The following publication presents the activities of the Lithuanian Roman Catholic Society of St. Zita, which in the first half of the 20th century occupied a significant place in the social life of the Lithuanian community in Vilnius. It ran a shelter for Lithuenian women seeking domestic servant work, mediated in finding a job, offered courses in reading, writing and religious studies. The Society organized meetings combined with reading, singing Lithuanian folk songs, stage plays and dances, as well as encouraged the members not to neglect religious matters. Apart from these positive aspects, some negative phenomena took place such as engaging the politically unprofessional members in political games and instilling the hostile attitude towards Polishness.
Delegitimization of the political system could be a strong factor leading to disruptions of the social and political order, including political violence. In order to measure the potential of this phenomenon an original measurement tool was created. The tool is based on the concept of ideal types and empirical types introduced by Max Weber and Georg Jellinek. Quantitative empirical data was provided by the Polish General Election Study (2011). Using this data, analyses of intergroup differences of selected sociodemographic and psychographic variables were carried out. The following groups emerged from the analyses: legitimizing the political system, ambivalent towards the political system, delegitimizing the political system (completely or incompletely), and several groups of moderate potential to delegitimize (for instance people rejecting democracy, but expressing satisfaction with the institutional aspects of its functioning in political practice). The gathered results confirm a moderate but noticeable potential for delegitimization of the Polish democracy; several extracted social categories may be a potential threat to internal security.
Delegitimization of the political system could be a strong factor leading to disruptions of the social and political order, including political violence. In order to measure the potential of this phenomenon an original measurement tool was created. The tool is based on the concept of ideal types and empirical types introduced by Max Weber and Georg Jellinek. Quantitative empirical data was provided by the Polish General Election Study (2011). Using this data, analyses of intergroup differences of selected sociodemographic and psychographic variables were carried out. The following groups emerged from the analyses: legitimizing the political system, ambivalent towards the political system, delegitimizing the political system (completely or incompletely), and several groups of moderate potential to delegitimize (for instance people rejecting democracy, but expressing satisfaction with the institutional aspects of its functioning in political practice). The gathered results confirm a moderate but noticeable potential for delegitimization of the Polish democracy; several extracted social categories may be a potential threat to internal security.
Economic Aspects of the Internet : the Rise of the Commercial Foundations of the WebThe article describes the Internet and the crucial conflict in expectations as regards common convictions which emphasize the social view of the Web. Such views are very popular and as a result they bring the great vision of the Internet as a new public space which demands democratic civil rights for example. In this situation inevitably a conflict emerges between this vision and the business which treats the Internet as its natural environment. The article describes the very beginnings of the Internet and the early phase of this conflict, which has existed from the very beginning mostly due to the counterculture of the sixties in USA. The article also describes the commercial sources of the Web which allowed its voluminous progress and the role of the third player in this game – the Government of the USA which has seen the Internet as a chance for potential economic growth. The article also emphasizes the great significance of the macroeconomic environment in the eighties, which also considerably enhanced the development of the Web. The article documents the predominance of the economic aspect of the Internet, which has become a fact already at the beginning of the nineties and describes incidents which confirm this situation, for example the rebellion of Jon Postel in 1998.
The COVID-19 pandemic has affected every aspect of social life and the economy. The aim of the article is to present the opinion of growers from the Sandomierz region on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on fruit production, as well as to determine their sense of agency (impact on local and national matters) and to indicate their point of view about public institutions and non-governmental organizations' support for Polish agriculture. The quantitative and qualitative study was conducted during the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. The obtained results indicate that the impact of the pandemic on the fruit growers was not significant. Nevertheless, fruit producers consider the support of public institutions as insufficient, and at the same time formulate high expectations towards them.
Multilayering hardrock/heavymetal music in "Only Rock" resources
This article is composed of two parts. The first discusses the role of metal hardrock music (broadly understood) in the structure of the most opinion-making music magazine after 1989, ie "Only Rock", and in the second study focused on analyzing the content of the monthly magazine in terms of title genres, but in the optics of genology. The text uses existing statistical data, studies and, of course, source materials. Methodologically and substantively – in a narrower sense, the publication encompasses two new streams: Metal Music Studies (humanistic) and Journalism and Music Media (social sciences, media studies), and in broader terms quantitative and qualitative research (including structural analysis). The research showed that metal music was a constitutive aspect of the subject matter in a strictly formal rock writing, and even some of the leading elements.
"W książce podjęta jest stale aktualna i ważna problematyka wyznaczania granic społecznych i zróżnicowania świata społecznego, migracji i idącego za tym poczucia odrębności, wyobcowania, ale też budowania wspólnoty pomimo […] doświadczanych w toku codziennego życia różnic". Zawarte w niej teksty posłużą lepszemu rozpoznaniu "fenomenu pogranicza w różnych jego aspektach (językowym, kulturowym, społecznym, politycznym) przez osoby należące do świata nauki oraz przez praktyków społecznych (polityków, działaczy i aktywistów). Poszczególne artykuły mogą być również pomocne w procesie dydaktycznym na różnych szczeblach i kierunkach kształcenia w różnych krajach Europy Środkowej" (z recenzji prof. dr. hab. Lecha Suchomłynowa). ; "The book tackles the continuously topical and important subject matter of the setting of social boundaries and the diversity of the social world, of migration and the associated sense of separateness and alienation but also community building despite [.] the everyday experience of difference". The texts comprising this volume will allow for a better understanding of "the phenomenon of the borderland in its various aspects (linguistic, cultural, societal, political) on the part of members of the scientific community and of social practitioners (politicians and activists). Particular texts might also prove useful in the educational process at different levels and in different fields - and in different Central European countries" (from review by Professor Lech Suchomłynow). ; Redakcja naukowa książki została sfinansowana w ramach programu Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego pod nazwą "Narodowy Program Rozwoju Humanistyki" w latach 2015–2018, nr projektu 1bH 15 0354 83
Mediation is proving to be an effective way to manage conflicts in aconstructive way. But mediation not only helps to solve specific problems, because its potential encompasses aspects of greater complexity. Thus, mediation helps us to know ourselves better, to better understand others, and to use what we have learned to better manage future conflict situations. In asociety where there is no culture of agreement and where there is no education in the field of emotions, mediation becomes an adequate and effective tool to resolve conflicts in apeaceful and constructive manner. On the other hand, mediation allows the parties to take responsibility for the resolution of their own conflict, to be active agents in the process. The greater the citizens' participation in the different decision making processes, the more democratic asociety will be. That is why, in the restoration of social peace, citizenship should play arole as an active agent, and mediation is asuitable instrument for this purpose because the individuals in conflict find the way to solve it without third party impositions. ; Mediation is proving to be an effective way to manage conflicts in aconstructive way. But mediation not only helps to solve specific problems, because its potential encompasses aspects of greater complexity. Thus, mediation helps us to know ourselves better, to better understand others, and to use what we have learned to better manage future conflict situations. In asociety where there is no culture of agreement and where there is no education in the field of emotions, mediation becomes an adequate and effective tool to resolve conflicts in apeaceful and constructive manner. On the other hand, mediation allows the parties to take responsibility for the resolution of their own conflict, to be active agents in the process. The greater the citizens' participation in the different decision making processes, the more democratic asociety will be. That is why, in the restoration of social peace, citizenship should play arole as an active agent, and mediation is asuitable instrument for this purpose because the individuals in conflict find the way to solve it without third party impositions.
Exclusion and inclusion in the culturally, economically, and politically deter- mined educational space are one aspect of social life and its many micro-, meso-, eco-, macro-, and chronosystems. This issue is often addressed from theoretical, cognitive, practical, and research angles, which is reflected in scholarly and popular-science pub- lications as well as literary fiction. It is not bound to any particular time or place and it is relevant at all stages of a person's life, from conception to death. It can therefore be assumed that, to a greater or lesser extent, it governs the integral, holistic develop- ment of a human being, and, by the same token, the development of civilization. Moreover, one could argue that as the biological, psychological, social, cultural, and spiritual (religious) exclusion of the human being is more and more mitigated by his/ her participation in creating a living environment in the local, regional, national, and international spaces, we can observe an increasingly higher quality of the functioning of education systems. This is particularly a challenge for schools, which perform the basic functions—educational and preventative, didactic and protective—as defined by the educational law in Poland.
The image of Poland and Poles in Germany emerging from the analysis of public opinion polls and press publications remains ambiguous - it is characterized by complexity and a lack of internal consistency. Positive aspects of the image of Poland and Poles are present to a greater extent in the German press than in the results of public opinion polls. The results of the polls also show a greater inconsistency in the image of Poland and Poles in Germany than press narratives. Two elements of Poland's image are particularly noteworthy in the German press: as an important European actor and as a country with a dynamically developing economy. From the Polish point of view, these two elements should constitute an important "anchor", a kind of starting point organizing the discussion about Poland in the German media. burdened with stereotypes. This is mainly due to the relatively poor knowledge of Germany's eastern neighbor. Poles living in Germany are not of special interest to either the German media or the public. They are also not present in the public discourse themselves. Locally, there was also a lot of interest in the issue of emigration to border areas - especially Mecklenburg-Vorpommern.
The aim of this paper is to widely discuss the political situation of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and to present the complexity of the relations between the member states of the Council and to describe their regional relationships especially regarding the aspect of rivalry and difficult neighborhood with Iran and cooperation with the United States. A larger part of the article is dedicated to the phenomena of the fundaments of unity between the Gulf states but also the sources of disharmony and disunity that prevent the further deepening and strengthening of intra-Gulf relations which should materialize in the formation of a Gulf Union. The article aspires also to give a forecast of possible scenarios of political and economic development in the GCC region upon the basic economic and social data. This forecast is presented in relation with the challenges that this region is facing.
The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria. ; The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.
The law on the Polish Charter is an element of a certain process, noticeable in Central and Eastern Europe, the purpose of which is to reinforce and retain contacts of respective states with immigrants, that is the members of the nation that predominates in each state who live abroad. The regulations which the Polish side has introduced in order to simplify border crossing for individuals of Polish origin by introducing special visas and the Polish Charter have stirred a profound political and social discussion in Belarus. Belarussian society does not have its own national identity, and is not sufficiently developed. The western part of Belarus is a multicultural region. This allows the dwellers of this region to declare themselves to be of practically any nationality as need arises. It may be concluded then that the Polish Charters, issued by Polish diplomatic posts, do not reflect the number of the actual members of the Polish minority. The applications for a Polish Charter are frequently triggered by economic aspects and the assessment that it pays to be a Pole. ; The law on the Polish Charter is an element of a certain process, noticeable in Central and Eastern Europe, the purpose of which is to reinforce and retain contacts of respective states with immigrants, that is the members of the nation that predominates in each state who live abroad. The regulations which the Polish side has introduced in order to simplify border crossing for individuals of Polish origin by introducing special visas and the Polish Charter have stirred a profound political and social discussion in Belarus. Belarussian society does not have its own national identity, and is not sufficiently developed. The western part of Belarus is a multicultural region. This allows the dwellers of this region to declare themselves to be of practically any nationality as need arises. It may be concluded then that the Polish Charters, issued by Polish diplomatic posts, do not reflect the number of the actual members of the Polish minority. The applications for a Polish Charter are frequently triggered by economic aspects and the assessment that it pays to be a Pole.
The aim of spatial policy is both to protect specific values of space and to rationally shape it by stimulating social and economic processes. Protective activities include striving to maintain a balance between economic, social and environmental elements. For spatial planning to be an effective public policy tool, it must cover all aspects of socio-economic life. In the social stream, one of the most important are decisions in the field of health by reducing differences in access to health and education services in regions, including health education. This education can contribute to shaping correct health attitudes and eliminate the diversity in this area between young people living in urban and rural areas. In order to determine the spatial (urban-rural) differentiation in shaping health attitudes, a field study of young adults of various types of secondary schools, i.e. vocational schools, technical schools and general schools in the Mazowieckie voivodship has been carried out. In the light of the study, the thesis on the existence of the differentiation in health behaviours between young people living in cities and those living in villages has not been confirmed. Big differences in these youth behaviours have not been revealed. However, differences appeared between types of schools. It turned out that the studied youth from the Mazowieckie Voivodeship learning in vocational schools, to a lesser extent than young people attending general schools and technical schools, recognize situations threatening their health in the form of weaker nutrition, e.g. eating fewer vegetables or frequent contacts with psychoactive substances. A general conclusion from the research is that the most important seems to be promoting and spreading the knowledge about health through lifestyle education, with an emphasis on the youth attending vocational schools, as those in need of the strongest substantive and infrastructural support.
A Hundred Years of the Project Method in PolandThe text presents the development of the project method in Polish education throughout the last century. The project method was introduced into Poland after regaining independence, and it was implemented during the inter-war period (1918–1939) in some schools, both in urban and rural environments. Nevertheless, the method was at that time treated as a pedagogical novelty andexperiment, rather than a natural part of school life. After 1945, education, like other aspects ofsocio-political life, was influenced by the communist propaganda, and the project method, supporting autonomy, democracy and empowerment, was not promoted as a valuable educational approach. After 1989, when progressive trends appeared in Polish schools, the project method gained somepopularity but it was not until 2008 when it was granted national and formal recognition. Then, the new core curriculum was developed, and the project method became an obligatory part of school reality. The revival of the project method was connected with the alarming findings concerning social capital in Poland. In this situation, making students cooperate within projects seemed aremedy for the decreasing social capital. As the author points out, formal introduction of the method does not necessarily mean its effective accomplishment, which should be accompanied by spontaneity and authentic engagement. What is more, as the author shows, after decades of theabsence of this method in Poland, and the lack of the relevant socio-cultural background, teachers might find it difficult to implement a project so as to contribute to the increase of social capital. All these areas need further investigation. Nevertheless, the author hopes that the text will contribute tobetter understanding of contemporary challenges and opportunities related to the implementation of the idea of projects in Polish education. ; A Hundred Years of the Project Method in PolandThe text presents the development of the project method in Polish education throughout the last century. The project method was introduced into Poland after regaining independence, and it was implemented during the inter-war period (1918–1939) in some schools, both in urban and rural environments. Nevertheless, the method was at that time treated as a pedagogical novelty andexperiment, rather than a natural part of school life. After 1945, education, like other aspects of socio-political life, was influenced by the communist propaganda, and the project method, supporting autonomy, democracy and empowerment, was not promoted as a valuable educational approach.After 1989, when progressive trends appeared in Polish schools, the project method gained some popularity but it was not until 2008 when it was granted national and formal recognition. Then, the new core curriculum was developed, and the project method became an obligatory part of school reality. The revival of the project method was connected with the alarming findings concerningsocial capital in Poland. In this situation, making students cooperate within projects seemed a remedy for the decreasing social capital. As the author points out, formal introduction of the method does not necessarily mean its effective accomplishment, which should be accompanied by spontaneity and authentic engagement. What is more, as the author shows, after decades of theabsence of this method in Poland, and the lack of the relevant socio-cultural background, teachers might find it difficult to implement a project so as to contribute to the increase of social capital. All these areas need further investigation. Nevertheless, the author hopes that the text will contribute tobetter understanding of contemporary challenges and opportunities related to the implementation of the idea of projects in Polish education.
