Suchergebnisse

Two of the most significant archaeological monuments on Karmøy are the burials from Storhaug and Grønhaug. Consisting of impressive mounds containing large chamber graves in ships, they belong to the most exclusive and costly group of ritual expressions known from the Viking Age. The two ship graves on Karmøy thus represent persons and politics at the very heart of what made this island an important place in early medieval Scandinavia. This chapter suggests that the majority of monumental burials using the ship allegory were manifestations of a certain origin myth, of which the Danish Skjǫldungar legend is an example, erected as part of the power struggle between ascendant royal families. Archaeological material and written sources are analysed to illuminate the use of ship symbolism in monumental burials in and around Scandinavia: large mounds with inhumations or cremations in ships; large ship-shaped stone settings; and written sources from the 10th to the 14th century mentioning ship burials. The archaeological study shows that two different traditions were in use from the late 6th to the late 10th century. One was utilising stone ship settings, at least sometimes in combination with cremations, and was used in southern and eastern Sweden as well as in Denmark. The other, employing inhumation burials in ships, derived from a Scandinavian tradition of placing the deceased in boats for the funerals, but was only developed into a monumental format in East Anglia around 600. From there, it spread to Norway and, to a lesser extent, Denmark in the late 8th–10th centuries. This resonates with the written sources, which reveal the existence of two traditions. The ship burials in Norway, Iceland, and Greenland are described as inhumation burials, while narratives playing out in southern Scandinavia – often regarding royal persons – present cremation burials in ships. This chapter thus suggests that the Karmøy ship graves and many other of the largest monumental ship burials and ship settings were created to establish the godly origin of a deceased dynastic head in collective memory, thereby ensuring the transfer of this exclusive status to his or her heirs. The origin myths used would be following the pattern of the Skjǫldungar myth, in which the originator of the clan magically arrives as a small child alone in a drifting boat, and who was returned by the clan to the gods by means of a ship funeral. This ideology, it is argued, first emerged in southern Scandinavia in the Migration Period, where its most vivid expression was that of monumental ship settings; subsequently it transformed to ship inhumation burials below mounds as it was briefly adopted by an East Anglian royal family. Later it was adopted again, in its morphed Anglo-Saxon form, by sea-kings ruling from Karmøy in the late 8th century. Close connections between the east- and the west-Norwegian ship graves suggest that their dynasty brought the ideology and ritual to eastern Norway in the 9th century, where it flourished for a century before its disappearance in Norway and possible monopolisation by Danish kings in the late 10th century.

New dendrochronological dates from Western Norway prompt an old question to be posed in a new way. They show that two ship burials on the island of Karmøy date from AD 780 and 790, that is, the very beginning of the Viking Age, and are therefore the very earliest known ship graves – with one exception: Sutton Hoo. So where did the ship burial tradition originate? Sutton Hoo's early seventh century ship burials, in large, ocean-going vessels, are often compared with the boat graves of Vendel, Valsgärde and other sites in the Lake Mälar region of Sweden, while Oseberg and the other ship burials in the Oslofjord area have traditionally been interpreted as the precursors of, and models for, the Karmøy ship graves. In this paper, we aim to demonstrate that the use of ships and boats in burials was common practise around the North Sea and in the Western Baltic during the Late Migration period and was introduced to Eastern England with the same 'wave' of cultural influences that took new forms of brooches and a new dress code from Western Norway to Anglia in the late fifth century AD. And, furthermore, that the East Anglian ship graves of the early seventh century (Sutton Hoo 1 and 2) represent an elaboration of this common practice, related to political centralisation and Christianisation in the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. We also suggest that this high-status, indeed royal, form of burial, that is, actual ship graves as opposed to the much more widespread practice of burial in relative small boats, was introduced to Scandinavia from Eastern England via Western Norway in the eighth century, culminating in the well-known Viking Age ship graves at Oseberg, Gokstad, Tune and Ladby.

This thesis analyses the relation between ship and society against a background of ideological and technological changes in Late Iron Age Sweden. It discusses the factors behind the development of 'a maritime society', why ships and seafaring came to play an important role that was also reflected in the use of the ship as a symbol and a metaphor in a military context, as well as in religion, administration, jurisdiction and social life. The author argues that this society is disappearing when it is first encountered in the Early Middle Ages, because of a fundamental ideological change. There is a myth about the appearance of the 'Viking ship' and the Iron Age seafarer. The ships are supposed to be big and wide. An analysis of the archaeological material presented here shows that this picture is not correct. Instead the ships of the Svear were quite small and built in a way that made them very light. This was a result of shipbuilding methods introduced in the Late Iron Age, and it had consequences for the trade communication network as well as for naval operations. Because of the light ships, it was possible to land on any shallow shore and navigate the shallow rivers in the East. The ship became a key symbol used by the authorities to structure the society for administrative and military purposes, using a terminology based on the Late Iron Age warship. In the Middle Ages, ideology, shipbuilding and seafaring changed. New key symbols were introduced, and they were used by an increasing royal power to consolidate what would become a united Sweden, inspired by feudal Europe.

The history of the accumulation of materials on counting jetons of the 17th–18th centuries obtained from the burials in the Olkhon region (western coast of Lake Baikal from Cape Elokhin to the Buguldeika village, including Olkhon Island) is considered. Based on the study of literary sources, available archival and collection materials stored in the funds of the Irkutsk State University (excavations of V. V. Pavlutskaya in the 1980s), 8 burials from the Old Buryat cemeteries were identified, in which counting jetons were recorded (more than 244). For the first time, counting jetons from the accompanying inventory of the burial ground Todakta IV are introduced into scientific circulation in full. A generalization and analysis of all currently found counting jetons of the Olkhon region are carried out and their general classification is proposed. To determine the images on some counting jetons and establish the names of the masters who made them, A. A. Pushkarev's research was used. It was possible to identify 129 jetons with varying degrees of completeness. Among them, according to the plots on the front side, the portrait theme (chest profiles of monarchs) occupies a leading place. There is a variety of plots on the reverse side of the jetons: heraldic signs, an ancient warrior, a park with a fountain, a three-masted ship, a tree under the sun. Most of the counting jetons are marked with the seal of the master Johann Christian Reich (109). There are also works of Johann Friedrich Weidinger (7), Albrecht Hoger (4), Johann Jakob Ditzel (4), Johann Adam Vogel (3) and Cornelius Lauffer (1). Taking into account the periods of activity of these masters, it is possible to outline the chronology of the use of certain plots for decorating jetons. In the first half of the 18th century (along with heraldic signs marked in the 17th century) images are often found: a sailing ship and a tree under the sun; in one case, an ancient warrior was recorded (in combination with the image of Louis XV). The themes of coats of arms and ships were encountered in the second half of the 18th century. In the Old Buryat burials of the Olkhon region, counting jetons originating from different workshops are found together. The latest of them were made in the workshop of Johann Christian Reich, which is probably associated with the intensification of the export of jetons to Russia and Siberia in the second half of the 18th century.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. Preparation -- 2. Embarkation -- 3. Life -- 4. Death -- 5. Arrival -- Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Essay on Sources and Methodology -- Abbreviations -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author

Intro -- Title Page -- Contents -- Prologue: 'Where are you coming to!' -- Chapter One: Today's the Day! -- Chapter Two: Collision -- Chapter Three: Indescribably Hushed -- Chapter Four: Yes, But How Many? -- Plates -- Chapter Five: The Vultures are Gathering -- Chapter Six: Serious Accusations -- Chapter Seven: Shameful Sunday -- Chapter Eight: Burial Monday -- Chapter Nine: Laid to Rest -- Chapter Ten: Meanwhile -- Chapter Eleven: What Are They Hiding? -- Chapter Twelve: So, Who Was to Blame? -- Chapter Thirteen: Other Views -- Chapter Fourteen: Aftermath -- Chapter Fifteen: A Deep and Lasting Sorrow -- Chapter Sixteen: Acute Memory Loss -- Chapter Seventeen: In Context -- Chapter Eighteen: Unfit for Service? -- Chapter Nineteen: Hisses in Court -- Chapter Twenty: Life Goes On -- Chapter Twenty-One: The Perils of Kissing -- Chapter Twenty-Two: What Rule? -- Chapter Twenty-Three: In Memoriam -- Chapter Twenty-Four: Déjà Vu -- The Casualties -- Sources and Bibliography -- Index -- A, B, C -- D, E, F -- G, H, I -- J, K, L -- M, N, O -- P, Q, R -- S, T, U -- V, W, X -- Y, Z -- By the Same Author -- Copyright.

The SS LeBaron Russell Briggs sailed for the last time on 18 August 1970. Its cargo bay held, among other materiel, more than 12,000 M55 rockets, each of which was loaded with a little less than 5kg of sarin. US soldiers bored into the hull of the Briggs, allowing the incoming seawater to force it downwards. The vessel came to rest just over 5,000m from the surface of the Atlantic Ocean, 400km east of Cape Kennedy, Florida. The sunken ship represented the end of Operation CHASE (Cut Holes and Sink 'Em), a US Department of Defense programme that disposed of unwanted munitions at sea. To the custodians of chemical warfare (CW) materiel, burial at sea seemed a better solution than disposal on land. At the time, a sea-bottom depository, far removed from populated areas, represented a reassuring sense of finality that land burial could not guarantee. In the aftermath of two world wars, more than one million tons of CW materiel came to rest on sea-bottoms throughout the world. The Chemical Weapon Munitions Dumped at Sea (CWMDS) database, created by researchers from the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies, aggregates open-source accounts of nearly 50 years of CW materiel seadumping. This article presents a short overview of the scale of the CW materiel problem and examines the persisting environmental and human health concerns resulting from the materiel still on the sea-bottom. Following this, it discusses the CWMDS database and how it helps to address these concerns, and briefly considers potential means for taking the project forward. Adapted from the source document.

Near surface seafloor properties are needed for recreational, commercial, and military applications. Construction projects on the ocean seafloors often require extensive knowledge about strength, deformability, hydraulic, thermal, acoustic, and seismic characteristics for locating stable environments and ensuring proper functioning of structures, pipelines, and other installations on the surface of and buried into the marine sediments. The military is also interested in a variety of seafloor properties as they impact sound propagation, mine impact burial, trafficability, bearing capacity, time-dependent settlement, and stability of objects on the seafloor. Point measurements of sediment properties are done using core samplers and sediment grab devices (with subsequent lab analysis) and in-situ probes. These techniques are expensive in terms of ship time and provide limited area coverage. Sub-bottom acoustic and electromagnetic sensors can provide profiles of near surface sediment information with improved coverage rates. Fusion techniques are being developed to provide areal extent of sediment information from multiple sensors. This paper examines the recent history of techniques used to measure sediment properties in the upper portions of the seafloor and in shallow (≪100m) water.

Diary 47 begins on November 4, 1897. According to his diary, Joseph arrived back in Baghdad from his journey to Europe with his son Alexander, his wife Eliza, and the outgoing British Consul Col. Mockler on October 14. He quickly settled back in to his normal life, traveling up and down the Tigris River from Baghdad to Basra and back, aboard the steamers of the Lynch company. Typically, Joseph was clerk aboard the H. Blosse Lynch, though on occasion his services were required aboard her newer sister ship, the Mejidieh. At home in Baghdad, Joseph corresponded with his son by mail?Alexander had begun studying several subjects in school, including German. Joseph also noted in his diary that he had paid a carpenter for four days worth of work while he was away at Basra, part of an ongoing series of improvements to his home in Baghdad. (4 November 1897, 2-3) Evidently, Eliza had returned to Iraq separately from Joseph, she had recently arrived at Basra in the SS Arabistan, one of several British steamers which made a regular run from Europe, through the Red Sea and Persian Gulf before traveling on to India. On Monday, November 8, Joseph met Eliza at Basra. Upon meeting her again, he wrote in his diary: ?I could not keep myself from the tears on seeing her without my son Alexander.? (8 Nov. 1897, 9) The news that she brought was just as bad. She complained that in Paris, their family friend Ibrahim Gejou had treated them quite poorly. He was unprepared for their arrival and charged them extra for her to stay in the same room with Alexander. To make matters worse, Eliza believed that Alexander should not remain in Paris because he spent too much money too quickly and made a habit of selling his postage stamps instead of using them to write home. The whole conversation left Joseph ?so very sorry & broken hearted that [he] lost all the pleasure of talking with her about anything else.? That night, he could not sleep well on account of the excessive mosquitoes and his wife?s story of his son?s life in Paris. (8 Nov. 1897, 10) Upon their return to Baghdad together, the rest of the family was glad to see Joseph and Eliza once again. Throughout November, Joseph often noted that the weather was unusually cold and calm, recording morning temperatures in the low thirties Fahrenheit, and overnight temperatures that sometimes dipped as low as the mid-twenties. On Tuesday the 16th, Joseph took the time to call on the new British Consul General, Colonel Lock, who had replaced the outgoing Col. Mockler. Lock, it seems, was rather interested in performing archaological expeditions in the surrounding desert. An avid amateur archaeologist himself, Joseph recommended that Lock visit the site of Sippar at Tell Abu Habbah, southwest of Baghdad. Joseph then went to meet the new French Vice Consul M. Ron?, and engineer M. Jacquer?s. (16 Nov. 1897, 17-18) After visiting with some family on November 17th, tending to some home business, and receiving another letter from his son, Joseph embarked for Basra again on the 19th. Throughout the journey, Joseph continually complained of the cold weather and its ill effects on his health.? At Basra, they took on an important cargo: the body of Sheikh Mezel of the Mahomerah tribe. Mezel had been murdered by his brother Khazal, and the body was being transported to the Shi?a holy city of Karbala for burial. On this journey, Joseph listed among the notable passengers: the new Inspector for the Quarantine of Baghdad dispatched by Constantinople, Dr. Z. Yeronimakus; Dr. Malakis of the Basra Quarantine and his clerk Solon Calothi, coming for an unspecified political affair, as well as Ezra Daniel the Jew Apothecary. (23-4 Nov. 1897, 27-9) On November 28, Joseph learned of the death of Yousif Sayegh, a relative of his wife Eliza?s late husband Fathallah. Joseph and his brother-in-law Antone Marine attended a wake at the Sayegh family home in Baghdad, where Yousif had lived as the last resident after his remaining brothers in the clergy moved north to Mosul. Later that afternoon, Joseph, Antone Marine, and their friend Yousif Korkis Tessy accompanied the body from the Sayegh home to the Armenian Church near the ancient citadel in the northwest corner of Baghdad, where funeral services were held. The Baghdadi Christian community turned out in droves to pay their respects, including the Russian consul Mr. Mashkow. Following the funeral, the body was taken by mourning carriage to the Christian cemetery complex on the eastern outskirts of the city, where it was interred. (28 Nov. 1897, 34-5) Aside from unusually rainy and gloomy weather, the late autumn and early winter of 1897 was a relatively uneventful time. The work on the Svoboda family home continued, he noted in his diary that he painted the pillars and railings in his home yellow and green. (30 Nov. 1897, 37) In December, Joseph continued to correspond with Alexander, who complained of the bitterly cold winter in Paris, the like of which he had rarely experienced??temperature always at zero, or freezing point.? (16 Dec. 1897, 53) Once, on a journey from Baghdad to Basra, Joseph noted that some of his passengers were the former administrators of the Basra Quarantine, ?Dr. Lubiez and Dr. Malakis. They, along with their entire staff, had been dismissed from their positions for reasons that Joseph was not aware of, and were returning to Istanbul via the Suez Canal in the steamer Alphonse Parran. (17 Dec. 1897, 55) On the same trip to Basra, Joseph gave Rezooki Sayegh three Arabic language manuscripts to send to Alexander via Bombay so that they could be sold in Paris. Joseph also sent four Rumelian Railway lottery bonds (purchased at a price of 28 Turkish Lira) for Alexander to sell in exchange for some of the Paris Exhibition Lottery bonds for 1900 for 1 Napoleon apiece. (21 December 1897, 59-60) On Christmas Day, Joseph noted that they passed the Ottoman steamers Mossul and Ressafah near Bughela carrying Ottoman soldiers to Kuwait to settle a disturbance, as he put it, ?between the followers of the Sheikh of Kweit Moobarak el Subah and his brother?s sons, as his brother Mahomed was Killed by the former 2 years ago, the Arabs have split in two parts.? Later, the crew celebrated Christmas aboard the Blosse Lynch with a caked baked by Captain Cowley?s butler Francis. (25 December 1897, 64-5) Upon arriving back at Baghdad, Joseph wrote that the Damascus Post, the key mail line going over land through the Ottoman Empire, was delayed by more than four days, meaning he and Eliza had no letters from Alexander for Christmas. (26 December 1897, 66) It arrived the following day, the driver having been found dead in the desert between Hit and Saglawyeh east of the Euphrates. (27 December 1897, 68) Several days later, Joseph mailed Alexander a cheque for 200 francs from his uncle Yousif Marine as a Christmas gift. (30 December 1897, 71) The first of the New Year brought an unexpected surprise. On a trip down to Basra, with morning temperatures hovering around freezing, Joseph notes a particularly uncommon weather phenomenon: ?It begun to Snow after midnight, a phenomena for this part of the world and a great rarity, I never saw it like this but once some 25 years ago; the whole desert, banks of the river and brush wood are covered with it so white and picturesque.? (1 January 1898, 74) Though recording wonder at the rarity and beauty of the event, Joseph complains of the cold for several days.?It seems the threat of Ottoman military force successfully settled the troubles in Gulf, at least temporarily, as the Blosse Lynch passed the same contingent of Turkish soldiers now encamped at Lebany on the banks of the Tigris. Evidently, the Sheikh of Qatar (Kater in Joseph?s rendering) Jassim el Thani had submitted to Ottoman authority. (4 January 1898, 79) The month of January 1898 saw three anniversaries that each occasioned great celebration in Baghdad. On January 6, the Father Superior of the Latin Church, Marie Joseph, was feted for his 40th anniversary at the Church in Baghdad. The French Vice Consul, Mons. Ronet, presented the priest with the Palmes d?Officier d?Acad?mie, one of the highest awards for the expansion of French culture abroad. January 9th, 1898 corresponded to the 16th of Sha?aban in the Islamic hijri calendar, and was celebrated as the Coronation Day of Sultan Abdulhamid II. According to Joseph, all of the foreign consuls in Baghdad paid their respects to the Governor of Baghdad Vali Atta-allah Pasha and Mushir Rejeb Pasha, Commander in Chief of the Ottoman 6th Army. (9 Jan 1898, 85-6) On January 27, late in the evening on account of the Ramadan fast, the German consulate hosted a reception in honor of Kaiser Wilhelm?s birthday. Joseph attended, along with most of the European diplomatic community and the Ottoman provincial administrators. There was a dance, and guests were entertained by the Ottoman military band. (27 January 1898, 111-3)? On January 10, Joseph received an urgent telegram from his son asking permission to travel to Cairo to work for the international commission overseeing the management of Egyptian public debt. He wrote in his diary ?I was astonished to see such a message, how could I possibly let him accept such a situation without first knowing what condition and how and who has asked him, or if he has been applying for it?? He attempted to send a telegram ordering Alexander to wait, but it was delayed by a cut telegraph line, an all-too common occurrence. In the mean time, his brother-in-law Anton Marine advised him to allow Alexander to pursue the opportunity. Joseph resolved to wait until his son sent more details by mail. (10 January 1898, 87-8) Upon receiving Joseph?s telegram, Alexander replied by wire that he would wait until the end of February. Joseph wrote: ?All here advise me to let him go after I receive the full particulars of this situation in Cairo if advantageous; I was so restless all the night thinking about Alexander?s project of wishing to go to Cairo.? (18 January 1898, 99)?A week later, Joseph received two letters from Alexander from the end of December, more thoroughly explaining his motivations. Through Sherif Beg, the son of a Moossa Kadem Pasha, he met the unnamed son of a Serkis Pasha, who in turn promised to introduce Alexander to Nubar Pasha, the former Egyptian Prime Minister that had retired to Paris. (24 January 1898, 107-8) Throughout the later months of winter, Joseph continued to correspond frequently with Alexander. On Sunday February 6, he received an inexplicable telegram from his which simply read: ?Grammaire, 100 francs repondez.? In his diary, Joseph puzzled over the meaning of the message. He went to the German consulate to gather and copy the necessary documents for Alexander to renew his Austrian passport through their family friend Mr. B?hm in Vienna. After a few days, Joseph finally surmised that, by ?grammaire,? Alexander must have meant the Arabic manuscripts he had sent to him in December. He replied telling Alexander to suspend the sale, as 100 francs was far too low a price. He then sent Alexander a longer letter via the Damascus Post to telling providing the details of a trip to Vienna and telling him that he ?must give up the idea of the job in Egypt for the present." (6-10 February 1898, 124-30)?On February 19, Joseph received two letters from Alexander from a month earlier, explaining that he had been quite unwell, but that he had given up the thought of going to Cairo and would instead go to Vienna come spring. (19 February 1898, 142-3) Glad to hear that his son had come to his senses, Joseph wrote to Alexander to tell him that if he was short of money he could draw 500 francs from Rezooki Korkis for his travels. (23 February 1898, 146)? For the most part, the winter of 1897-1898 was cold and dry. In late February Joseph noted with relief that rain had finally come. The drought had pushed grain prices to historic highs. According to Joseph: ?wheat had risen to 500 piasters per Wazna of 78 Constantinople Oke; a thing which has never yet occurred before.? (25 Feb. 1898, 149) The bad weather had also killed off livestock and destroyed much of the vegetable crop. Bad pasturage from the cold meant that young lambs were killed early for their skins rather than their meat or wool. (1 March 1898, 155) Joseph recorded in his diary upon returning to Baghdad from Basra in early March: ?There is a great scarcity and dearnes of provision in town; which is worth noting, it is caused by the scarcity of rain & the severe cold of this winter which killed all of the vegetation & pasturage for sheep & cattle & the price rose steadily, although there are a great quantity of Grain stowed away by the dealers in hopes of getting the price up & therefore making a good profit, the Government do not seem to take any steps to avoid this, & force the people & the sellers to dispose of the provision at a reasonable price, every kind of food rose accordingly.? (4 March 1898, 158-9) Joseph wrote that the spike in food prices precipitated unrest and banditry amongst the tribal Arabs outside the city: ?Lots of theft & plunder are taking place in the town & outside, the Arabs are plundering Keleks & caravans; & theives robbing houses & shops on account of the scarcity.? (5 February 1898, 160) On March 5th, at the invitation of Eliahoo Denoos, the Seraf of the Residency, Joseph, his wife Eliza, Antone Marine and his family, Yousif Asfar and Philip Chiha went together to the wedding of his brother Noonoo Denoos. Joseph was not pleased by the nights? festivities. He complained to his diary: ?there were hundreds of people Jews and Mahomedans, with the Jews band, and the Native music?the ladies were separated from us in other rooms, I did not like this entertainment at all, there is no taste in it, neither head or tale. We left at 11 1/2 and came to our houses. But I lost my sleep and could not do so all the rest of the night.? (6 March 1898, 160-2) The following morning, Joseph sent a telegram to Alexander authorizing him to sell the Arabic manuscript for 100 francs and the Rumelian Railway Lotteries for 105 Francs each. He lamented that he had paid 140 francs for each of them initially. (7-10 March 1898, 162-7) He later sent a more detailed letter to Alexander laying out his financial situation. Joseph allowed Alexander to keep the proceeds from the manuscript sale (100 francs) and the Rumelian lottery sale (225 Francs, less the cost of 10 shares of the 1900 Paris Exhibition lottery for various family members), plus 500 francs apiece from N. Sayegh and Rezooki Korkis, and a 300 franc bank note from Joseph, giving Alexander more than 1600 francs. Joseph thought this was an ample sum to get Alexander through to Vienna. That evening, he received a letter from Alexander informing him that he had sold the Rumelian lotteries for 104 Francs each, minus 14 francs for stamp duties and commissions. Joseph noted that the whole transaction had come at a loss to him of 158 francs. Alexander also told his father that he was planning to leave for Vienna around April 10. (10 March 1898, 166-7) As he often did, Joseph complained about government corruption on the occasion of the dismissal of the Vali of Basra, Arif Pasha, in mid-March. Joseph noted that he had been appointed in November of 1896, a scant 16 months earlier. He wrote that the Vali left ?with a nice fortune made of nearly 30,000 TLiras, it is the largest sum of that any former Governor had been able to squeeze out from the sheikhs and merchants and other bribery.? The Lynches transported Arif Pasha back to Baghdad aboard the Blosse Lynch, breaching normal diplomatic protocol by not flying the Turkish flag, as neither they nor the dismissed Vali had one. The following day the ship?s crew rectified this oversight by running up a makeshift Turkish flag in the rigging. (14-5 March 1898, 172-6) Joseph also made a habit of recording various business intrigues and company gossip. In late March, he noted that Mr. Hatfield, the Blosse Lynch?s second mate was reprimanded and dismissed by Mr. Bottomley, Stephen Lynch?s agent in Baghdad. The unfortunate Hatfiled was immediately pulled from service and given a one-way ticket to Karachi, the nearest British port. His dismissal came as the result of various derelictions of duty: once failing to pick up the mails for India, once leaving the ship without permission on account of an alleged illness, and bringing numerous prostitutes onto the steamer into his cabin??in excess,? as Joseph put it. Nevertheless, Joseph did not seem to believe that Hatfield?s behavior was too out of line, writing: ?Otherwise he is sober and of good and mild temper he certainly has followed what other officers are doing in both steamers. (24 March 1898, 185-6) As the Mesopotamian winter transitioned into spring, and the cold gave way to heat, humidity, and insects, life continued apace for Joseph. April 15 marked a year since he had departed for Europe with Alexander and Eliza. The same day, he received a letter from Alexander asking for permission to return home from Vienna via the overland route at Aleppo, as he disliked traveling by sea. At the same time, he also asked permission to take an alternate route to Vienna, via Lyon, Milan, and Venice. ?(15 April 1898, 216-7) Meanwhile, the renovations to Joseph?s continued. He noted in his diary ?I had masons today in repairing the wall on the narrow street, and also in my small house behind. (19 April 1898, 223) On 27 April, Joseph complained to his diary of a new flare up of his persistent stomach ulcer: ?I took a dose of Castor Oil this morning early at 4 1/2 as I have felt bilious and bowels out of order, I had not taken it for a year? (27 April 1898, 233) In late April, the Chaldean Patriarch from Mosul, Aleed Ishoh came to Baghdad to oversee the completion of a new Chaldean church. Construction on this church had begun some five years earlier, but it had been halted due to lack of sufficient funds. Joseph recorded of him: ?He is an old man of 75 and very clever, speaking several European languages he has the decoration of the Mejidieh Class? I found him a nice person very talketive and amusing.? (29 April-1 May 1898, 237-39) The Patriarch?s visit was of some local social importance, he was called on by the Atta-allah Pasha the Vali and Rejeb Pasha the Mushir of the Ottoman 6th Army. In May, some two months after Arif Pasha?s dismissal as Vali of Basra, Joseph recorded that Anis Pasha had been permanently appointed in his place. This appointment proved controversial among Anis Pasha was the former Governor of Diyarbak?r and helped order the massacres of Armenians during the Hamidian pogroms of 1894-96. Joseph writes: ?This is the same Anis Pasha who was Governor of Diarbekir 2 years ago, during the Armenian Massacre there, encouraged by him and he remained inactive, and the French Consul there wired to the French Ambassador Mons. Cambon, the latter went immediately to the Sultan and complained very strongly and demanded the immediate dismissal of Anis Pasha to stop the massacre, which he did, and there was no further bloodshed; Now he has been appointed to Basreh, but the English and French protested strongly to the Sultan regarding his being appointed Wali at Basreh.? (2 May 1898, 240-2) Despite the protestations of European diplomats, Anis Pasha arrived in Basra aboard the Ottoman steamer Ressafah. He was met with great fanfare from the local officials and nobility amidst an honor guard of Ottoman soldiers. (9 May 1898, 252-3) In mid-May, Joseph received a telegram from Alexander told his father to rest assured that he would depart Paris for Vienna soon, but that he needed to be sent an additional 500 francs. Joseph confided to his diary: ?I suppose he wants the money for the Bycicle which he must have bought; I had written to him not to buy one now as I had arranged with Johny, my nephew to get two out from London one for himself, I did not know what to do, and not having money just now to advance him so I had to satisfy his wishes.? Joseph arranged for Rezooki Korkis to advance Alexander 20?. (13 May 1898, 259) Meanwhile, the renovations to Joseph?s home continued. On May 18th, he recorded in his diary: ?I have carpenters at home for the last 30 days working in making me a new railings on top of the house made of Jawi wood.? Later that day, Joseph received a telegram from Alexander dated the previous night informing him that he had arrived safely in Vienna. Joseph speculated that Alexander must have left Paris on the 10th and travelled by Milan, Turin, and Venice to reach Vienna on the 17th. (18 May 1898, 264-5) Late May brought severe weather. On the night of May 24th, Joseph observed lightning and thunder on the southern horizon while the Blosse Lynch took on coal and offloaded cargo and passengers at Amara. Joseph watched with apprehension as the storm seemed to move up to the north and west, with ?thick black clouds like a range of high mountains.? A sudden shift in the wind brought the ominous clouds above them at Amara. Joseph later wrote: ?it gave us no time to furl the awnings when it begun to blow a terrific squall such as I never witnessed; With thick dust and rain and the strong lightning, the Wind is blowing from the opposite side and played havoc with the upper deck riggings, all the awnings were torn away, stretchers broke and stancheons bent and were rattling on the deck like so many sounds of cannons, the passengers Kit flew on shore and most of it were picked away by Arabs; the passengers came down yelling and crying; the thick dust blinded us, the incessant lightning and thunder was a sight like a hurricane at sea.? The squall lasted for a half an hour, intruding into the cabins and causing small leaks below deck. However, the damage to the Blosse Lynch was minimal. The crew finished taking on six tons of coal and a shipment of ghi, and she got underway again after just a few hours. (24 May 1898, 275-6) In June, Joseph noted a major dispute between the Arab tribes. He records: ?About a month ago, a great quarrel had taken place between the tribes of Hassan ibn Jendeel of the Beni Laam tribe and Magasis located from Coot and downward on the West bank and both lost about 20 or 30 Men Killed; and now all the Governors of the surrounding districts have gathered at S. Saad to arrange the Matter and collected the Sheikhs to oblige them to give a Guarantee for their future Good behaviour.? The mutasarr?fs of Amara and Nasryeh(?), and the Kaymakam of Kut Jaffer Beg, as well as Ottoman officials came with a company of soldiers to mediate the dispute. (17 June 1898, 307-8) Later that month, Joseph received a few letters from Alexander about his stay in Vienna. He recorded in his diary with pride that Alexander ?is very well, taking his German lesson from Dr. Bayer, and goes to a large merchants office, a very extensive export firm he is very glad of this place and the Director is very satisfied of him, he was recommended to this large house by Mr. B?hm, who also writes to me a very nice letter and telling me how he is looking after Alexander.? (24 June 1898, 320) At the same time, he received a telegram from Alexander stating ?Require 500 hastily advise Korkis.? Knowing that the expense of the journey from Paris and his emergency visit to the doctor were quite high, Joseph confided to his diary ?I could not possibly avoid sending him as he may be in great need.? Joseph went to Yousif Korkis and had him wire his brother Rezooki for 20? Sterling for Alexander. (24 June 1898, 321) However, Alexander?s stay in Vienna was destined to be a short one. On July 8th, Joseph wrote to Alexander and provided details about his impending journey home over land, including a list of stations from Alexandretta (?skenderun) to Deir ez-Zor in the Syrian desert. (2 July 1898, 330)?But, In order for Alexander to return home, Joseph had to engage in some subterfuge. In early July, Alexander his Ottoman passport back to Joseph for renewal. Mr. B?hm, the Svoboda family friend in Vienna, could not obtain an Austrian passport for Alexander. Having just turned 20, Alexander was still liable for mandatory conscription into the Austrian army, and if the authorities knew of his presence there, he would be drafted in September. Thus, Alexander would have to travel back to Istanbul on an Ottoman passport. (8 July 1898, 338) On the same day, Joseph recorded that the Mushir of the Ottoman 6th Army, Recep Pasha, had been transferred to Tripoli in North Africa by order from Istanbul. Joseph wrote: ?It is to the regret of everybody here Christians, Mahomedans and Jews because he is one of the best man in the Turkish service, a very honest streight forward man, a just and wise administrator, he belongs to the New School and a liberal and open hearted.? Evidently, the Vali was jealous of Recep Pasha?s popularity: ?The present Waly here Atta-Allah Pasha who is a very old man, very fanatic and lazy, and does no good to the welfare of the people and the country, hated by everybody, but has a great influence and being a relative of the Sheikh ul-Islam and hates the Mushir in his internal feelings, being jealous of him because every body likes the latter, and has been undermining him and, the Sultan hates every person in his services who has such influence and liberality with the nation; and frightened by false rumor bing represented to him, that if the Mushire is allowed to be left in Baghdad where his popularity is gaining ground, he might eventually gain his independence by having all the Army Corps siding with him as well as the population, and it might end by the dismemberment of Irak Arabia from the Turkish dominion.?(8 July 1898, 338-40) The Mushir was popular with the local citizens of Baghdad. A group of concerned residents telegrammed to Istanbul begging the Porte to retain him, but according to Joseph their appeals had the opposite of the intended effect. Instead, they inflamed the Atta-allah Pasha and Sultan Abdulhamid II?s fears that Recep Pasha?s popularity might one day lead to rebellion. Instead, the Mushir of Yemen was called in to take Recep Pasha?s place. The next several days were ?fearfully warm,? as Joseph put it, with afternoon temperatures hovering in the mid-110s. The pace of business slowed considerably?the Blosse Lynch remained docked at the Customs House for some time offloading cargo. Joseph took advantage of time to catch up on correspondence and visitation. On July 9th, he received a new telegram from Alexander stating: ?Advantageous Affaire in hand, require thousand florins? This sum was equal to about 90? Sterling. Joseph had Rezooki Korkis wire Alexander the money, believing it to be for the purchase of items in Europe that could be resold at a better price in Baghdad. (9 July 1898, 343) On the 11th, Joseph called on the Agha Muhammad at his home on the outskirts of Baghdad, and the following afternoon he went to visit Mushir Recep Pasha to bid him goodbye. On the 13th, Joseph sent Alexander a lengthy letter?six sheets?arranging accommodations for him in Istanbul at the Mostapha Pasha Han. He sent along a letter of recommendation from his friend Georgis Antone to Antone?s friend Nazaret Kasparyan, who ran the han, to provide Alexander 30 Turkish Liras on his arrival. The package also included Alexander?s Ottoman passport. (13 July 1898, 349) Throughout the summer, tensions between the local Ottoman authorities and the Arab tribes of the lower Tigris continued. Joseph wrote in mid-July that ?there has been a disturbance lately caused by the Motserrif of Amara Mostapha Pasha who came here to fill his pocket from Sheikh Seyhood (the runaway brigand who had attacked the Khalifah, and now made Sheikh and reinstated by the Turks and farmed lands here and the Motserrif wanted to exact more money from him and his sons Faleh, Kathem, etc, the Motserrif having taken one of the sons and put him in prison, and the father Seyhood came and attacked the village and fired shots from the opposite side on the telegraph office where the Motserrif was sitting.? Both of the active Lynch steamers?the Khalifa and the Blosse Lynch?were given contingents of zaptyehs to guard against attack from Arab gunners. (16 July 1898, 354-5) On July 22nd, Joseph received two letters from Alexander complaining about the strangeness of Vienna. Alexander wrote that Mr. B?hm had departed Vienna to stay in the countryside for the summer, leaving him alone. He also informed his father that he had used one of the payments of 500 francs to buy 100 pairs of European shoes, presumably to bring back to Baghdad to sell. (22 July 1898, 368) On July 25, Joseph received an urgent telegram from Alexander in Paris dated July 22, informing him that he was in Paris for an important purpose, and that he would sent a letter soon explaining why. Joseph was astonished at his sudden departure and feared that Alexander had fled because someone had tipped off the authorities to his presence, making him liable for conscription. Joseph wrote in his diary: ?I suspect the sons of Isak Lurion either Faust or Edward, they saw that he was in the office of Olloi Schweizer the General Export merchant and did this out of spite." Joseph immediately telegramed Ibrahim Gejou in Paris asking for an explantion. (25 July 1898, 370-1) He tried to contact Mr. B?hm at his summer home to ask about the situation. (27 July 1898, 374) On the morning of July 28th, Joseph set out for Basra aboard the Blosse Lynch, not knowing Alexander?s fate. He spoke to Mr. Julietti at the Baghdad telegraph office and made arrangements for any telegrams addressed to him at Baghdad to be forwarded to him at Amara or Basra. Yet, when they anchored at Amara on the 30th, there was still no word from Alexander. Being left in such a state of ignorance took a heavy toll on Joseph?s mental well-being: ??I could no longer write and was getting mad and feel so weak that I do not know what to do and where to go, my heart fails me and I am so sorry and out of temper on account of Alexander.? (31 July 1898, 380) Upon landing at Basra, Joseph received a package of three urgent telegrams, one from Ibrahim Gejou and two from his wife Eliza. In the first, Gejou informed Joseph that Alexander was indeed in Paris, seemingly to be married. In the second, Eliza exhorted Alexander to telegraph the Austrian consul in Baghdad to inform the Ambassador in Paris to put a stop to the marriage, this was followed by one from two hours later, in which Eliza stated that she had corresponded with Monseigneur Altmayer, the Archbishop of Baghdad, who advised that involving the Austrian ambassador could be a risky proposition. Alexander had, after all, been preparing to depart Vienna so that he could avoid conscription into the Austrian army. Joseph sarcastically recorded in his diary: ?This is a fine thing Alexander is doing if what Ibrahim says is true; I am at a loss to find out the reality of this news; but if it is true Alexander must have been doing a great fault and foolishness; unless Ibrahim has been working at it all the time before he went to Vienna.? He discussed the matter with his friends and relations in Basra and resolved to telegram back to Paris to both Ibrahim Gejou and Alexander to discover what was behind Alexander?s seemingly erratic behavior. Joseph was unable to sleep that night. On the morning of August 1, after he had sent off his telegrams to Alexander and Ibrahim, Joseph boarded the Blosse Lynch to return to Baghdad. In one of the final entries in Diary 47, he wrote: ?This news has stunned me and made me quite sick pulled down as it is a thing that I never expected it to come from my only son that I hold so dear and precious on earth, my affection to him has no limit and I have been expecting to see him soon and am sacrificing everything for him even my health and existence.? That evening the Blosse Lynch set sail, with Joseph still awaiting a response from his son and an answer to his worries. (31 July-1 August 1898, 380-6) ; NELC, Simpson Center for the Humanities

On the 19 July 1916, the Australian Imperial Force fought in their first major battle on the Western Front in World War I. The Battle of Fromelles, as it has come to be known, which lasted only 24 hours, has come to rep resent one of the most tragic battles in Australia's military history. Despite, the terrible loss of human life suffered by the Australian Imperial Force at Fromelles, this battle was to be lost in Australia's history until recently. The quest of one man, Lambis Englezos, to find the remains of the Australian soldiers from the Battle of Fromelles who were declared missing in action has not only sparked Australians' interest in this particular battle but has also opened the debate on the Australian Government's involvement in locating and then relocating our war dead. The Australian Government since the end of the Graves Registration Unit in 1922 has refused to support the speculative searching for the. remains of Australia' s war dead. Instead, the position of the Australian Government has been to take appropriate action only if and when the remains of Australian war dead are discovered by accident. This was reflected in The Australian Defence Instructions {General) Missing in Action Presumed Killed : Recovery of Human Remains of Australian Defence Force Members of 1996, which outlined the policies and procedures of the Australian Government and the Australian Defence Force. However, the persistence of Lambis Englezos to prove his theory to the Australian Government brought the Australia Defence force policy of 1996 under scrutiny and highlighted its inadequacy in dealing with his claim . Lambis Englezos was convinced the remains of 250 Australia and English soldiers remained buried in burial pits at Pheasant Wood, undisturbed since they had been buried there by the Germans after the Battle of Fromelles . Consequently, new procedures were to be put in place to analyse the evidence presented by Lambis Englezos pertaining to burial pits at Pheasant Wood, in order to determine whether or not the site should be investigated by the Australian Government. Similar non- government pressure caused the Australian Government to assist in the attempts to locate the wrecks of HMAS Sydney and Australian Hospital Ship 'Centaur'. The success of the investigation of the burial pits at Pheasant Wood, and hence the discovery of the 250 Australian and English soldiers who had been missing for 94 years has resulted in a change in the Australian Defence Force policy. In 2009, the Australian Defence Force released a revised policy relating to the recovery of human remains of Australian Defence Force Members missing in action. The amendments of the 2009 Australian Defence Force policy reflect the framework that was implemented during the investigation into the missing at Fromelles. The discovery of the remains of Australian soldiers at Frome lies and the quest of Lambis Englezos generated a significant amount of media attention. This resulted in increasing community interest in the missing soldiers of Fromelles and the growing public pressure on the Australian Government to react . Since the discovery of the remains of Australian soldiers at Fromelles in 2008, the Australian Government has invested to date $6 .2 million. Each soldier is being DNA tested in hope of proving his identity and individually reburied in the newly constructed Fromelles (Pheasant Wood) Cemetery. The debate that has ensued since the discovery of the missing soldiers of Fromelles is related to the moral questions as to the right method of honouring our war dead. Should the Australian Government make every effort to relocate our war dead? Or, is there a time when their remains should be left in peace and honoured through other ways? The Australian Defence Force policy released in 2009 was revised in order to provide a more structured and appropriate framework for the Australian Defence Force and the Australian Government to investigate claims of the human remains of our missing war dead. However, the discovery of two shipwrecks from World War II, The HMAS Sydney and the Australian Hospital Ship 'Centaur' highlight the inconsistency of the policy. The inconsistencies lie in the decisions made by the Australian Government in the recovery of the remains. The Australian Government has gone above and beyond the boundaries of its previous policy to recover the remains of the Australian soldiers at Fromelles . However in the instances of the HMAS Sydney and the Australian Hospital Ship 'Centaur' no effort has been made to recover any remains, nor has there been any discernable public pressure to recover such remains. It is recommended that the Australian Government and the Australian Defence Force adopt a policy that is consistent in its treatment of the remains of Australia's war dead.

Explores how the movement of people, objects, and ideas from 500 to 1000 CE shaped cultures and historiesIn the ninth century CE, an Arabian ship sank off the coast of Indonesia. The objects found in the wreckage, which include Chinese ceramics and precious metals, have provided extraordinary evidence of the nature, scale, and diversity of trade between Tang China and the Islamic Abbasid dynasty. This is just one example of the sprawling and extensive networks of contacts and exchanges spanning Afro-Eurasia. This richly illustrated book challenges the concept of the "Silk Roads" as a simple history of trade between East and West. Focusing on a series of overlapping geographic zones and interspersed with case studies of particular peoples who were active along these networks-seafarers in the Indian Ocean, Sogdians, Vikings, Aksumites, and the peoples of al-Andalus-it reveals remarkable human stories, innovations, and the transfer of knowledge that emerged from these connections. The volume explores notable examples of contacts, connections, and integrations, while emphasizing the environmental and historical conditions that shaped them, featuring the latest scientific research. The dazzling range of objects includes a wooden panel with the story of the "silk princess" who smuggled the eggs of the silk moth from China; a lion sculpture from Jordan; a miniature wooden pagoda from Japan; wall paintings from the Hall of Ambassadors in Uzbekistan; a kaftan from the Caucasus region; an ivory cross from Spain; and a gold and garnet scabbard slide from the Sutton Hoo burial in Britain