Suchergebnisse

Abstract: Chile was no exception to the reorientation of Latin American politics during the 1930s. Radical politics, mass mobilizations, and defeated coups established major reference points for the memory and behaviour of political actors during the Cold War. Salvador Allende's template for how to deal with a military coup in 1973, for instance, came from his experience as health minister in 1939. That year he witnessed the Popular Front government defeat an insurrection. Events earlier in the decade profoundly shaped the Pinochet regime (1973–1990)'s view of democratic political transitions and their potential for anti-military backlash. Overseas, the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) tore the Iberian country apart and deeply impacted its former colonies. In Chile, the Spanish Civil War contributed to the establishing of ideological fault lines and political speech that framed the nation's electoral choices as one between fascism and communism, slavery or liberation. This article examines the significance of events in the 1930s for the subsequent politics of revolution and counterrevolution that gripped Chile in the second half of the twentieth century. It concurs with the concept of a 'long Cold War' in Latin America and argues that Chile entered a distinctly new phase in that struggle after 1931.

AbstractThe area of surveillance of human activities from above is fraught with concerns and controversy. Such surveillance is clearly being used in ways that invade human lives and often put those lives in danger. At the same time, there is an argument for more oversight, and the need to support more surveillance, in a controlled and monitored way, to expose and render access to sites of criminal activity, and particularly those of the most egregious crimes—slavery, genocide, environmental destruction, and the operation of 'rebel' military gangs or national militaries run by rogue states. If nature can be harried, harmed, and turned against human existence, it is also true that humans have now brought increasingly powerful diagnostic techniques to bear so that oceans, land, forests, fields, plains—all ecosystems—can be monitored for health as well as the scars of exploitation—including that of the human within the monitored ecosystem. The field of human rights now stretches far beyond humans to all life and nature—since useful and meaningful human rights can't truly exist in a physical and natural world that is hostile to homo sapiens. Earth observation can be, and often is, a force for good.

This article examines newly unearthed archival evidence that challenges the notion from activists, pressure groups, and some academics that Henry Dundas, Scotland's most powerful politician in the late eighteenth century, is to blame for Britain's failure to achieve abolition of the slave trade sooner than 1807. This evidence supports the argument that Dundas was genuinely attempting to chart a path by which Britain could abolish the slave trade, albeit gradually, starting with an immediate end to slave trading with foreign colonies. The pathway of gradual abolition therefore meant antislavery was ultimately an anti-slavery strategy. In addition, these recent debates surrounding Henry Dundas and abolition of Britain's slave trade highlight a further point. There is a pressing need for public bodies to exercise caution and corroborate ideas raised in social media campaigns before making rash and ill-considered decisions to permanently change built heritage, preferably with the assistance of impartial and experienced historians who can be trusted to avoid selectively using evidence to manipulate or distort the past. The potential for generating unending controversy and dissatisfaction over government bodies declaring judgment against the past is concerning, and poses risks of increased community division.

In this article, I examine race, indigeneity, and sovereignty in order to understand the relationship between them as they structure the lives of Black people on the continent of Africa and in the African diaspora. Specifically, I am interested in Black Indigeneities and explore the following questions: What are Black Indigeneities, beyond the connections between African-descended and Indigenous Peoples in the Americas, especially the U.S.? Indigeneity implies ties to land and heritage, but what does it look like when those ties have been weakened or severed? What does it look like for places and people living with the consequences of different but related histories of settler and indirect colonization and chattel slavery on both sides of the Atlantic? Rather than trying to arrive at definitive responses, I use these questions as a point of departure for outlining an analytical framework that identifies sovereignty as a crucial element in understanding the diversity of Black Indigenous histories and experience under different but related structures of power. I distinguish between indigeneities of remembering and indigeneities of recovery. I also seek to go beyond the concept of arrivantcy as a framework for understanding the indigeneities of African-descended peoples in the Americas.

Abstract
This introduction presents the concept of raciolinguistic ideologies and discusses its potential to look at issues related to labor in the Americas. We explore the concept of raciolinguistics as a helpful anchor for researchers to examine the co-construction of race and language. Additionally, we link the current reproduction of social and economic inequality to the interconnection of slavery and capitalism stemming from the colonial projects. We briefly present the six contributions to this special issue, a collection of works that rely on different theoretical perspectives, methodologies, and analytical approaches to examine the (re)production of inequality in American labor markets as it materializes in unfair working practices and discourses that naturalize labor discrimination across the region. The six papers included in the issue offer an interesting dialogue between the raciolinguistic perspective and political economy approaches. Finally, these papers highlight four overarching themes: the repercussions for vulnerabilized communities of the stratification of the labor market, the ways in which the commodification and decommodification of racialized languages tend to favor powerful social positions, the way in which language authority operates to decide what counts as legitimate languages/speakers; and the need felt by speakers to make discursive sense of raciolinguistic practices and discourses.

AbstractWhen enslaved people became "mad," they lost exchange value as labor capital on the Atlantic market, as neither African nor European merchants considered the mentally distressed to be valuable bondsmen. Historians of slavery in the Americas have drawn on accounts of "mad slaves" to understand how labor value was generated, and disrupted, through the transport and sale of captive Africans. But historians have yet to examine the relationship between psychological distress and enslavement in West Africa, where many of the captives in question originated. This article opens a research agenda on madness in Atlantic-era West Africa through a case study of the role of Ga shrines as spaces of mental healing in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Gold Coast, today's coastal Ghana. Ga families confided their mentally distressed kin to shrine priests, who treated severe illnesses caused by ritual afflictions. When shrine priests healed these ailments, they engaged in spiritual pawning: converting mad persons, deemed unfit for sale due to mental incapacity, into potential subjects of enslavement. West African shrines were thus spaces of value conversion that reflected a broader monetary and ritual economy of capture, enslavement, and raiding that proliferated on the Gold Coast.

AbstractA very significant sub-version that derives from Tirruyssa (ⵜⵉⵔⴻⵢⵙⴰ) is called Tanddamt (ⵜⴰⵏⴹⴰⵎⵜ), which refers to musical jousting between two seemingly opponent Rways and/or Raysat. Each singer attempts to address convincing and satirical chants to the opponent singer. Tanddamt is rich of social topoi such as race and gender. This chapter aims to deconstruct the discursive contexts that gave rise to the derivative form of tanddamt, and provide an in-depth analysis of the assorted images of eloquence and satire in the discourse of this melodious genre of contest. A close reading of the conversational poetics of tanddamt shall provide us with profound insight into individual as well as social worries and memories as expressed in the art of Tirruyssa. While the black-versus-white tanddamt triggers an historical debate of racial discourse, blackness, negritude, and slavery, the male-versus-female tanddamt revisits an everlasting discourse of gender discontentment. These binaries are an inherent subject in Amazigh music and constitute a source of acoustic pleasure for the audience. I argue that Tanddamt, as a refined art of lyrical opponency provides a considerable space for 'subaltern' expression in the public sphere, which sets it as a propitious canonical genre, amply instrumental in the enrichment of world literature.

By early 1863, Harriet Jacobs had long mastered reading people. Even before she could extend a hand to the stone-faced Julia Wilbur, she caught a flash of resentment in Wilbur's eyes. Jacobs decided against a handshake. "Miss Wilbur, I am Harriet Jacobs. Do you remember me?" she asked. Wilbur did remember Jacobs. In fact, Wilbur had not taken her eyes off of the immaculately but modestly dressed African American woman from the moment Jacobs stepped into the converted barracks that now served as a school for freedwomen and girls. Wilbur first met Jacobs in 1849 in Rochester, New York, when Wilbur was a teacher and the secretary of the Rochester Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society. Then, Jacobs was a self-emancipated, former slave operating an antislavery reading room in the city. Yet, on this unseasonably warm evening of January 14, 1863, in a converted barracks in the District of Columbia, the wheels of fortune had indeed turned. Wilbur made no effort to hide her anger as Jacobs explained that the New York Friends had decided to make Jacobs head matron of the freedwomen's school—the school Wilbur had opened and run almost single-handedly for three months.

Debates about the legitimacy of different kinds of civil society action have increasingly come to be framed in the language of 'culture wars', and this is contributing to the closing down of space for civil society in the UK. The focus of the article is on restrictions being experienced
by the charity sector, while drawing out the implications for other parts of civil society. A recent example is the National Trust, which in 2020 faced censure for publishing a report on the historical links between its properties and slavery and colonialism. In this case, as in others, although
the culture–wars framing was novel, there were continuities with long– standing debates over the legitimate space for civil society action, often discussed in terms of the obligations on charities to avoid being 'political'. Specific modes of discipline across a range of legal
frameworks are described, with a more detailed account of how these dynamics have affected Muslim civil society since the launch of the War on Terror, especially through Prevent. The article contributes to academic and activist debates about the best ways to organise to achieve progressive
ends in an increasingly hostile and authoritarian political context.

The US racial wealth gap is substantial and growing, stemming from a history of structural racism and the intergenerational transmission of wealth. This article investigates the role of corporate equity and mutual fund ownership on the racial wealth gap over time. 92.1 percent of US corporate equity and mutual fund value is owned by white households; Black households own 1.5 percent while Hispanic households own 1.9 percent. I use the Federal Reserve's Distributional Financial Accounts to determine the changing impact of the corporate equity gap on the racial wealth gap, and to measure how shareholder payments—dividends and stock buybacks—are divided by race and ethnicity. I find that total shareholder payments made to white households during that time frame totaled $13 trillion, while $181 billion went to Black households and $212 billion to Hispanic households. I then find that the proportion of the gap in corporate equity and mutual fund ownership to the overall racial wealth gap has grown over the past three decades, from 10 percent to 23 percent. This analysis contributes to policy discussions about ending shareholder primacy and wealth inequities that are a legacy of the US's history of slavery, racism, and xenophobia.

The underlying theme of this essay is how intelligence was gathered and expertise dispersed in an emerging colonial environment in Africa, and how that knowledge was captured, credited and distributed between local Africans and (largely) itinerant Europeans. It sets that discussion within a more recent debate on the mechanics of European exploration during the wider nineteenth century. The expanded population of Europeans (officials, merchants, missionaries) that arrived in the later part of that century to consolidate the colonial enterprise in German East Africa often moved with initial uncertainty through the landscape, triggering a demand for topographical knowledge to become commodified and commercialised, to become less dependent on the knowledge of individuals. This demand fuelled the production of an innovative series of standardised grid maps. At a time when slavery was still legal, when the local workforce was increasingly discussed in colonial circles in terms of unskilled plantation labour, our essay explores two case studies that demonstrate how certain African experts came to exert key technical and management influence within long-term scientific and commercial projects unfolding in the southeast corner of what is today Tanzania. The matter of water flows through this essay, and does so with deliberate intent.

An icon of downtown Pittsburgh, Kaufmann's Department Store inhabited the city in one form or another for more than 130 years. Author Melanie Linn Gutowski, who published Pittsburgh's Mansions in 2013, documents the history of Kaufmann's from its humble beginnings as a single-floor clothing store for men in 1871 to its final days before being rebranded as Macy's. Gutowski takes the reader on a photographic journey where readers can relive fond memories or learn more about Pittsburgh's history with descriptive captions that together tell a cohesive story. In 2019 various institutions, organizations, corporations, and government agencies commemorated the 400th-year of the landing of people of African descent in Virginia. Learned organizations such as the Association for the Study of African Ameri an Life & History, the Commonwealth of Virginia, and the National Park Service commemorated the landing of the first enslaved Africans in the Virginia colony in 1619. In August 2019 the New York Times Magazine published a series of articles called the "1619 Project" That focused on the history of America after the 20 enslaved persons were brought to the Virginia colony and sold into slavery. The "goal was to reframe American history by considering what it would mean to regard 1619 as our nation's birth year."

This essay is a historiographical review of the processes of interculturality that have confronted the positive right to individual liberty and collective autonomy in the face of racist violence in affirmative actions, and have faced political-ideological racial discrimination in the region. of the Caribbean Sea. This essay is of a critical hermeneutical type with emphasis on the twentieth century and proposes the dialogue of knowledge and consensus in the deconstruction of the institutionality that slavery and racial discrimination have imposed over many centuries by the empires of the world ; Este ensayo es una revisión historiográfica de los procesos de la interculturalidad que ha enfrentado en las acciones de afirmación el derecho positivo a la libertad individual y las autonomías colectivas frente a la violencia racista y ha afrontado en lo político-ideológico la discriminación racial en la región del Mar Caribe. Este ensayo es de tipo hermenéutico crítico con énfasis en el siglo veinte y propone el diálogo de saberes y consenso en la deconstrucción de la institucionalidad que a lo largo de muchos siglos han impuesto la esclavitud y la discriminación racial por parte de los imperios del mundo.

Modern-day slavery, in the form of human trafficking, is an issue that affects countries, communities, and individuals around the world. In the United States, the National Human Trafficking Hotline receives an average of 141 calls per day, a number that doesn't even encompass the many victims without access to or knowledge of this resource. Despite the prevalence of human trafficking in the United States, many Americans are uninformed and unaware of the realities of human trafficking. In the face of this growing concern, the United States must employ new tools and tactics to raise awareness, support victims of trafficking, and prevent future victims from being targeted. This paper evaluates anti-trafficking education reforms within four sectors: professional counseling, the healthcare system, the public education system, and law enforcement. These reforms would help to directly combat the negative effects of misinformation that allow traffickers to go unnoticed and victims unsupported, and increase understanding of human trafficking. The four sectors were evaluated based on efficacy, cost efficiency, practical feasibility, and political and public acceptability. This thesis concludes that education reform for law enforcement best fulfills the criteria, as law enforcement officers often act as the "front line" of human trafficking identification, prevention, and response.

Abstract
Despite the increasing awareness of child trafficking and modern slavery as a growing societal issue, little is known about the direct experiences of children and young people in trafficking situations. This paper contributes to this gap by reporting findings from a qualitative study that was conducted in England with young people who had lived experiences of child trafficking. Drawing on personal testimonies through in-depth interviews, this paper reports how children's journeys of hope turned into despair. Children realised they were deceived when promises made did not materialise, they were subjected to multiple and severe forms of abuse and became aware they were used, sold and resold for traffickers' gain. This paper considers how in seemingly powerless situations, some degree of children's agency was exercised. Various coping mechanisms and tactics were developed as children tried to gain some knowledge and power to survive. This research provides valuable insight into the lived experiences of trafficking abuse, enabling practitioners to understand the dynamics, processes and acts children and young people are exposed to. The findings emphasise the importance of recognising the critical role that connected peers play in the trafficking process in helping others to cope, survive and ultimately escape.