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In founding a new religious denomination – Sikhism – Guru Nanak in a way combine two rival religions – Hinduism and Islam. The tolerant nature of Sikhism garnered him many proponents, which contributed to the establishment of the Sikh Empire in the 19th century. The empire flourished until it was overthrown by armed forces of the British Crown. After the departure of the British colonisers in 1947, the idea of creating a sovereign Sikh state called Khalistan arose in Punjab – the cradle of Sikhism in India. Gradually, the sentiments of large portion of the Sikh population became radicalised. A terrorist organisation, formed by Sikh fundamentalist Jarnail Bhindranwale and supported by many Sikhs, began persecuting the followers of other religions and fighting for the creation of a Sikh state in Punjab. The radicalisation of public sentiments among the Sikh population led to mass pogroms, a military operation in the Sikhs' holy place and the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the prime minister of India.

Despite being the fifth largest religion in the world, Sikhism continues to be misunderstood. This research looks at the diaspora of Sikhs, specifically from Punjab to the United States of America. The goal is to illustrate the components of their experience – when, why, and how they came, along with reasons why Sikh struggles have eventually developed into triumphs. It is clear that a focus on community has been an overarching theme of their resolute success. However, that community has experienced nuances of division within itself, due to developing relationships with tradition that inevitably follow diaspora and modernization. Misplaced strife faced in the aftermath of 9/11 is also examined. Research was drawn primarily from academic writings and articles, government documents, a joint study by the Stanford Peace Innovation Lab and Sikh American Legal Defense and Education Fund, and personal interactions with Sikhs. By understanding the Sikh Diaspora, one is able to view a case study of where globalization, tradition, and modernization meet.

The status of a woman in a society shows the social, cultural, religious and political scenario of that society. The position of the woman has passed many phases. It becomes evident after studying the fundamental teachings of different spiritual traditions that different religions accorded high status to the woman. Through this research paper, an effort has been made to know the status of the woman in Sikhism. For this purpose, Semitic and Aryan religious traditions have been made the foundation to understand the status of the woman prior to the emergence of Sikhism. Misogynistic interpretation of the myth of Adam and Eve in Judeo-Christian and Islamic traditions and Pursha-Prakriti duality in Hindu Sankh philosophy made it clear that it is male chauvinism and misogynistic bent of mind which undermined the role of the woman in those societies. In the fifteenth century, Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism and his successor Sikh Gurus accorded very high status to the woman. Guru Ram Das, fourth Nanak, composed Lavan- the recitation of which became an essential part of the Sikh marriage ceremony. Lawans helped the women to get worthy status with men not only in this world but in spiritual realm also. Women in Sikhism through the institution of marriage regained their lost status. In this research paper, it has been concluded that Eve and Prakriti i.e. women are enabled to play equal and more vibrant role in the socio-religious, political and economic spheres due to the egalitarian and humanistic message of the Sikh Gurus. Sikhism has made it possible to wipe out the gender bias and narrow-mindedness associated with a male dominated society.

The capital of Bihar - Patna, is one of the holiest cities in Sikh history. Despite rich historical and religious significance, the population of Sikhs in Patna is merely 0.09% of the total population. The Sikh minority in the Bihar capital is one of the handful minorities of India who have never "claimed" a minority status or any compensation for their community from the government. However, the community continues to preserve its ethnic behavior and social symbols to date. This paper aims to analyze the existence of social institutions that support the formation of the Sikh community as ethnicity in Patna, Bihar. It also touches briefly on the reasons behind the lack of agency and demand for greater minority representation. Interviews were taken from 100 respondents in January 2019 in the capital city of Patna, Bihar in India. Age was taken as a criterion for inclusion. The findings of the study show that minority behavior is not the same everywhere. The ethnicity of the community is maintained by the continuity of symbols of lifestyle such as dietary habits, attire, the teaching of Gurumukhi in school and colleges, and trade activities. A reasonable explanation can allude to the very foundations of the Sikh community which upholds ideals of bravery and resilience. Begging or lobbying is a mandate prohibited by the very religion which protects them. However, the younger population shows a shift towards the general trend and is moving away from the economic set up of establishing business and of looking at the Gurudwara as an intersection of political and social rights. A change in the coming decade is inexorable. This research can be used as a model to understand the behavior of other minorities in India or elsewhere. It provides a better-looking glass to understand subaltern behavior. Additionally, it also shows variations in the status of communities. The Sikh community, a majority religion in most of Northern India, is a minuscule minority in Patna's Capital city with rich Sikh history.

The article attempts to estimate the influence of the geographical and political conditions on the transformation of a Sikhs community after the decolonisation of India in 1947. The authors have used, among other things, the results of their own field research, statistical analysis and scientific works. The main aim of the paper is to explain the specificity of the functioning of Sikhs who despite extremely unfavourable geopolitical conditions and relatively small number have been able to maintain their own identity and achieve a level of social and economic development higher than average for India and Pakistan. Contemporary Sikhs are often perceived as both – a religious and national community. In general, their main characteristics are sharp cultural and moral distinction and very strong awareness of their identity. They manifestate strong bond to their region. Sikhs play crucial roles in social, political, and especially economic and military functioning of the state. Due to their concentration on the India-Pakistan borderland, strong militarisation and separatistic tendencies, Sikhs play crucial role in the domestic and foreign policy of India. ; W artykule podjęto próbę oszacowania wpływu warunków geograficznych i politycznych na transformację społeczności Sikhów po dekolonizacji Indii w 1947 roku. Autorzy wykorzystali, między innymi, wyniki własnych badań terenowych, analiz statystycznych i opracowań naukowych. Głównym celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie specyfiki funkcjonowania Sikhów, którzy pomimo wyjątkowo niesprzyjających warunków geopolitycznych i stosunkowo niewielkiej populacji byli w stanie utrzymać własną tożsamość i osiągnąć poziom rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego wyższy niż średnia dla Indii i Pakistanu. Współcześni Sikhowie są często postrzegani zarówno jako wspólnota religijna, jak i narodowa. Zasadniczo ich głównymi cechami są wyraźne różnice kulturowe i moralne oraz bardzo silna świadomość ich tożsamości. Przejawiają silną więź ze swoim regionem. Sikhowie odgrywają kluczową rolę w społecznym, politycznym, a zwłaszcza gospodarczym i wojskowym funkcjonowaniu państwa. Z powodu koncentracji na pograniczu indyjsko-pakistańskim, silnej militaryzacji i tendencji separatystycznych Sikhowie odgrywają kluczową rolę w polityce wewnętrznej i zagranicznej Indii.

The article attempts to estimate the influence of the geographical and political conditions on the transformation of a Sikhs community after the decolonisation of India in 1947. The authors have used, among other things, the results of their own field research, statistical analysis and scientific works. The main aim of the paper is to explain the specificity of the functioning of Sikhs who despite extremely unfavourable geopolitical conditions and relatively small number have been able to maintain their own identity and achieve a level of social and economic development higher than average for India and Pakistan. Contemporary Sikhs are often perceived as both – a religious and national community. In general, their main characteristics are sharp cultural and moral distinction and very strong awareness of their identity. They manifestate strong bond to their region. Sikhs play crucial roles in social, political, and especially economic and military functioning of the state. Due to their concentration on the India-Pakistan borderland, strong militarisation and separatistic tendencies, Sikhs play crucial role in the domestic and foreign policy of India. ; W artykule podjęto próbę oszacowania wpływu warunków geograficznych i politycznych na transformację społeczności Sikhów po dekolonizacji Indii w 1947 roku. Autorzy wykorzystali, między innymi, wyniki własnych badań terenowych, analiz statystycznych i opracowań naukowych.Głównym celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie specyfiki funkcjonowania Sikhów, którzy pomimo wyjątkowo niesprzyjających warunków geopolitycznych i stosunkowo niewielkiej populacji byli w stanie utrzymać własną tożsamość i osiągnąć poziom rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego wyższy niż średnia dla Indii i Pakistanu. Współcześni Sikhowie są często postrzegani zarówno jako wspólnota religijna, jak i narodowa. Zasadniczo ich głównymi cechami są wyraźne różnice kulturowe i moralne oraz bardzo silna świadomość ich tożsamości. Przejawiają silną więź ze swoim regionem. Sikhowie odgrywają kluczową rolę w społecznym, politycznym, a zwłaszcza gospodarczym i wojskowym funkcjonowaniu państwa. Z powodu koncentracji na pograniczu indyjsko-pakistańskim, silnej militaryzacji i tendencji separatystycznych Sikhowie odgrywają kluczową rolę w polityce wewnętrznej i zagranicznej Indii.

This book pays homage to Ajit Singh, economist and intellectual fighter for many causes. It does so through intertwined narratives including, among the major strands, Singh's life and works, the Faculty of Economics and Politics in Cambridge, and the Punjab and Sikhism — all of which the author manages to weave together with rich prose, fine scholarship and passionate commitment to the subject.

After describing fundamentalism as reclamation o f authority over a sacred tradition, the author traces its origin to evangelicalism. Then he deals with fundamentalism in various religious traditions like Sikhism, Islam, Hinduism and Christianity. The author suggests that when fundamentalism has joined itself with political, military and police powers or with clerical power, resolute resistance must be offered, both from within and without.

Mit rund 25-27 Millionen Anhängern ist der Sikhismus die derzeit dritt größte monotheistische Religion der Welt. Entstanden durch Guru Nanak 1496 zur Bekämpfung sozialer Missstände wie zB des in der indischen Gesellschaft vorherrschenden Kastensystems, setzt sich der Sikhismus insbesondere für die Gleichberechtigung aller Menschen unabhängig ihrer Herkunft, Religion, Hautfarbe oder ihres Geschlechts sowie für die Einheit des gesamten Menschengeschlechts ein.Während die Situation vor allem für Frauen in Indien innerhalb des Islam und Hinduismus aufgrund frauenverachtender Traditionen wie Sati, Bride burning, Dowry death oder Honour killing zur damaligen Zeit besonders tragisch war, hob Guru Nanak durch die Lehre des Sikhismus den Status von Frauen und predigte die Gleichberechtigung von Mann und Frau in allen Bereichen des Lebens. Ganz besonders setzt sich die sikhistische Lehre seither für die Eliminierung des Kastensystems ein.Diese Arbeit fokussiert die Frage nach der aktuellen Rolle, dem Status und dem Selbstverständnis sikhistischer Frauen in Indien sowie nach ihrer Migration nach Österreich. Durch Führung 'ethnographisch-episodischer Interviews' mit sikhistischen Frauen im Punjab, dem indischen Gründungsbundesstaat des Sikhismus, sowie mit in Österreich lebenden Sikh-Frauen und unter Anwendung der Methoden der 'aktiv teilnehmenden Beobachtung' sowie der 'dichten Beschreibung nach Geertz' und der 'Ethnographie' war es möglich, zu den in dieser Arbeit präsentierten Ergebnissen über das Selbstbild sikhistischer Frauen in Indien und Österreich zu gelangen.Während sikhistische Frauen in Indien vor allem während der gurusalen Periode eine Aufwertung ihres Geschlechts erfuhren, verloren sie diese nach dem Tod des zehnten Gurus, Gobind Singh, wieder und der Einfluss der patriarchal geprägten hinduistisch-muslimischen indischen Gesellschaft verstärkte sich erneut auch auf die sikhistische Region des Punjabs. Erst seit einigen Jahren lässt sich innerhalb des Sikhismus eine zunehmende Rückbesinnung auf die ursprüngliche Lehre der Gurus hinsichtlich der Gleichberechtigung von Mann und Frau konstatieren und sikhistische Frauen in Indien sind in vielen Bereichen des Lebens bereits gut etabliert.Für sikhistische Frauen in Österreich ist die Frage der Gleichberechtigung eng mit dem Zeitpunkt ihrer Migration nach Österreich verbunden. Während die Migration und Integration in Österreich für Frauen der ersten Migrationsgeneration sehr schwierig gewesen sei und sie ihre Rolle und ihr Selbstverständnis neu ordnen hätten müssen, sei dies für die junge Generation meist junge Mädchen, welche bereits in Österreich geboren oder in sehr jungen Jahren hierher migriert seien leichter gewesen und sie hätten hier nach eigenen Angaben mit keinen bzw. nur wenigen Benachteiligungen aufgrund ihres Geschlechts zu kämpfen.Doch obwohl Frauen im Sikhismus sowohl in Indien als auch Österreich in vielen Bereichen des Lebens bereits Gleichberechtigung erfahren würden, so ist diese für Frauen auch innerhalb des Sikhismus trotz ursprünglicher Lehre der Gurus noch nicht (wieder) völlig erreicht. ; Sikhism belongs to the world's major religions. With around 25-27 million followers Sikhism is the third biggest monotheistic religion in the world. Founded by Guru Nanak in 1496, near Lahore in Pakistan, Sikhism especially focuses on the equality of all human beings without any discrimination of people with regard to their sex, caste, origin, colour of skin or religion. While the situation for women within Islam and Hinduism was really difficult in India in those days, due to cruel traditions like Sati, bride burning, dowry death or honour killing, Guru Nanak improved the status of women and provided and preached equality for women in all fields of social, political, economic and religious life. Being himself a member of a trading-family of the Khatris-caste he denounced and disapproved of the Indian caste system, which is still although prohibited by law predominant within Indian society.This thesis puts a focus on the role, the status and especially on the self-defining position of Sikh women within the political, economic, educational, religious and social life in India as well as their selfimage after their migration and settlement in Austria. Due to taking 'ethnographic-episodical interviews' with Sikh women in Punjab, the Homeland of Sikhism, as well as with Sikh women in Austria, in combination with the method of 'active participating observation' as well as using the methods of 'ethnography' and 'deep description' of Geertz, it was possible to get useful results presented in this thesis.While in India gaining and enjoying a better status during the lifetime of the ten Gurus of Sikhism, women lost that status after the death of the tenth Guru, Gobind Singh in 1708 and again became suppressed within a male dominated society. Only in the last few decades has a change started again and Sikh women in India are facing and fighting for the resuscitation of their equality and they have already reached high levels in nearly all fields of life.For Sikh women in Austria the situation regarding equality equality between Sikh men and Sikh women as well as non-Sikh-Austrian-women is in many respects a matter of generation. While for the first generation of women migration to Austria was quite challenging and associated with a lot of disadvantages concerning their status, the younger generation young women, mainly born in Austria is (and will in future be) able to reach an equal status in their social, economic and religious life.But although Sikh women in India as well as in Austria have already reached high levels in many fields they still have to go a long way to reach equality (again). ; vorgelegt von Mag. Martina Rennhofer ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Dissertation, 2016 ; OeBB ; (VLID)1592833

India is known as the cradle of world religions. Four world religions, Hindu­ism, Buddhism, Sikhism, and Jainism were born here, and two others, Chris­tianity and Islam, came to this country already in the first century of their ex­istence. Indian civilisation is a product of the dynamic interplay of different religious traditions, with their diverse creeds, codes, and life-styles. The In­dian way of life was traditionally characterised by tolerance and respect for religious faiths other than one's own. The empirical research conducted for this article indicates that rreligious leaders appear to have become helpless specta­tors as politicians and criminals hijack religion to promote their vested inter­ests. It is time for the religious leader­ship in this country to eschew compla­cency and initiate concerted action to ensure that religions serve the cause of peace, not strife

Untouchables, depressed class people, Chandalas or politically known as Dalits and officially recognized as Scheduled Castes in India are historically placed in different religions. They share a common history of oppression, economic deprivations and denial of human rights. Though they belong to different religions, their common cultural ancestry is an undeniable reality. The Presidential Order known as Constitution [Scheduled Castes] order 1950 limits the Scheduled Caste Status only to such untouchable people who profess Hinduism, Sikhism or Buddhism. The order excludes Dalit Muslim and Dalit Christian from the ambit of Scheduled caste status. The article problematizes the historical and political contexts in which the exclusion of certain castes happened and the contemporary historical realities that necessitate the inclusion of Dailit Christians and Dalit Muslims into the Scheduled Caste List and how the denial aborts political and cultural unity of Dalits across different religions.

Статья посвящена новой в российской науке теме религиозной ситуации в Сингапуре. Автор подробно рассматривает историю появления, распространения и современного положения христианства, ислама, индуизма и сикхизма в этой полиэтничной, поликонфессиональной, но при этом стабильной в социальном и политическом отношении стране. На примере конкретных примеров автору удается показать методы успешного достижения межнационального согласия и религиозной терпимости в условиях огромного множества церковных и духовных направлений в небольшом по численности государстве.The paper is devoted to the new for the Russian academic studies problem of religious situation in Singapore. The author in detail studies the emergence, expansion and the current state of Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and Sikhism in this poly-ethnic, poly-confessional but politically and socially stable country. On specific examples the researcher managed to demonstrate the successful methods to reach interethnic concord and religious tolerance in the state with small population and numerous religious and spiritual schools and trends.

Capital punishment or the death penalty is the utmost level of punishment granted in India and around the world. It has always been part of society's law and order system. The Indian legislation has made it law by emphasizing various judgments and is even prescribed in the Indian penal code. Whenever it is imposed, a wave of discernment follows. Since the crime rates were increased in India, Capital punishment is one of the last punishments prescribed to the perpetrators. The punishment of death is extreme; therefore, in India death penalty is given in "Rarest of rare cases." Through this research paper, we will discuss the different types of capital punishment that are used in ancient and modern India. India is the home to several religions, like Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Buddhist, Sikhism, Jainism, and others. But in this paper, the researcher will discuss only the views about Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity on capital punishment. This paper will conclude by observing various religions and how it was utilized as a part of society.

The essence of Bhakti being an element present in Indian mind, its movement originated inTamil Nadu; its first emergence in the Tamil epic, Silppadikaram reached its zenith during the period of the Alvars, between sixth and tenth century. The Bhagavata, a Sanskrit work which weaved the theory of Bhakti for Krishna exercised great influence on the Bhakti movement. It became prominent in the seventh century CE. And 63 SaivaNayanar saint-poets compiled Tirumurai, a compilation of hymns on Shiva which was developed into an influential scripture in Shaivism. It is said that the Saiva Siddhanta (Tamil Saivism) is more indebted to the passionate songs of the Saiva poets. Virasaivas contributed significantly towards the emergence of the Bhakti cult derived from Sankhya and Vedanta tradition. The movement embraced devotees from all castes and rungs of society. Singing ecstatic bhakti hymns in local language was a tradition there. Bhakti movement in the medieval period influenced other religions in India like Sikhism, Christianity and Jainism. It has similarity with Sufism.

This essay represents a contribution towards the verification of the hypothesis that religious fundamentalism arises in developing societies particuiarly when the infrastructure becomes more highly evolved in response to the needs of a superimposed state apparatus, antagonistic to the interests and identity of a particular regional culture. In this regard, it seeks to explore the question as to whether Sikh fundamentalism in the long run merely represents a force of equalization vis-à-vis resulting economic and other disparities or additionaliy and primarily constitutes an authentic expression of a popularist movement geared towards the restauration of an autochthonous social and cultural tradition. To help in the clarification of these points the historical background to religious revivalism was discussed along with a survey of contemporary economic and political contradictions, conducive to its most recent manifestation in the form of 'fundamentalism'. This phenomenon in the Punjab among Sikhs is viewed as denoting a resurgence of the militant symbols and traditions comprising one aspect of the ideology and polity espoused by Sikhism, reawakened to serve immediate economic and political goals, i.e., the redressal of grievances of the Sikh minority in India.