity. This reflection takes as its main sources two recent investigations dedicated to understanding the introduction of gender and sexual diversity into public education policies in Brazil during the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva government: one livre-docência thesis (VIANNA, 2011) and another work that investigated how the curriculum policies were understood, appropriated and implemented by public school teachers in the state of São Paulo (VIANNA, 2012). The purpose of this article is to look at the production of these policies from the viewpoint of the tensions present in the dialogue between the Lula government and the social demands made by the LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender) movement to reduce inequality and to construct social rights. By discussing gains, losses and future challenges, the text highlights the contradictions found in the processes of interlocution between the government and the LGBT movement. When the government introduces gender and sexual diversity demands in education, it seems to be willing to give value to the theme without considering the power relations that determine the traditional parameters supporting gender relations and teaching identities in daily school life. ; Este artigo explora a relação entre Estado e movimentos sociais na produção de políticas públicas de educação voltadas para o gênero e para a diversidade sexual. Esta reflexão toma como fontes principais duas investigações mais recentes voltadas para a compreensão da introdução do gênero e da diversidade sexual nas políticas públicas de educação no Brasil, no governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: uma tese de livre docência (VIANNA, 2011) e outro trabalho que verificou como as políticas voltadas para o currículo foram compreendidas, apropriadas e implementadas por professoras e professores de escolas públicas do estado de São Paulo (VIANNA, 2012). A intenção deste artigo foi olhar a produção dessas políticas a partir das tensões presentes na interlocução do governo Lula com demandas sociais por diminuição da desigualdade e construção de direitos sociais advindas do movimento LGBT (Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Transexuais e Transgêneros). Ao discutir ganhos, perdas e desafios futuros, o texto destaca as contradições presentes no processo de interlocução entre o governo e o movimento LGBT. Quando o governo introduz demandas de gênero e diversidade sexual na educação, parece querer valorizar o tema sem considerar as relações de poder que determinam os parâmetros tradicionais que sustentam as relações de gênero e as identidades docentes no cotidiano escolar.

Im Herbst 2013 wurde ein Arbeitspapier der baden-württembergischen Landesregierung öffentlich, aus dem die Absicht hervorging, 'sexuelle Vielfalt' als Querschnittsthema in allen Unterrichtsfächern einzuführen. Dieses Vorhaben zog eine Reihe von Protesten nach sich: Fast 192.000 Bürger*innen unterzeichneten eine Petition gegen die geplante Bildungsplanreform; von Februar 2014 bis Februar 2016 gingen regelmäßig Tausende auf die Straßen, um gegen "Genderideologie und die Sexualisierung unserer Kinder per Bildungsplan" (Demo für alle 2014) zu demonstrieren.In diesem Beitrag analysiere ich sowohl das Arbeitspapier als auch die Petition aus einer diskursanalytischen Perspektive. Konkret arbeite ich heraus, wie Wissen über Geschlecht und Sexualität in den beiden Dokumenten re_produziert und transformiert wird. Es zeigt sich, dass sich die Petition einer eindeutig 'antigenderistischen' Rhetorik bedient. Aber auch die LSBT*I*Q-Repräsentationen im Bildungsplanentwurf sind durchaus ambivalent. Beide Dokumente tragen trotz ihrer gegensätzlichen Intentionen zur Re_Produktion einer heteronormativen Ordnung bei. ; In the fall of 2013, a working paper by the German federal government of Baden-Württemberg became public, revealing the intention to introduce the topic of sexual diversity across all school subjects. This was followed by a public outcry: Almost 192,000 German citizens signed a petition against the planned curriculum reform; between February 2014 and February 2016, every few months, thousands took to the streets to demonstrate against "gender-ideology and [the] sexualization of our children via the curriculum" (Demo für Alle 2014).In this paper, I analyze the working paper as well as the petition from a discourse-analytical perspective. Specifically, I work out how knowledge about gender and sexuality is re_produced and transformed in the two documents. I do not only show the petition's use of so-called "anti-genderist" rhetoric but also the ambivalence of the specific LGBT*I*Q representation in the working paper. Despite their contrary intentions, both documents contribute to the re_production of a heteronormative order.

Creating space for claiming and articulating difference is at the heart of discussions about sexual diversity. Yet, discourses of sexual diversity themselves sometimes entail normative and exclusive mechanisms. Using the concept of disidentification, this paper engages with counter-narratives from civil society actors supporting sexual and ethnic diversity in the Netherlands and Flanders that are critical of a dominant framework of "proper gayness." This framework prescribes a self-centred, coming-out logic that neglects and forecloses subjectivities that entail religiosity, commitment to ethnic community and queerness simultaneously. We coin ethnosexual subjectivity to analyse these civil society actor's critical, creative and sometimes affirmative accounts of queerness through inhabiting complex positions, and utilise the notions of space, specificity, and diversity. As co-producers of knowledge about sexual diversity, these actors employ the notions of "coming-in," "multiple-identification," and "self-acceptance" as a way to broaden the available space for sexual diversity, while being partly implicated in stigmatising politics of cultural and ethnic difference.

Using interview data on LGBT young people's policing experiences, I argue policing and security works as a program of government (Dean 1999; Foucault 1991; Rose 1999) that constrains the visibilities of diverse sexuality and gender in public spaces. While young people narrated police actions as discriminatory, the interactions were complex and multi-faceted with police and security working to subtly constrain the public visibilities of 'queerness'. Same sex affection, for instance, was visibly yet unverifiably (Mason 2002) regulated by police as a method of governing the boundaries of proper gender and sexuality in public. The paper concludes by noting how the visibility of police interactions with LGBT young people demonstrates to the public that public spaces are, and should remain, heterosexual spaces.