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In Theocratic Secularism, author Naser Ghobadzadeh questions the religious logic used to legitimize the rule of the clergy in Iran. Ghobadzadeh argues that orthodox shi'ism considers the institution of government to be outside the realm of religion and religious leaders. Coining the term 'theocratic secularism', Ghobadzadeh ultimately argues for the re-instatement of a form of political secularism in Iran.

Historical background -- Shias and the Pakistan movement -- Shias in Pakistan until 1958 -- The Ayub Khan era, 1958-1968 -- The Yahya Khan and Bhutto era, 1969-1977 -- The Zia-ul-Haqq era, 1977-1988 -- The interim democratic decade, 1988-1999 -- The Musharraf and Zardari eras, 2000-2013

This study analyses the major intellectual positions in the philosophical debate on Islamic law that is occurring in contemporary Iran. As the characteristic features of traditional epistemic considerations have a direct bearing on the modern development of Islamic legal thought, the contemporary positions are initially set against the established normative repertory of Islamic tradition. It is within this broad examination of a living legacy of interpretation that the context for the concretizations of traditional as well as modern Islamic learning, are enclosed

Chapter Introduction -- part Part 1: Counter-Imagining Islam and Iran -- chapter 1 In the Absence of the Face -- chapter 4 The Power of Interpretation -- chapter 6 On Nations Without Borders -- part Part 2: Emancipatory Aesthetics -- chapter 8 Nima Yushij and the Constitution of a National Subject -- chapter 10 Kiarostami and Makhmalbaf.

Beginning with the 2003 invasion of Iraq and concluding with the Arab uprisings of 2011, Frederic Wehrey investigates the Shi'a-Sunni divide now dominating the Persian Gulf 's political landscape. Focusing on three states affected most by sectarian tensions—Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait—Wehrey identifies the factors that have exacerbated or tempered sectarianism, including domestic political institutions, the media, clerical establishments, and the contagion effect of external events, such as the Iraq civil war and the Arab uprisings.In addition to his analysis, Wehrey builds a historical

This is the first comprehensive study of the life and works of Muhammad Baqer as-Sadr - an Iraqi scholar who made an important contribution to the renewal of Islamic law and politics in the contemporary Middle East. Executed in 1980, Sadr was the most articulate thinker and a major political actor in the revival of Shi'i learning, which placed Najaf in Southern Iraq at its centre. Dr Chibli Mallat examines the intellectual development of Sadr and his companions who included Ruhullah al-Khumaini and assesses Sadr's innovative approaches to the study of law, economics and banking. The author convincingly demonstrates how Sadr's ideas and activities were influential in the rise of political Islam across the Middle East and played an important part in the Iranian revolution of 1979

The historical background of the Sunni-Shi'i conflict -- The challenge of Shi'i conversion activity to Ottoman control of Iraq -- From subjecthood to citizenship -- The impact of the marriage prohibition on the rights and responsibilities of citizens -- Continuity and challenges to the prohibition of marriages during the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the first years of the Turkish Republic -- Conclusion -- Appendix A: Law of Ottoman nationality of 19 January 1869 -- Appendix B: 26 may 1914 "Draft law concerning the prohibition of marriages between Ottoman women and Iranian men" -- Appendix C: Law of 26 april 1926 "Concerning the Preservation of the Prohibition of Marriage Between Iranian and Turkish Citizens

Yemen is not currently a failed state, but it is experiencing huge political and economic problems that can have a direct impact on U.S. interests in the region. It has a rapidly expanding population with a resource base that is limited and already leaves much of the current population in poverty. The government obtains around a third of its budget revenue from sales of its limited and declining oil stocks, which most economists state will be exhausted by 2017. Yemen also has critical water shortages and a variety of interrelated security problems. In Saʹada province in Yemen's northern mountainous region, there has been an intermittent rebellion by Houthi tribesmen (now experiencing a cease-fire) who accuse the government of discrimination and other actions against their Zaydi Shi'ite religious sect. In southern Yemen, a powerful independence movement has developed which is mostly nonviolent but is increasingly angry and confrontational. More recently, Yemen has emerged as one of the most important theaters for the struggle against al-Qaeda. Yemen is among the worst places on earth to cede to al-Qaeda in this struggle, but it is also an especially distrustful and wary nation in its relationship with Western nations and particularly the United States. All of these problems are difficult to address because the central government has only limited capacity to extend its influence into tribal areas beyond the capital and major cities. The United States must therefore do what it can to support peaceful resolutions of Yemen's problems with the Houthis and Southern Movement while continuing to assist the government's struggle against al-Qaeda forces in Yemen. It must further pursue these policies in ways that avoid provoking a backlash among the Yemeni population which will not tolerate significant numbers of U.S. combat troops in Yemen. ; The conflicts in Yemen and U.S. national security -- Introduction -- The Yemeni political system in crisis -- Yemen's security concerns with the Houthi rebellion and the Southern secessionists -- The Houthi rebellion -- The Southern movement -- Yemeni regional politics and the relationship with Saudi Arabia -- The origins and development of the Al-Qaeda presence in Yemen -- The intensification and expansion of the Al-Qaeda threat in Yemen -- U.S. interests and policies involving Yemen -- Conclusion and recommendations ; Format not distributed to depository libraries. ; "January 2011." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 84-104). ; Summary -- The conflicts in Yemen and U.S. national security -- Introduction -- The Yemeni political system in crisis -- Yemen's security concerns with the Houthi rebellion and the Southern secessionists -- The Houthi rebellion -- The Southern movement -- Yemeni regional politics and the relationship with Saudi Arabia -- The origins and development of the Al-Qaeda presence in Yemen -- The intensification and expansion of the Al-Qaeda threat in Yemen -- U.S. interests and policies involving Yemen -- Conclusion and recommendations ; Yemen is not currently a failed state, but it is experiencing huge political and economic problems that can have a direct impact on U.S. interests in the region. It has a rapidly expanding population with a resource base that is limited and already leaves much of the current population in poverty. The government obtains around a third of its budget revenue from sales of its limited and declining oil stocks, which most economists state will be exhausted by 2017. Yemen also has critical water shortages and a variety of interrelated security problems. In Saʹada province in Yemen's northern mountainous region, there has been an intermittent rebellion by Houthi tribesmen (now experiencing a cease-fire) who accuse the government of discrimination and other actions against their Zaydi Shi'ite religious sect. In southern Yemen, a powerful independence movement has developed which is mostly nonviolent but is increasingly angry and confrontational. More recently, Yemen has emerged as one of the most important theaters for the struggle against al-Qaeda. Yemen is among the worst places on earth to cede to al-Qaeda in this struggle, but it is also an especially distrustful and wary nation in its relationship with Western nations and particularly the United States. All of these problems are difficult to address because the central government has only limited capacity to extend its influence into tribal areas beyond the capital and major cities. The United States must therefore do what it can to support peaceful resolutions of Yemen's problems with the Houthis and Southern Movement while continuing to assist the government's struggle against al-Qaeda forces in Yemen. It must further pursue these policies in ways that avoid provoking a backlash among the Yemeni population which will not tolerate significant numbers of U.S. combat troops in Yemen. ; The conflicts in Yemen and U.S. national security -- Introduction -- The Yemeni political system in crisis -- Yemen's security concerns with the Houthi rebellion and the Southern secessionists -- The Houthi rebellion -- The Southern movement -- Yemeni regional politics and the relationship with Saudi Arabia -- The origins and development of the Al-Qaeda presence in Yemen -- The intensification and expansion of the Al-Qaeda threat in Yemen -- U.S. interests and policies involving Yemen -- Conclusion and recommendations ; Mode of access: Internet.