Im Gedenken an Prof. Loren R. Mosher, MD. (1933-2004). Mehr Macht den Menschen, den Betroffenen und den Betreuenden in der Psychiatrie und Psychotherapie in der Gemeinschaft. So wie wir den Menschen als Menschen behandeln, so ist unsere Behandlung. Das Herz einer sinnvollen Psychotherapie ist das "Mit-Sein", im Gegensatz zum üblichen Leitgedanken von "Tun-Für". Die Stimme der Erfahrung bestimmt die Modelle des Wahnsinns.Schlüsselwörter Wahnsinn; Erklärungsmodelle; Psychotherapie; Psychiatrie; Soteria. ; Abstract In remembrance of Prof. Loren R.Mosher, MD. (1933-2004). More power to the people, the users and the workers in psychiatric and psychotherapeutic community services. The way we treat human beings as human beings is our treatment. The heart in a sensible psychotherapy is the concept of"being with", in con-trast to the usual leading belief of "doing for". The voice of experi-ence informs the models of madness.Keywords Madness; explanatory models; psychotherapy; psychi-atry; Soteria. ; L'offre de santé psychique au sein d'une collectivité doit inclure une liberté de choix donnée aux personnes traversant une crise psychique. Nous traitons les individus en êtres humains et nos thérapies doivent refléter cet aspect. Au cœur d'une psychothérapie utile doit se situer un « être-avec » qui se substitue à l'idée traditionnelle du « faire-pour ». La présente conférence est donnée à la mémoire du professeur Loren R. Mosher (1933-2004) ; nous présentons ses travaux de recherche socio-phénoménologique, car ils ont beaucoup contribué à mettre en question les vues et les dogmes qui, jusque là, étaient profondément ancrés dans le domaine de la psychiatrie. Mosher était un praticien expérimenté qui, dans la ligne de la tradition établie par Ronald D. Laing, mit en place des groupes thérapeutiques, de petites unités de soins qui devaient assumer l'offre de psychiatrie sociale. Ronald Laing (1927-1989) et Loren Mosher ont élaboré de nouveaux modèles à partir de ce qu'ils voyaient, vivaient, ressentaient et découvraient. En d'autres termes : à partir de ce qui se manifeste, le phénomène. Chacun à sa manière, ils ont construit leurs prototypes et s'en sont servi pour expérimenter. Laing avait crée la Rumpus Room à Glasgow et le Kingsley Hall à Londres, ainsi que d'autres formes de cliniques psychothérapeutiques gérées par la Philadelphia Association ; Loren Mosher et Alma Menn ont établi la Soteria, Emanon et la Crossing Place. Vers la fin des années 1960, début des années 1970, alors que Laing rédigeait « La politique de la famille » (The Politics of the Family), « Nœuds » (Knots) et « Les faits de la vie » (The Facts of Life), Mosher menait des recherches sur et travaillait dans des milieux thérapeutiques, publiant aussi des articles sur la Soteria et Emanon, en collaboration avec Alma Menn (un bon résumé se trouve dans « Treatment at Soteria House », non publié ; ce texte a été traduit et publié en allemand sous le titre de « Dabeisein: das Manual zur Praxis in der Soteria », 1994). Mosher, après avoir étudié à Harvard et enseigné comme professeur de psychiatrie clinique, se centrait sur les personnes souffrant de troubles psychiques et se consacrait entièrement à leur thérapie. Son approche du traitement provoqua un débat fondamental sur la nature des troubles psychiques. Si nous savons ce qui nous rend fous, aliénés, nous pouvons définir ce qui peut nous guérir et comment.Comme Laing, face à la psychiatrie clinique traditionnelle, Mosher appliquait un modèle empirique fondé scientifiquement qui était efficace lorsqu'il s'agissait de traiter de manière ouverte les personnes souffrant de blessures psychiques. Pour Laing et pour Mosher, la psychose est une manière momentanée de saisir le cosmos et elle implique unsens subjectif. Dans leur approche positive des troubles psychiques, la folie devient quelque chose qui fait partie de la nature humaine. Mosher plaidait en faveur d'un renforcement des ressources des patients et pour un partage thérapeutique de la nature humaine, ce qui devait les aider à s'aider eux-mêmes et finalement à vivre leur propre normalité. Laing et Mosher ont développé leurs propres principes au niveau de la psychothérapie des psychoses. Ils accompagnaient les patients psychotiques sans leur prescrire de médicaments, du moins au début. Tous deux croyaient que l'individu doit façonner lui-même sa vie. Leur travail de pionniers - à Kingsley Hall pour Laing et à la Soteria pour Mosher - a démontré que les personnes traversant des crises graves sur le plan émotionnel (épisodes psychotiques) guérissent mieux lorsqu'on leur offre un soutien humain que lorsqu'on leur fournit un traitement médical. La relation thérapeutique est la clé qui permet de transformer des connaissances scientifiques, des expériences, un travail d'équipe et la politique de la santé en un soutien concret. Dans le cadre de la Soteria, c'est la vie au sein du groupe qui est (et était) thérapeutique. Lorsqu'une personne souffre d'une psychose aiguë, la présence attentive des soignants, la consolation qu'elle peut apporter et l'atmosphère familiale du setting contribuent à améliorer son humeur. Les responsables d'un projet de type Soteria considèrent qu'il est possible de surmonter l'épisode psychotique, de le dépasser, puisqu'il s'agit d'une crise ; la démarche ressemble à un voyage au travers de l'aliénation, dont la personne peut revenir guérie. L'intense soutien personnel fourni à l'individu, la compréhension pour le vécu et le comportement de patients psychotiques constituent la base sur laquelle repose l'accompagnement psychothérapeutique.La manière dont Mosher s'est impliqué au niveau de la politique de la santé a été guidée par la question suivante : qui a-t-il à redire lorsque l'individu peut guérir sur le plan psychique, être moins dépendant de neuroleptiques, assumer une plus grande responsabilité pour lui-même et avoir plus confiance en ses capacités ? Ces personnes consomment moins et elles sont des démocrates et citoyens plus pacifiques, plus contents, plus critiques et plus autonomes. Mosher voulait que les personnes traversant une phase de transition aient toujours le choix ; il voulait qu'en plus des cliniques traditionnelles, de nouvelles alternatives soient créées où l'on tiendrait compte des récentes connaissances scientifiques - ces collectivités devaient être restreintes mais nombreuses et il fallait que tous y aient accès. Comme ce fut le cas pour Laing, Mosher souhaite promouvoir la santé tout en renonçant à l'offre dans laquelle on ne fait que prescrire - « Avalez ce cachet et vous vous sentirez mieux ». Les interventions élaborées par Laing et Mosher pour agir au niveau relationnel dans la société se fondent en fait sur une confiance accordée à nos capacités d'autorégulation. Une existence saine, fondée sur la conviction que l'âme a le pouvoir de guérir.
Die Dissertation beschäftigt sich mit der Frage nach der Rolle des Bürgers im Prozess der Risikobewertung. In der sozialwissenschaftlichen Risikokommunikationsforschung wird diese Rolle unter dem Begriff der Risikomündigkeit diskutiert. Das Leitbild der Risikomündigkeit zielt auf ein reflektiertes Urteil unter Einbezug von Fakten, Unsicherheiten und Werten der Bürgerinnen und Bürger ab. Im Fokus steht die Frage, welche empirische Relevanz Risikomündigkeit (spezieller: kognitive Kompetenz als Vorbedingung von Risikomündigkeit, kurz: KKR) im Hinblick auf die Risikokommunikation zwischen den Gruppen von Laien und Experten bei unterschiedlichen, technischen Risiken (Atomkraft und Mobilfunk) hat: Wie weit trägt das Konzept der Risikomündigkeit bei verschiedenen Risiken? Diese Forschungsfrage wird sowohl mit quantitativen als auch mit qualitativen Methoden untersucht. Es werden folgende Hypothesen getestet. Die Kognitionshypothese besagt, dass mit steigendem Grad der kognitiven Faktoren der Risikobewertung als Vorbedingung von Risikomündigkeit bei Laien sich die Risikobewertungen von Laien und Experten tendenziell annähern. Aus der Kognitionshypothese lassen sich zwei weitere Hypothesen ableiten: Laien mit hoher kognitiver Kompetenz (hoher Wissensstand, großes Interesse am Thema etc.) kommen zu ähnlichen Risikobewertungen wie Experten (Konsenshypothese) bzw. Laien mit niedriger kognitiver Kompetenz (niedriger Wissensstand, geringes Interesse am Thema etc.) kommen zu unterschiedlichen Risikobewertungen wie Experten (Dissenshypothese). Dies impliziert wiederum eine weitere Hypothese: Laien mit hoher kognitiver Kompetenz kommen zu unterschiedlichen Risikobewertungen wie Laien mit niedriger kognitiver Kompetenz (Laienkompetenzhypothese). Die Hypothesen werden anhand eines repräsentativen Datensatzes getestet. Der Risikomündigkeitssurvey 2006 ist eine quantitative, deutschlandweite Repräsentativbefragung mit einer Fallzahl von n = 868 (gewichteter Datensatz). Die Befragten werden anhand ihrer Antworten zu mehreren Items auf einem Index der KKR verortet. Theoretische Grundlage für die Messung von KKR ist das Elaboration Likelihood Modell (ELM) von John Petty und Richard Cacioppo. Der Hypothesentest bestätigt für die Atomkraft die Kognitionshypothese, Konsenshypothese und Dissenshypothese. Im Falle des Mobilfunks (Sender und Handys) müssen die Hypothesen jedoch zurück gewiesen werden. Die Laienkompetenzhypothese kann für beide Technologien als bestätigt angesehen werden. Des Weiteren wurde die Güte der Operationalisierung der KKR anhand von knapp 60 qualitativen Leitfadeninterviews zu Mobilfunk und Atomkraft überprüft. Eine Einordnung der Befragten nach zentralen Kategorien des ELM müsste ungefähr dasselbe Muster produzieren wie es sich in der quantitativen Studie gezeigt hat. Das qualitativ gewonnene Muster gleicht in der Tat der quantitativen Verteilung im Risikomündigkeitssurvey 2006. Der KKR-Index scheint damit tauglich zu sein, um eine Teilkomponente der Risikomündigkeit zu erfassen. Wie sind diese Ergebnisse zu interpretieren? Zunächst einmal scheint KKR nur bei Atomkraft die vermutete Wirkung zu haben, da beim Mobilfunk die Kognitionshypothese, Konsenshypothese und Dissenshypothese nicht bestätigt werden konnten. Eine mögliche Erklärung hierfür könnte die Tatsache sein, dass im Fall der Kernenergie bedingt durch einen längeren Erfahrungszeitraum mehr belastbares Wissen vorhanden ist, welches Eingang in die Köpfte der Menschen finden konnte. Erst wenn sich der Grad an KKR beim Mobilfunk erhöht, können Wissen und Motivation ihre vermutete Wirkung (Konsens zwischen Experten und Laien oder zumindest Konsens über Dissens) entfalten. Jedoch besteht zur Absicherung dieser Interpretation noch weiterer Forschungsbedarf. Die geschilderten Ergebnisse haben eventuell weit reichende politische Implikationen: Wenn bei Atomkraft Risikomündigkeit "funktioniert", können Bürger in die Entscheidungsfindung mit einbezogen werden, ohne das es gleich zu Missverständnissen mit Akteuren aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Wissenschaft kommen muss. Konflikte auf Grund von Wertedifferenzen kann es natürlich nach wie vor geben. Laien und Experten aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Wissenschaft können entweder zu einem klaren Konsens oder zumindest einem rational begründeten Konsens über bestehende Differenzen (Konsens über Dissens) gelangen. Beim Mobilfunk ist dies (noch) nicht der Fall. Für die Risikowahrnehmungsforschung bedeutet die Risikomündigkeit eine Erweiterung der bekannten Perspektiven (Psychometrie, normative Kulturtheorie, Vertrauensforschung). In Bezug auf die Rolle der KKR für die Risikokommunikation hat sich gezeigt, dass eine Differenzierung nach Technologien auch eine entsprechende Differenzierung in den Kommunikationsstrategien sinnvoll erscheinen lässt. ; The dissertation focuses on the citizen's role in the risk evaluation process. This role is being discussed in the current social science risk research under the concept of "risk maturity". Risk maturity means that citizens evaluate risks under consideration of the facts, uncertainties and their own values. The main research question refers to the empirical relevance of risk maturity for risk communication between laypeople and experts in the case of two different, technological risks (nuclear energy, mobile telephony): What constitutes risk maturity, in particular its cognitive component (Cognitive Competence as a precondition for risk maturity, in short: CCR) in case of two different yet physically related risks? Quantitative as well as qualitative methods are used in the research design. Several empirical hypotheses were tested using quantitative methods. The cognition hypothesis states that risk evaluations of laypersons and experts will become more congruent with the increasing level of layperson's cognitive competence. Two other hypotheses can be derived from the first one: Laypersons with high cognitive competence (high knowledge level, great interest in the topic etc.) will arrive at similar risk evaluations to the expert judgments in this case (consensus hypothesis) and laypersons with low cognitive competence (low knowledge level, little interest in the topic etc.) will arrive at different risk evaluations compared with the expert judgments (dissent hypothesis), respectively. This in turn implies another hypothesis: Laypersons with high cognitive competence and laypersons with low cognitive competence will significantly differ in their risk evaluations (layperson competence hypothesis). The hypotheses were tested using a quantitative, empirical survey. The Risk Maturity Survey 2006 was conducted as a representative telephone survey in Germany (n = 868, weighted data). Respondents were classified by using an index for characterising different degrees of CCR. The theoretical basis for measuring CCR is the Elaboration Likelihood Model (in short: ELM) from John Petty and Richard Cacioppo. The test confirms the cognitive hypothesis, the consensus hypothesis and the dissent hypothesis for nuclear energy. However, all three hypotheses could not be confirmed for mobile telephony (both base stations and mobiles). The layperson competence hypothesis was confirmed for both technologies. Further more, the validity of the measurement of CCR was checked by 60 qualitative, open-ended interviews focussing on nuclear energy and mobile telephony. It was assumed that a classification of the respondents using the main categories of the ELM would produce a similar pattern of peripheral and central groups compared to the quantitative distribution in the survey. Indeed, the qualitative pattern is similar to the quantitative distribution found in the Risk Maturity Survey 2006. This can be interpreted as an indication that the operationalisation of the ELM is indeed valid. How can these findings be interpreted? CCR seems to work only for nuclear energy, not for mobile telephony. One aspect could be time. On the one hand, nuclear energy has been investigated and deployed for a very long time span, at least compared to mobile telephony. There has been more scientific evidence communicated via the mass media which may found its way into the memory of the public. Only with an increasing degree of CCR will knowledge and motivation produce the expected effect which is more consensus between experts and laypersons or at least consensus about dissent. This interpretation however needs more research to confirm it. The research findings may have some important political implications. Risk maturity seems to work for nuclear energy, so participation of laypersons in processes of risk management are less likely to experience conflicts that are based on misunderstanding rather than differences in values. Laypersons and experts from science, politics and industry can reach either a substantive consensus or a consensus on why they dissent on conclusions based on a rational discourse. However, this is (still) not the case for mobile telephony. Risk maturity expands the perspectives of risk perception research (psychometric approach, cultural theory of risk, organisational studies on confidence and trust in risk perception). The study about CCR also showed that the distinction between technologies is relevant for risk communication: Differentiation between technologies or risks may assist risk communicators to design the most appropriate risk communication strategies.
Modern state has a distinction of possessing an amplified regulatory system - in practice it is difficult to name at least one industry or economic activity left without regulatory oversee. A close look at regulatory activities, especially regulatory activities in infrastructure industries, would suggest that a difference between public interest and economics has faded out (Kessides, Willing, 1995; Longley, 2003); other papers argue that often a regulatory institution is left to decide on its own what exactly "public interest", which is supposed to be defended by this institution, means (e.g., Condon, 2003).From the empirical view, in these cases the public interest's interpretation, which goes as a basis for regulatory decisions, might not coincide with the public interest per se; and even more, without a clear formulation and treatment of public interest, it might be misused at the stage of development as well as at the stage of implementing the regulatory policy. From the theoretical view, a distinct concept of public interest is relevant with regard to the fact that a major part of regulatory theories use the notion of public interest to justify the regulation as such, however, those theories do not analyze the public interest leaving it to be done by political science.The aim of this research was, with regard to achievements published in the theoretical literature, to provide a revised concept of public interest, which (the concept) would be correct in the view of political science and would be operational in the view of management for the purposes to employ it in the regulated industry. The research has justified the importance of a correct concept of public interest in the context of state regulation, analyzes the notion of public interest with regard to the four main historically developed approaches, analyzes the modern notion of public interest, and a revised concept of public interest is developed here; finally, the relevance of the revised concept of public interest to be used in a regulated industry is evaluated in the view of management.The first chapter analyzes the conception of the state regulation - a number of definitions of regulation are provided and three meanings of "regulation" are distinguished (a set of norms and specific prescriptions; state intervention of all kinds or the deliberate influence by the state; all the forms of social control disrespectfully of who implements it). The chapter also deals with regulatory theories - a dualistic-approach taxonomy is developed and two theories of regulation (those of public interest and reformulated public interest) are analyzed in detail. The analysis provided in this chapter enabled to conclude that regulatory theories, justifying regulation as a purpose of implementation of public interest, are the full·fledged stream of theoretical regulatory thought. Despite the fact that recently this stream acquires less attention by theoreticians, governments, planning and implementing the regulation of the economy and its reforms, more often than ever use the approach of regulation for the public interest sake and the out-flowing argumentation. Therefore, analysis of public interest remains an important component of the theoretical backgrounding of regulation.The second chapter provides the genesis and critics of the notion of public interest with regard to the four main historically developed approaches. The historical analysis of public interest has shown that none of the four approaches has provided a public interest concept that would be clear, universal and ready for effective usage within regulatory systems. The Public Contract approach clarified the discrepancy of public interest and private interest, emphasized the supremacy of the public interest over all the other interests, which (the supremacy) is achieved either by consensus or under compulsion; the approach did not elaborated on what exactly the public interest is. The Doctrine of Utilitarianism determined, how to measure the public interest, and endowed the mandate to implement public interest to administration, but this doctrine did not highlighted any possibility to eliminate the conflict between the public and the private interests. In the Laissez-Fair Doctrine, the public interest was an approach as the laissez-fair itself, i.e. the spontaneous satisfaction of interests of all the participants of the process. The forth approach to the public interest - as a goal of a higher level together with safeguarding the particular elements of society - was supposed to bring the benefit for all; however, this theoretical interpretation was convenient to widen the borders of state's intervention and to develop a nannystate. After the outcomes, their scale and directions were fully realized; a theoretical stream, completely denying the public interest as such, emerged.The critics of the traditional notion of public interest was structured into four main arguments: the (i) notion is indefinite, therefore it leaves space for conflicts; (ii) the indefiniteness of the notion necessitated a wider usage of the notion aiming to cover narrowed objectives, i.e. public interest became an outcome of activities instead of being a reason for it; (iii) the broad-brush nature of public interest stipulated oppression over individua1s and minorities, executed by collective organizations, (iv) the broad-brush nature also menaced individuality, variety, personal freedom and self-expression.The third chapter elaborates on the modem understanding of public interest, mainly with regard to the reborn liberal interpretation. The revised concept of public interest is formulated as follows: public interest is an overall, nonnative, conservative and equally to all applicable instrument, in the form of abstract norms providing better conditions to everyone for securing their own interests while utilizing their knowledge and their abilities in possession. This revised concept resolves the critical aspects applied to the traditional notion, and the elaboration is provided.Finally, the evaluation of the relevance of the revised concept for its use in a regulated industry is made, and the finding is that the revised concept of public interest is operational in the context of state regulation and is correct in the view of political science. ; Nustačius viešojo intereso svarbą atsižvelgiant į jo vietą reguliavimo teorijose, siejant jį su viešąja politika ir viešuoju administravimu, straipsnyje teorikai tiriama viešojo intereso koncepcija. Viešojo intereso analizė atliekama remiantis keturiais istorikai susiformavusiais požiūriais į viešąjį interesą - visuomeninės sutarties požiūriu, viešojo intereso kaip didžiausios naudos išraikos (utilitarizmo) požiūriu, viešojo intereso kaip pusiausvyros požiūriu bei viešojo intereso kaip aukštesniojo tikslo požiūriu, taip pat išanalizuota šiuolaikinė viešojo intereso samprata. Straipsnio rezultatas - remiantis moksliniais laimėjimais, publikuotais teorinėje literatūroje, pateikta patikslinta viešojo intereso sampratos formuluotė, kuri yra tinkama atlikti vadybos tyrimą bet kuriame ūkio sektoriuje ir korektika politikos mokslo požiūriu. Straipsnis yra teorinio pobūdžio.
Tämä tutkimus tarkastelee vuosina 1889-1890 Yhdysvaltain intiaanien keskuudessa laajalle levinnyttä, henkitanssina, tunnettua uskonnollista liikettä. Erityistarkastelun kohteena on sioux-kansan suurimman ryhmän, lakotojen, henkitanssi. Heidän harjoittamanaan henkitanssi aiheutti levottomuutta valkoisen väestön keskuudessa ja johti Yhdysvaltain armeijan lähettämiseen lakotojen reservaatteihin. Tämä puolestaan johti monien väärinkäsitysten kautta kuuluisaan Wounded Kneen verilöylyyn, josta muodostui Yhdysvaltain intiaanisotien loppunäytös. Tutkimuksessa käytetään ns. moniäänistä (multiple Voices and Viewpoints)tutkimusmetodia, joka sallii useiden eri menneisyyden "äänten" kertoa tarinansa. Kyseistä metodia ovat Yhdysvaltalaiset tutkijat Patricia N. Limerick ja Robert F. Berkhofer käyttäneet menestyksekkäästi omissa tutkimuksissaan. Tällä tavoin tämä työ osaltaan vastaa ns. New Western History -tradition esiin nostamiin kysymyksiin Yhdysvaltain Lännen tutkimuksessa. Tutkimus tuo uusia näkökulmia siihen kehitykseen, joka johti Wounded Kneen verilöylyyn ja se antaa aivan uudenlaisia mahdollisuuksia ymmärtää tätä hyvin monimutkaista taphtumaketjua, jossa eri kulttuureja, rotuja ja uskontoja edustaneet ihmiset joutuivat ristiriitoihin keskenään. Vaikka tässä tutkimuksessa esimerkkinä on käytetty lakotojen henkitanssia, on tämä metodi sopiva muihinkin Yhdysvaltain Länttä koskeviin tutkimuksiin, etenkin kun kyse on rotujen, kulttuurien ja uskontojen välisistä konflikteista. ; In the late 1880s a revitalization movement known as the ghost dance swept across the North American plains and galvanized tens of thousands of Indians from more than 30 tribes. The ghost dance was a religious movement that took many forms as it passed from one tribe to another, yet its core message of return to the old ways and a future of peace and happiness remained the same. The ghost dance was the physical expression of a religious movement that advocated peace. The most important instructions of the prophet of the religion, a Paiute Indian called Wovoka, were: You must not do harm to anyone. You must not fight. Do right always. According to Wovoka, the whites were going to disappear in a great earthquake, and only those Indians who believed in his message were to survive. Then they would live forever in a world of happiness where no hunger or disease would exist. To make all this to happen, the Indians were to dance a certain sacred dance. Thus no fighting was needed to bring about this new Indian paradise. In the late 1880s Indians in the United States were living on reservations where they were fed and clothed by the government. They were basically poor wards of the government with little hope for the future. The ghost dance offered new hope to Indians, who had been forced to give away their lands and abandon their traditional ways of living. Even their religious ceremonies were forbidden. The ghost dance, however, returned religious ceremonies to a central place in the daily lives of the Indians. All over the Western United States Indians started to dance and pray as Wovoka taught. Unfortunately, among the Lakotas, the western branch of the Sioux people, the dance produced tragic consequences. The United States military, under orders to put a stop to what many whites thought was a war dance, opened fire on Lakotas in December 1890 resulting in what would become known as the Wounded Knee massacre. The Lakota ghost dance has been the subject of a wide scholarly and public interest from the late nineteenth century throughout the twentieth century. The first publications about the Lakota ghost dance that used historical documents as source material were published as early as 1891. James P. Boyd s Recent Indian Wars, Under the Lead of Sitting Bull and Other Chiefs; With Full Account of the Messiah Craze and Ghost Dances and Willis Fletcher Johnson s The Red Record of the Sioux. Life of Sitting Bull and History of the Indian War of 1890-1891, for example, were among the very first to set the tone in studying the Lakota ghost dance. Articles in various journals and magazines soon followed. The first and foremost study of the ghost dance is The Ghost Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890 by the early anthropologist James Mooney. The book was originally a part of the 14th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1892-1893 and was a result of several years investigation of the ghost dance among various Indian tribes. Mooney s work is still essential and invaluable, but also somewhat problematic and contains some errors. Among the Lakotas, for example, Mooney was not able to get any information from the Indians. The Lakotas simply refused to talk to him: The dance was our religion we will not talk any more about it, was their reply to Mooney s requests. For this reason his study, although the first actual attempt to try to understand the ghost dance as a religious movement, lacks information from the Lakotas themselves. Even the Lakota ghost dance songs he published were received from a local schoolteacher Emma C. Sickles who, in turn, got them from George Sword, an Indian informant. Mooney constructed his story of the Lakota ghost dance and the outbreak, as he calls it, from primary government documents and newspapers, but not with the help of Indian informants like he was able to do among several other Indian tribes. From the very beginning the Lakota ghost dance was studied mainly from the perspectives of white Americans, and the Lakotas views were only briefly incorporated into this main narrative. These earliest accounts created a tradition of treating the Lakota ghost dance as a military, political, or religious-political movement. Their approach is well characterized by phrases such as Sioux outbreak, Messiah Craze or ghost dance war, so often used even in the titles of these works. This tradition continued into the late twentieth century, when alternative interpretations have emerged. While some of these accounts do incorporate the Lakotas point of view as a legitimate part of the story, most fail to put the ghost dance in a wider cultural and social context. Often these accounts are written to convey a particular perspective, focus narrowly on some specific aspects of the Lakota ghost dance, or are analyzed chronologies. All too often the story of the Lakota ghost dance, even in some of the most recent accounts, is based on already existing literature or one-sided interpretations of the primary documents. However, critical analysis of the primary sources is essential, since they do not simply reveal facts, but must be interpreted in the context of the late nineteenth century.
[SPA] La integración de múltiples fuentes de datos espaciales es esencial para el desarrollo de los servicios públicos en todos los dominios temáticos. Estos servicios son suministrados y a la vez consumidos por todos los niveles de la administración. Actualmente, la demanda de estos servicios está creciendo enormemente entre los gestores del agua para buscar soluciones más eficaces a la gestión de este recurso tan escaso. Para alcanzar este objetivo, se necesita integrar una gran cantidad de datos de carácter geográfico de diferentes procedencias y resoluciones espacio-temporales. En la actualidad la información espacial juega un papel clave en la toma de decisiones en todos los niveles de la administración, como queda plasmado en la Ley 14/2010, de 5 de julio sobre las infraestructuras y los servicios de información geográfica en España, la directiva INSPIRE de la Unión Europea (UE) o en la Orden ejecutiva del presidente de EEUU de 2002, pionera en este ámbito. Sin embargo, a menudo es muy difícil para las administraciones, poder integrar conjuntamente la información geográfica disponible para un mismo territorio y temática. Esto es debido a la gran diversidad de modelos de datos, las diferentes especificaciones y los diversos tipos de conectores que utilizan las organizaciones que tienen competencias en un mismo territorio. Para superar estas limitaciones, los organismos deben adoptar unas normas comunes para la interoperabilidad de los datos espaciales, unas especificaciones estándares y un acuerdo de intercambio de datos basado en sus necesidades, pero que permita compartir estos datos con otras organizaciones. Por esta necesidad están surgiendo las Infraestructuras de Datos Espaciales (IDE o su acrónimo en inglés SDI, Spatial Data Infraestructure) en los diferentes dominios temáticos. Para su armonización la UE ha desarrollado la directiva INSPIRE, que proporciona un marco con una serie de recomendaciones tecnológicas que permiten superar los problemas de la integración de datos desde múltiples fuentes. Las IDE/SDI incluyen datos espaciales, los requisitos de los usuarios, el sistema de acceso mediante internet, las políticas y las normas que tienen como objetivo facilitar la integración de múltiples fuentes de datos espaciales. Para lograr la integración efectiva de datos espaciales, estos deben ser inventariados y caracterizados para poder desarrollar servicios de consultas interoperables y eficientes. La presente estrategia de investigación se ha diseñado para alcanzar los siguientes objetivos específicos: (i) identificar las barreras, tanto técnicas como de otra índole, que obstaculizan una efectiva integración de múltiples fuentes de datos dentro de una IDE temática regional sobre agricultura y agua en la Región de Murcia (IDEarM); (ii) inventariar y caracterizar los datos disponibles en ambas temáticas (agricultura y agua); (iii) diseñar un modelo de datos sobre estas temáticas; (iv) analizar los componentes clave de las herramientas de interoperabilidad que ayuden al cumplimiento de la directiva Europea INSPIRE; y finalmente (v) desarrollar su implementación como herramienta ayuda a la toma de decisión para el inventario de los cultivos cítricos en el Campo de Cartagena y el seguimiento de la calidad del agua y la batimetría en el Mar Menor, la gestión de los recursos de información geográfica y la puesta en marcha de servicios asociados con la integración de datos en sus diferentes aspectos técnicos, institucionales, políticos, jurídicos y sociales. [ENG] The integration of several sources of spatial datasets is relevant to develop of public services in all thematic domains. These services are provided and also used by all levels of the administration. Actually, the demand of these services is increasing among the managers of water to find more efficient solutions in the planning of water resources uses. To reach this aim, the integration of several huge geographical datasets from different sources and spatio-temporal resolutions is needed. At the present, the spatial information presents a relevant role in the decision-taking process in all levels of the administration, considering the 14/2010 Law, of 5th of July, about the infrastructures and geographical information services of Spain, the European INSPIRE Directive, or the executive law of USA President of 2002 that was one of the pioneer in this topic. However, the administrations usually have difficulties to integrate all the available geographical information for a same thematic and territory. The huge diversity of data models, the several specifications, and the different types of connectors used in the organizations with competences in the same territory, constitute barriers in the integration. To avoid these limitations, the organisms should be defined common norms, standard specifications and agreements for sharing and facilitating the interoperability of the spatial datasets among the several involved institutions. In base of these requirements, the Spatial Data Infrastructures (SDI) in different thematic domains, are increasing. The INSPIRE European Directive is providing a framework with several technological recommendations to avoid the problems of datasets integration from several sources. The SDIs include spatial datasets, user requirements, and access system by internet, norms and politics with the aim to facilitate the integration of several sources of spatial datasets. To reach the effective integration of spatial datasets, these should be characterized to allow the development of interoperable and efficient query services. The research strategy was designed to reach the following specific objectives: (i) to identify the barriers, both technological and others, that are avoiding an effective integration of several dataset within a regional thematic SDI about agriculture and water in the Murcia Region (IDEarM); (ii) to characterize the available datasets for both thematic (agriculture and water); to design a model dataset about these topics; (iv) to analyze the relevant components of interoperability tools for facilitating the implementation of INSPIRE European Directive; and finally (v) to develop the implementation of IDEarM as a tool to support the decision-taking process to characterize the citrus crops in the Campo of Cartagena area and the monitoring of water quality and bathymetry in the Mar Menor, the management of geographical information resources and the implementation of associated services with the integration of datasets considering the technological, institutional, political, legal and societal aspects. ; Escuela Internacional de Doctorado de la Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena ; Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena ; Programa de Doctorado en Técnicas Avanzadas en Investigación y Desarrollo Agrario y Alimentario por la Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena
Many books studying the sources of the law and many books studying the Internet law have already been published. This thesis differs from these books: it studies the original sources, not only the state law and the customs; and it is a scientific work and not a practical work. Observations of the Internet law can serve thoughts on the currents and futures continuities and changes of the sources of the law. Studying this young and special law is like studying an example of global law and postmodern law, revealing the specifics of the law of tomorrow, when the modern law centered on the state will be replaced by a different law, whose properties gather those of the Internet. Gradually, the conventional sources are substituted by new sources. This thesis wants to be a witness of these changes in the sources of the law.The Internet has changed time and space. It transformed the Earth, humanity, life and society. The law has probably changed too. In terms of positive law, the Internet law only shares some characteristics with the ordinary laws of the twentieth century. In terms of legal science and legal thought, lawyers should perhaps avoid analyzing the law of tomorrow with tools and lessons from yesterday. Studying the Internet law invites to build new tools and frameworks in order to describe and explain as accurately as possible the reality of the law. These problems led to the writing of this book. By focusing on specific legal objects that reflect the twenty-first century law, it wants to promote the understanding and the acceptance of changes in the law. Specifically, the objective is to contribute to the renovation of the sources of the law thought when the modern theory appears increasingly archaic because the number, the identity, the architecture and the balance of the sources is permanently evolving. Firstly, maybe it should now be considered that the distinction between public sources and private sources is the summa divisio of the sources of the law. ; Le renouvellement des sources du droit peut être étudié sous deux aspects : qualitatif et quantitatif. Il y a renouvellement des sources du droit d'un point de vue qualitatif lorsque des sources d'une nouvelle espèce, d'un nouveau genre ou même d'une nouvelle nature apparaissent. Il y a renouvellement des sources du droit d'un point de vue quantitatif lorsque des sources préexistantes mais desquelles jaillissait peu de droit deviennent des fleuves de normes, au point de concurrencer les sources ordinaires de règles juridiques que sont la loi et la jurisprudence. En ce livre, le renouvellement des sources du droit est abordé sous l'un et l'autre angles, cela à l'aune d'une branche du droit particulière : le droit de la communication par internet. Observer cette forme de « droit global » serait riche d'enseignements à l'égard de l'actualité et, plus encore, de l'avenir du droit. Ainsi de nouveaux objets normatifs, hier encore inconnus des juristes, peuvent-ils être étudiés : codes privés, chartes, usages, conditions générales d'utilisation, contrats-types, normes managériales, normes techniques, mais aussi modes alternatifs de résolution des conflits, labels, standards, protocoles, meilleures pratiques, indicateurs, algorithmes etc. Ces nouveaux objets normatifs et les phénomènes de « guerre des normes », de plurinormativité et d'internormativité qui les accompagnent interrogent l'orthodoxie juridique moderne mais aussi et plus fondamentalement l'État de droit, la démocratie, certains droits et libertés fondamentaux ou encore l'intérêt général.L'internet a condensé le temps et dilué l'espace. Il a ainsi profondément transformé les sociétés ; et l'univers juridique, dans ses différentes dimensions, est nécessairement affecté. Aussi la fréquentation de son droit invite-t-elle à élaborer de nouveaux outils afin de décrire et expliquer les « faits normatifs » qui le constituent. L'observation du droit de la communication par internet est ici au service d'une réflexion relative aux continuités, aux ruptures et aux mouvements actuels et à venir des sources du droit. Cette branche du droit est révélatrice de ce à quoi le paysage juridique pourrait ressembler demain, lorsque le droit moderne stato-centré aura été irrémédiablement débordé par un droit « en réseau » dont les propriétés ressemblent fort à celles du réseau mondial qu'est l'internet. Progressivement, les sources auparavant premières deviennent secondaires, celles qui hier demeuraient à l'arrière-plan se retrouvent sur le devant de la scène juridique, tandis que de nouveaux foyers de normes ô combien singuliers apparaissent. L'objet de cet ouvrage est de constituer un témoignage de ce renouvellement des lieux et des modes de production des normes en cours, un renouvellement qui touche les sources privées beaucoup plus que les sources publiques, posant dès lors la question d'un immobilisme préjudiciable de l'État et des organisations internationales.
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It has taken me a long time to write a follow up to my first post on Bizarro World. That is because once you begin to think about the strange inversions in which the persecuted are made out to be threats, and the comfortable are made out to be threatened, it is hard to not see it. Our entire world seems reversed and inverted, those who are most subject to violence are made into violent threats, and those who are most comfortable have made the threats to their comfort our central concern with the claims of cancel culture. Bizarro world would be one of those "descriptive theories" that Althusser talks about, something that stops thinking because it seems to be such an accurate description of what one is thinking about. I have decided to approach the topic by breaking it up, by trying to grasp the specificity of the different reversals, following what I did earlier with the inversion of the relation of workers and capitalists to that of the relation of human capital and job providers I would now like to examine the way in which margins and mainstream have also become inverted, and what that inversion means for both terms in question, the dominant culture and the marginal subculture. In doing so I would like to start with a particular philosophy, or spontaneous philosophy, that characterized my life as a young teenager. As a nerdy kid interested in comic books, science fiction, and other things, I fostered the belief, shared by many of my kind, that our rather minor marginalization made us sympathetic to the marginalization of others. This was helped in large part by the fact that many of the dominant comic books when I was growing up, such as the X-Men, Spider-Man, and Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles, were all in some sense allegories of oppression and exclusion. With respect to the first in the list, the idea that the X-Men stand in for an oppressed minority, complete with the conflict between Professor X's integrationist philosophy and Magneto's more militant position, is so entrenched in its reception that it ceases to be subtext (even if it is not true). Comic books were at least in the eighties, both in their culture and in their content, stories of the misunderstood, the maligned, and the excluded. One could raise two questions about this mythology. The first has to do with the allegorical distance of framing the stories of marginalization and exclusion through such science fiction content as genetic mutation, or, in other contexts, alien visitors or androids. In some sense these science fiction elements set up the necessary allegorical distance to make the stories palpable as entertainment. The condition of possibility is the condition of impossibility, however, in that the detouring of exclusion and marginalization through such allegories as the "mutant menace" always made it possible that some readers would miss the point. That people actually did is demonstrated by the twitter posts that ask in all sincerity "When did X become political?" where the X in question is some bit of pop culture such as X-Men or Star Trek that was always steeped in political subtexts. Such posts miss the point, but the possibility of missing the point is inscribed in the text in question and is a necessary condition of its popularity. Of course there are comics, television shows, and books that bridged this allegoric divide, more directly connecting the fictional exclusion of mutants and aliens with the actual history of oppression, but they are to some extent exceptions. There is something awkward, however, when the history of imagined exclusions confronts the real history of discrimination. There are the moments when we realize that the Nazis were an actual political ideology, and not just bad guys that seem ready for the four color word of comics. Second, and more importantly, one could argue that the marginalization I felt at the time was slight and temporary, I was (and remain) a white cis male, after all, and being bullied after school, or made fun of in the back of the bus, is nothing compared to what other adolescents face, nor does it really deserve a place in the ongoing history of persecution and discrimination. However, becoming an outcast of sorts, a nerd, and later a punk, can be understood as a becoming minor in Deleuze and Guattari's sense. For Deleuze and Guattari majority and minor are not simply quantitative matters, but the relation between constant and variable. As Deleuze and Guattari write, "Majority implies a constant, of expression or content, serving as a standard measure by which to evaluate it. Let us suppose that the constant or standard is the average adult-white-heterosexual-European-male-speaking a standard language. It is obvious that "man" holds the majority even if he is less numerous than mosquitos, children, women, blacks, peasants, homosexuals, etc. That is because he appears twice, once in the constant and again in the variable from which the constant is extracted."Since we are speaking of comic books, it is worth noting that superhero comics themselves illustrate this majority, not just in the proliferation of various prefixes appearing before the world "man"," bat, super, iron, spider, etc., man is the constant, the norm, but in the fact that white and male is the unstated norm from which the first "black," "Asian," or gay superhero takes their meaning. Marvel comics in particulr does not bother to create new characters and superpowers it is enough to add "-woman" or "she" to Spider or the Hulk to create a new character. The deviations appear meaningful because the norm is assumed. While this is true of comics, and begins to illustrate the limits of the social justice dimension I alluded to above, I think that becoming a comics nerd is itself a kind of becoming-minor. To quote Deleuze and Guattari again, "Minorities, of course, are objectively definable states, states of language, ethnicity, or sex with their own ghetto territorialities, but they must also be thought of as seeds, crystals of becoming whose value is to trigger uncontrollable movements and deterritorializations of the mean or majority."Not to be too autobiographical, but I would describe my entire life as a passage through different minorities, different subcultures, comics, punk, philosophy, etc., all of these where very different territories, with different languages and cultures, but the overall movement was an attempt to evade majority, to not be the constant, a position which Deleuze and Guattari argue, is all the more oppressive because it is occupied by no one. If all of this language of major and minor seems a bit baroque, then I am reminded of a passage from Deleuze and Guattari that seems uncharacteristically direct. After a few lines that state "There is no subject of the becoming except as a deterritorialized variable of the majority; there is no medium of becoming except as a deterritorialized variable of a minority," they bring up a historical/literary example, writing, "As Faulkner said, to avoid ending up a fascist there was no other choice but to become black." This cuts through the particular neologism to make the stakes clear. Such an assertion has a lot to unpack, but I would argue here that a lot of subcultures, especially those that embrace their deviations and exclusions from the mainstream and are, it is worth saying primarily but not exclusively white, are attempts to avoid becoming fascist, to avoid being part of the majority. You cannot change the color of your skin, but you can change the color of your hair, and that seems like enough especially if it gets the same people to hate you. That is my all too glib summation of some of the politics of punk aesthetics. My main reason for bringing up this little theory of subcultures, as well as the subtext of comic books, now is that it seems to have completely exhausted itself. Comic books, or, more to the point, superheroes, have gone from the margins of our culture to the center. They are the dominant culture, have become majoritarian, and as much as one would like to think that they have carried with it their fundamental minoritarian political aspect the opposite seems to be the case. Love of mutants and other imaginary minorities has not extended to a support for actually existing marginalized groups, but has been mobilized to not only perpetuate exclusions but to become the voice of the majority.In part this happens through the politics of nostalgia, which demands that the present, the film adaptation, identically recalls the past, which in this case means that the film must resemble comics written in the fifties, sixties, and seventies, complete with the racial politics of those eras. There have been online freak outs over the casting of Idris Elba to play Heimdall in Thor, of John Boyega playing a central role in Star Wars, of Moses Ingram appearing in Obi Wan Kenobi. These deviations from some supposed canon have all been met with vicious online hate campaigns that have led actors to shut down accounts and retreat from the digital public sphere. The demand to preserve the sanctity of one's childhood memories has led to absolute hostility towards any of the social change that has happened since one was a child. Lest this all seem incredibly minor (in the conventional sense) and all too online, I would argue that this cultural nostalgia, the demand that the present match the past, has been thoroughly weaponized into MAGA nostalgia. This hostility is not limited to changes to the canon, but is extended to include even new characters and stories that do not so much recast or change past memories but create new ones. Both Ms. Marvel and She Hulk have been "review bombed" on online review sites, hit with a flurry of negative reviews almost before they air primarily for the crime of casting a muslim woman or a woman in a comic book themed show. There seems to be an entire online niche of people who hate Brie Larson for not only playing Captain Marvel, but for speaking up for diversity in film and film criticism. We live in an age in which a film that was basically an hour and half long recruitment advertisement for the Air Force is seen by its critics as too woke, too concerned with social justice, because of its cast. All of this criticism coalesces in the online mantra, "Get Woke, Go Broke" which threatens companies and brands with boycotts for embracing "social justice."The world of comic book fans has been no less critical of those who criticize their beloved films for their artistic merits. Martin Scorsese famously declared that Marvel films are not cinema, and he has been ridiculed online ever since. It is not enough that these films, the Marvel films, be commercially dominant, being the most financially successful films that are released each year, and culturally dominant, reshaping all of popular culture in their image, they also most be loved and revered by everyone. Dissent cannot be tolerated. Blockbusters must be acknowledged as art. It is at this point that we get our bizarro world inversion of the comic book nerd. The fan of comic book movies is now something of a "sore winner," who continues to act the victim, marginalized, even in his dominance. I would argue that this "sore winner" idea is integral to our contemporary version of the majority, and even fascism to recall the quote about Faulkner. We are far from Deleuze and Guattari's image of a majority that is all the more powerful in being unstated, in being assumed, now dominance, cultural, political, and economic, focuses on its apparent marginalization in order precisely to reassert its dominance. The inversion is not just that comic books have gone from margins to mainstream, but that marginalization has gone from being the basis of empathy to an expression of dominance. Victimhood is the language of domination. The bizarro world that we are living in is not just that what was once the obsession of a few has become the culture of many, that Moon Knight is now practically a household name, but that grievance against perceived marginalization has become the language of the majority.
El objeto principal de este trabajo de investigación es el debate sobre la justificación de la pena en el pensamiento de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo (1922-2014), como el autor más representativo de las ciencias penales y criminológicas y ponderado como "el más destacado penalista de la segunda mitad del siglo XX" y uno de los más altos valores de la democracia ecuatoriana. En primer lugar, abordamos la cuestión desde la perspectiva que exige este tipo de investigación. Para ello, exponemos algunas cuestiones particulares sobre la selección y definición del tema, planteamiento y formalización del problema, hipótesis, pregunta de la investigación o punto de partida, objetivos generales y específico, justificación metodológica, justificación práctica, una pincelada del Ecuador como un país intercultural y pluricultural, un resumen profesional del doctorando, el marco teórico y metodológico de la investigación, antecedentes, estado del arte o de la cuestión, definiciones conceptuales, bibliografía preliminar y cronograma. En segundo lugar, presentaremos este tema en la formación y progreso de la figura vital de Zavala como punto de partida, incluyendo sus manifestaciones, como heredero de la cultura liberal radical ecuatoriana, analizando las causas del mismo, su desarrollo y consecuencias; trataremos de establecer cuáles son los factores que inciden en la construcción de su ideario, en concreto, aquellos procedentes de la académica, de la docencia, de la doctrina jurídica, de la política, entre otros. En tercer lugar, expondremos el desarrollo de este tema en Zavala y la cuestión analítica de académico y docente, producción intelectual y publicaciones, jurista y político, presentando algunas tesis de su concepción del derecho, del individuo y de la sociedad. Finalmente, abordamos unas breves conclusiones en las que pretendemos revelar y dar más voz a nuestro autor, dar más a conocer y promocionar su obra ante la comunidad científica internacional, para esclarecer algunas cuestiones centrales sobre el problema de la justificación de la pena desde la perspectiva del autor. La finalidad perseguida en esta investigación que se presenta como tesis doctoral es sobre todo la de exponer el pensamiento jurídico y político de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, respetado como el más eminente jurista y político de la segunda mitad del siglo XX en Ecuador. No hemos pretendido realizar un estudio de todo su pensamiento sino que nos centramos en ciertos aspectos esenciales de su filosofía jurídica como son el concepto, el fundamento y los fines de la pena. Lo primero que tratamos es la relación que para Zavala se da entre el castigo y la pena, observándose que para él coexiste una continuidad entre ambos saberes considerados en la sistematización de su aquilatada obra jurídicopenal, que merece ser rescatada de los garfios del olvido, tanto por su valor ético, como por su valor histórico. Dentro de este contexto, la ciencia jurídica y la filosofía del derecho también son para el maestro ecuatoriano dos formas necesarias y complementarias para comprender la realidad de los fines de la pena. Luego del abordaje de este itinerario, nos introducimos en la cuestión sobre el concepto, el fundamento y los fines del castigo o pena defendidos por el autor. El trabajo intelectual y político de Zavala se distingue por sus valores éticos fundamentales y su defensa de la racionalidad, así como por un gran bagaje epistémico y cultural que, sin duda, le permitió adoptar posiciones nada comunes en el liberalismo radical de su época, así como comprender los problemas del velasquismo y de las dictaduras emergidos antes, durante y después de los años 70. En la misma se pone al descubierto la axiología jurídica en relación con su formación humana dentro del contexto de una estructura lógico-filosófica, cuya expresión se manifiesta a través de una relación armónica en el seno de la actividad humana y su concreción e inserción en la cultura jurídica, política y académica ecuatoriana. En esta propuesta académica partimos de la premisa mayor de que la obra científica, académica y política de Zavala tiene un propósito, el de vislumbrar una imagen más evidente de él y su argumento humanista. De esta forma hay que revelar y dar voz a Zavala, dar a conocer y exponer su obra, como objetivos específicos de esta investigación. Por último, hemos prestado mucha atención a los autores y doctrinas que consideramos influyeron de una manera decisiva en el pensamiento de nuestro autor. El trabajo de investigación sobre el itinerario jurídico y político de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, está estructurado en cinco capítulos bien diferenciados, a saber: En el capítulo primero se muestran los aspectos en concreto que han motivado el desarrollo de este estudio partiendo de la situación del problema que se presenta en la comunidad científica al reconocer al profesor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, como el más destacado penalista de Ecuador en la segunda mitad del siglo XX y uno de los valores más altos de la democracia ecuatoriana. Se presentan las preguntas y los objetivos de la investigación, así como las decisiones metodológicas realizadas para diseñarla. Y, además, cuenta con el cronograma y organización de esta tesis doctoral. En el capítulo segundo centramos una mirada poliédrica a la biografía de Zavala Baquerizo como punto de partida, incluyendo una referencia de su itinerario personal e intelectual: grandes cosas; una breve caracterización social, política y económica del Ecuador durante el siglo XX y algo del XXI; el pensamiento político-social de Jorge Enrique: ideología y política social, posición ideológica y la quinta parte del siglo XXI, una caracterización económica, aproximación a los valores e influencia de Alfaro en Zavala. Se examinan aspectos relevantes sobre la sistematización de la obra científica del autor de nuestro estudio. En el capítulo tercero se expone la justificación axiológica de la pena, en el que se sistematiza la obra del autor. Esta relación ofrece nuevos elementos enriquecedores del debate gracias al análisis de distintas variables y factores que inciden en la problematización del contenido, fundamentación crítica y el discurso iusfilosófico-penal sobre el fundamento y las finalidades de la pena, que se constituyen en componentes ineludibles. En el capítulo cuarto se realiza el análisis teórico del capítulo anterior y se construye una formulación teórica atribuida al autor. Aquí se estudian algunas cuestiones generales en el ideario de Zavala Baquerizo, el concepto castigo-pena y su finalidad, y se concluye con los enfoques de los juristas Nicolás Castro Benites, Edmundo Durán Díaz y Guillermo Bossano Valdivieso, distinguidos profesores y contemporáneos del ilustre profesor ecuatoriano. En el capítulo quinto se discuten resultados y reflexiones finales con lo que se deja constancia de las conclusiones y aprendizajes obtenidos de la investigación, permiten avizorar futuras líneas de investigación. Y, finalmente, optamos por una exposición axiológica del discurso que promueva en lenguaje sencillo el itinerario del ilustre autor ecuatoriano –como jurista, docente, publicista y político–, capaz de generar la atención de lectores hispanoparlantes que, a fin de cuentas, son aliados estratégicos para, sin duda, dar voz a Zavala Baquerizo en la comunidad científica. Como bien se sabe, las conclusiones son constructos teóricos a través de los cuales se exponen aquellos datos confirmatorios o limitaciones finales de la investigación, es decir, son las ideas de cierre de la investigación ejecutada a fin de colaborar con el acervo académico. Por lo tanto, de acuerdo con la discusión de resultados que se constaron entre en el capítulo segundo, tercero y cuarto de esta tesis doctoral y de acuerdo con la metodología empleada y particularmente el diseño de la investigación, las conclusiones son las que se exponen a continuación. A pesar de la falta de información, es posible vislumbrar la inteligencia poliédrica de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo en su itinerario personal e intelectual que incide positivamente en su formación individual, razón por la cual se destaca como buena persona, ciudadano ejemplar, maestro de las ciencias penales y criminológicas, publicista, excelente padre, ecuatoriano ilustre. No obstante, nosotros compartimos como discípulo sus enseñanzas; mucho más que simples enseñanzas, en realidad son un torrente impresionante de ideas que parecen liberarse luego de un largo cautiverio para apoderarse de nuestras mentes, como aquel hombre modelado en la mística suprema que llega a la profundidad de las cosas y de los hechos. De este modo, se identifica que las cuestiones y los escenarios que incidieron en el pensamiento y obra de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo objeto de estudio, demuestran con mayor seguridad y frecuencia que son la docencia universitaria, el ejercicio profesional de penalista y criminólogo, la publicación de su obra aquilatad y la política lo que le permite ocupar diversos cargos públicos de elección popular, tales como consejero, diputado, vicepresidente de la república y presidente del H. Congreso Nacional, entre otros cargos importantes. De igual forma, creemos importante tener en consideración la descripción de la sistematización de la obra jurídica y científica del profesor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, especialmente, La pena, en donde no es evidente únicamente el penalista, sino que razona y escribe el iusfilósofo. En definitiva, se percibe que la pena es un mal, y debe ser administrada con prudencia, con mesura, sin perder jamás el punto de vista imprescindible de que vaya dirigida contra seres humanos e impuesta por otros seres humanos, de manera que el autor tiene interés por los mensajes de humanización patrocinados por Voltaire y Montesquieu, que se yuxtaponen a su pasión y erudición de escribir sobre las ciencias penales y criminológicas. Es apasionante decir que el castigo es tan antiguo como la humanidad y la historia del castigo es historia también de la crueldad humana. En consecuencia, la crueldad humana es tan antigua como la humanidad. Así, el autor en su obra desarrolla y sustenta su teoría que bautizamos como castigo-pena. Dentro del análisis expuesto, es posible percibir las revelaciones de juristas como León Roldós Aguilera, Alfonzo Zambrano Pasquel, Hernán Pérez Loose, Víctor Hugo Sicouret Olvera, Lenin Arroyo Baltán, entre otros, cuyas orientaciones jurídicopenales son consecuencias de las enseñanzas de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, que lo distinguen y posicionan de modo individual como el más destacado penalista ecuatoriano. No obstante, nosotros compartimos por experiencia y convicción las revelaciones hechas por los juristas en el presente informe. En conclusión, todos podemos realizar un itinerario personal e intelectual si contamos con las herramientas adecuadas para ello, en este caso, es posible indicar que a través de los instrumentos metodológicos de investigación se determina que Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo es el más destacado penalista ecuatoriano de la segunda mitad del siglo XX y uno de los valores más altos de la democracia ecuatoriana, debido a su larga trayectoria académica como docente de derecho penal y derecho procesal penal en las universidades ecuatorianas, el libre ejercicio profesional, la publicación de su abundante obra jurídica y científica, así como la política. Efectivamente, se cumple con la expectativa trazada en los cinco objetivos específicos de esta investigación, lo que nos permite establecer la construcción del objetivo general y la demostración de las preguntas iniciales o hipótesis de investigación. Como consecuencia de lo expuesto en el informe, hemos de refutar las hipótesis o preguntas iniciales de investigación, afirmando que las cuestiones específicas que influyen en el reconocimiento del profesor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo como el más destacado penalista de la segunda mitad del siglo XX y uno de los más altos valores de la democracia ecuatoriana, son las de jurista, docente, publicista y político, todo cuanto se encuentra debidamente documentado. Y fue un penalista modelado en la mística suprema que lo llevó al fondo de las cosas y de los hechos. Para lograr este cometido queda en evidencia la relación causa efecto, las pruebas que son analizadas de manera lógica y se verifica las consecuencias deducidas a partir de la hipótesis de esta investigación. Se delimita con cuidado las generalidades respaldadas en las pruebas pertinentes, por lo tanto, en el informe final no existen contradicciones, incongruencias o enunciados confusos, vagos o exagerados. En efecto, se aprecia también que las opiniones, inferencias y contrastación de la hipótesis, no se confunde con los hechos investigados. Las referencias bibliográficas que más contribuyen en las contrastación de los hechos son la obra de Jorge Enrique; la obra escrita sobre Zavala, particularmente, las opiniones de los juristas contemporáneos de Zavala como Nicolás Castro Benites, Edmundo Durán Díaz y Guillermo Bossano Valdivieso, así como también las obras y opiniones afectivas de los juristas discípulos y amigos del profesor ecuatoriano: Roldós Aguilera, León (2014); Pérez Pimentel, Rodolfo (2014); Zambrano Pasquel, Alfonzo (2014); Pérez Loose, Hernán (2014); Rodríguez Vicéns, Antonio (2014); Echeverría Gavilanes, Enrique (2014); Sicouret Olvera, Víctor Hugo (2014); Solís, Jeremy (2014); y, Arroyo Baltán, Lenin T. & Albert Márquez, José J. (2018), entre otros. Además, para comprobar este objetivo se relacionaron los hallazgos del Análisis de la teoría de la pena en la obra de Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo. Un enfoque desde el saber criminológico y su influjo dogmático en el foro jurídico penal ecuatoriano (Trabajo Final de Máster, presentado en la Universidad de Córdoba, en septiembre de 2016), realizado por el autor de estas líneas y dirigido por el Dr. José J. Albert Márquez –profesor de Filosofía del Derecho de la Universidad de Córdoba–. Y, finalmente, logramos establecer un nexo cognoscitivo entre el profesor Jorge Zavala Baquerizo, y los profesores Luigi Ferrajoli y Juan Bustos Ramírez, por cuanto, entre ellos confluye derecho penal (garantismo penal), filosofía del derecho, derechos humanos y, además, son de izquierda, tal como hemos señalado en el devenir del discurso de esta tesis doctoral. ; The main purpose of this research paper is the debate on the justification of the penalty in the thinking of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo (1922-2014), as the most representative author of criminal and criminological sciences and weighted as "the most prominent criminalist of the second half of the twentieth century" and one of the highest values of Ecuadorian democracy. First, we address the issue from the perspective required by this type of research. To do this, we present some particular questions about the selection and definition of the topic, approach and formalization of the problem, hypothesis, research question or starting point, general and specific objectives, methodological justification, practical justification, a brushstroke of Ecuador as a country intercultural and pluricultural, a professional summary of the doctoral student, the theoretical and methodological framework of the research, background, state of the art or issue, conceptual definitions, preliminary bibliography and schedule. Secondly, we will present this theme in the formation and progress of the vital figure of Zavala as a starting point, including its manifestations, as heir to the Ecuadorian radical liberal culture, analyzing its causes, its development and consequences; We will try to establish what are the factors that influence the construction of your ideology, specifically, those coming from academics, teaching, legal doctrine, politics, among others. Thirdly, we will present the development of this topic in Zavala and the analytical question of academic and teacher, intellectual production and publications, jurist and politician, presenting some theses of his conception of law, of the individual and of society. Finally, we discuss some brief conclusions in which we intend to reveal and give more voice to our author, to make his work more known and promoted before the international scientific community, to clarify some central questions about the problem of justification of punishment from the perspective of the author. The purpose of this research presented as a doctoral thesis is above all to expose the legal and political thinking of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, respected as the most eminent jurist and politician of the second half of the twentieth century in Ecuador. We have not intended to conduct a study of all your thinking but we focus on certain essential aspects of your legal philosophy such as the concept, the basis and the ends of the penalty. The first thing we are dealing with is the relationship that Zavala has between punishment and punishment, observing that for him a continuity coexists between both knowledge considered in the systematization of his quarrelsome legal work, which deserves to be rescued from the hooks of oblivion, both for its ethical value, as for its historical value. Within this context, legal science and the philosophy of law are also for the Ecuadorian teacher two necessary and complementary ways to understand the reality of the ends of the sentence. After approaching this itinerary, we introduce ourselves to the question about the concept, the basis and the purposes of the punishment or punishment defended by the author. The intellectual and political work of Zavala is distinguished by its fundamental ethical values and its defense of rationality, as well as by a great epistemic and cultural background that, without a doubt, allowed it to adopt positions not common in the radical liberalism of its time, thus how to understand the problems of Velasquism and the dictatorships that emerged before, during and after the 70s. In it, legal axiology is revealed in relation to its human formation within the context of a logical-philosophical structure, whose expression is manifests through a harmonious relationship within human activity and its concretion and insertion in the Ecuadorian legal, political and academic culture. In this academic proposal we start from the main premise that the scientific, academic and political work of Zavala has a purpose, to glimpse a more evident image of him and his humanist argument. In this way we must reveal and give voice to Zavala, publicize and expose his work, as specific objectives of this research. Finally, we have paid close attention to the authors and doctrines that we believe had a decisive influence on the thinking of our author. The research work on the legal and political itinerary of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, is structured in five distinct chapters, namely: The first chapter shows the specific aspects that have motivated the development of this study based on the situation of the problem that arises in the scientific community by recognizing Professor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, as the most prominent criminal in Ecuador in the second half of the twentieth century and one of the highest values of Ecuadorian democracy. The questions and objectives of the research are presented, as well as the methodological decisions made to design it. And, in addition, it has the schedule and organization of this doctoral thesis. In the second chapter we focus a polyhedral look at the biography of Zavala Baquerizo as a starting point, including a reference to his personal and intellectual itinerary: great things; a brief social, political and economic characterization of Ecuador during the twentieth century and some of the twenty-first; Jorge Enrique's political-social thought: ideology and social policy, ideological position and the fifth part of the 21st century, an economic characterization, approximation to the values and influence of Alfaro in Zavala. Relevant aspects of the systematization of the scientific work of the author of our study are examined. In the third chapter the axiological justification of the sentence is exposed, in which the author's work is systematized. This relationship offers new enriching elements of the debate thanks to the analysis of different variables and factors that affect the problematization of the content, critical foundation and the iusphilosophical-criminal discourse on the foundation and the purposes of the penalty, which are inescapable components. In the fourth chapter the theoretical analysis of the previous chapter is carried out and a theoretical formulation attributed to the author is constructed. Here some general questions are studied in the ideology of Zavala Baquerizo, the punishment-punishment concept and its purpose, and it concludes with the approaches of jurists Nicolás Castro Benites, Edmundo Durán Díaz and Guillermo Bossano Valdivieso, distinguished professors and contemporaries of the illustrious Ecuadorian professor. In the fifth chapter, final results and reflections are discussed, which records the conclusions and lessons learned from the research, allowing us to anticipate future lines of research. And, finally, we opted for an axiological exposition of the discourse that promotes in simple language the itinerary of the illustrious Ecuadorian author -as a jurist, teacher, publicist and politician-, capable of generating the attention of Spanish-speaking readers who, after all, are allies strategic to undoubtedly give voice to Zavala Baquerizo in the scientific community. As is well known, the conclusions are theoretical constructs through which those confirmatory data or final limitations of the research are exposed, that is, they are the closing ideas of the research carried out in order to collaborate with the academic heritage. Therefore, according to the discussion of results that were recorded in the second, third and fourth chapters of this doctoral thesis and in accordance with the methodology used and particularly the design of the research, the conclusions are those that are exposed to continuation. I. In spite of the lack of information, it is possible to glimpse the polyhedral intelligence of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo in his personal and intellectual itinerary that positively affects his individual training, which is why he stands out as a good person, exemplary citizen, teacher of criminal and criminological sciences, publicist, excellent father, illustrious Ecuadorian. However, we share his teachings as a disciple; much more than simple teachings, in reality they are an impressive torrent of ideas that seem to be released after a long captivity to seize our minds, like that man modeled on the supreme mysticism that reaches the depth of things and facts. II. In this way, it is identified that the issues and scenarios that influenced the thinking and work of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo object of study, demonstrate with greater security and frequency that they are university teaching, the professional practice of criminal and criminologist, the publication of his aquilatad work and the This policy allows him to hold various public positions of popular election, such as counselor, deputy, vice president of the republic and president of the H. National Congress, among other important positions. III. Similarly, we believe it is important to take into account the description of the systematization of the legal and scientific work of professor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, especially, La Pena, where not only the criminalist is evident, but he reasons and writes the iusphilosopher. In short, it is perceived that the penalty is an evil, and must be administered with prudence, with restraint, without ever losing the essential point of view that it is directed against human beings and imposed by other human beings, so that the author has interest in the humanization messages sponsored by Voltaire and Montesquieu, which juxtapose their passion and erudition to write about criminal and criminological sciences. It is exciting to say that punishment is as old as humanity and the history of punishment is also history of human cruelty. Consequently, human cruelty is as old as humanity. Thus, the author in his work develops and supports his theory that we baptize as punishment. IV. Within the above analysis, it is possible to perceive the revelations of jurists such as León Roldós Aguilera, Alfonzo Zambrano Pasquel, Hernán Pérez Loose, Víctor Hugo Sicouret Olvera, Lenin Arroyo Baltán, among others, whose legal orientations are consequences of the teachings of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo, which distinguish it and position it individually as the most prominent Ecuadorian criminalist. However, we share from experience and conviction the revelations made by the jurists in this report. V. In conclusion, we can all make a personal and intellectual itinerary if we have the appropriate tools for this, in this case, it is possible to indicate that through the methodological investigation instruments it is determined that Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo is the most prominent criminalist Ecuadorian of the second half of the twentieth century and one of the highest values of Ecuadorian democracy, due to his long academic career as a teacher of criminal law and criminal procedural law in Ecuadorian universities, free professional practice, the publication of his abundant legal and scientific work, as well as politics. Indeed, the expectation set in the five specific objectives of this investigation is fulfilled, which allows us to establish the construction of the general objective and the demonstration of the initial questions or research hypotheses. As a result of what is stated in the report, we have to refute the initial hypotheses or research questions, stating that the specific issues that influence the recognition of professor Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo as the most prominent criminal of the second half of the 20th century and one of the highest values of Ecuadorian democracy, are those of jurist, teacher, publicist and politician, everything is properly documented. And he was a criminal modeled on the supreme mysticism that took him to the bottom of things and facts. To achieve this task, the cause-effect relationship, the evidence that is analyzed in a logical way and the consequences deduced from the hypothesis of this investigation are evidenced. The generalities supported by the relevant evidence are carefully defined, therefore, in the final report there are no contradictions, inconsistencies or statements that are confusing, vague or exaggerated. Indeed, it can also be seen that the opinions, inferences and contrast of the hypothesis are not confused with the facts investigated. The bibliographical references that contribute most to the contrast of the facts are the work of Jorge Enrique; the written work on Zavala, particularly the opinions of Zavala's contemporary jurists such as Nicolás Castro Benites, Edmundo Durán Díaz and Guillermo Bossano Valdivieso, as well as the works and emotional opinions of the jurist disciples and friends of the Ecuadorian professor: Roldós Aguilera, León (2014); Pérez Pimentel, Rodolfo (2014); Zambrano Pasquel, Alfonzo (2014); Pérez Loose, Hernán (2014); Rodríguez Vicéns, Antonio (2014); Echeverría Gavilanes, Enrique (2014); Sicouret Olvera, Víctor Hugo (2014); Solís, Jeremy (2014); and, Arroyo Baltán, Lenin T. & Albert Márquez, José J. (2018), among others. In addition, to verify this objective the findings of the Analysis of the theory of the penalty in the work of Jorge Enrique Zavala Baquerizo were related. An approach from the know criminological and its dogmatic influence in the Ecuadorian criminal legal forum (Master's Final Project, presented at the University of Córdoba, in September 2016), carried out by the author of these lines and directed by Dr. José J. Albert Márquez –professor of Philosophy of Law of the University of Córdoba–. And, finally, we managed to establish a cognitive link between professor Jorge Zavala Baquerizo, and professor Luigi Ferrajoli and Juan Bustos Ramírez, because, among them, criminal law (criminal guarantee), philosophy of law, human rights and, in addition, are on the left, as we have pointed out in the future of the discourse of this doctoral thesis.
The thesis investigates the criminological aspects of animal abuse as cruelty towards animals and its social and legal response. Expert findings, social movements, the media and more recently policy-makers agree that animal abuse is a dangerous and concerning behavior that should be sanctioned. On the other hand, most of the animal species are treated in law no differently from objects, property or a part of nature. Historically, crime against an animal and its legal status is an ambiguous concept. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze within such ambiguous and paradoxical legal and cultural context the way in which animal abuse became perceived as criminal and socially harmful. The thesis reviews findings on the links of animal abuse to other forms of violence, psychological mechanisms and discussions of cultural and legal meanings of the animal – human relationship with the purpose of building a working definition of animal abuse for critical-criminological purposes. Based on these, the main study about the processes of contemporary construction of animal abuse as a crime relies on a case study of Croatia's legal and media treatment of animal abuse. Looking at the period of 2004 - 2018, two aspects of animal abuse were analyzed: the development and implementation of the legal framework and the media depictions. Some of the main findings are as follows. Although criminalization of animal abuse and its sanction by imprisonment in Croatia took place in earlier criminal provisions, it was the 2011 (enacted in 2013) Criminal Code's animal abuse sections that drew particular media attention and instigated significant public interest in the topic. Although the provisions were reported on with a high level of inaccuracy, particularly in terms of criminalization and imprisonment, closer analysis of the criminal justice statistics (from reports to probation data) reveals that, regardless of legal changes, criminalization rarely included imprisonment, the efficiency of identifying and indicting reported individuals was very low and convictions rarely included any or sustainable probation measures. The media content analyzed shows that animal abuse was strongly shaped as a socially endangering and deviant act. The narrative used by journalist and editors was marked by features of the crime genre fiction and literary depictions of psychopathology of the offenders, the police (shortly) and self-organizing citizens were applauded, and harsher retribution was called for. The findings point to the necessity of understanding complexity of animal abuse as grounds for sustainable prevention, treatment and sanction, an aspect which should be led by experts and not the media. On the other hand, and due to its overwhelming influence on the perception of crime and social control, popular culture and the media need to be equally important objects of study for the contemporary criminology as they not only influence the formation and implementation of laws but also their meaning for members of the society who practice it. ; Živali so neločljivi del našega življenja, gospodinjstva, navad, dobrih dejanj in zločinov, našega pravnega sistema in naše kulture. Zdi se, da zloraba živali, krutost do živali in nasilje nad njimi danes bolj kot kadar koli motijo naša moralna čustva in sprožajo družbeni in politični odziv. Strokovnjaki, aktivisti, mediji in oblikovalci politike se strinjajo, da je zloraba živali nevarna in da zadeva vedenje, ki ga je potrebno ustrezno kriminalizirati in sankcionirati. Po drugi strani se večina živalskih vrst v zakonih in našem vsakdanjem življenju ne obravnava drugače kot predmeti, lastnina ali del narave in okolja. Zgodovinsko in kulturno je zločin nad živalmi dvoumen koncept. Zloraba živali se je v najboljšem primeru obravnavala kot kršitev zdravstvene varnosti ali neracionalne uporabe zalog hrane, medtem ko je trenutno točka zbliževanja tista, v kateri se moralni občutki velikega gnusa do storilcev zločina nad živalmi v javnem diskurzu soočajo z rednim ekonomskim izkoriščanjem živalskih življenj in zakonitim obravnavanjem živali kot lastnine, ki je prisotna v našem vsakdanjem življenju. Kako je zloraba živali postala kaznivo dejanje in kakšna je vloga strokovnjakov, medijev in zakonodajalcev v njej? Kriminološki vidiki krutosti do živali v pomembnih psiholoških raziskavah kažejo na dejstvo, da je krutost do živali pri otrocih in odraslih povezana z drugimi oblikami nasilnih kaznivih dejanj. Čeprav se pojavlja v številnih različnih in zapletenih situacijah, nasilje nad živalmi skoraj vedno kaže na zaskrbljujoče vedenje ali povezavo z medosebnim nasiljem ali travmo. Psihološke in novejše kriminološke raziskave upravičeno kažejo na krutost do živali kot "rdečo zastavo" za različne vedenjske motnje ali povezane oblike nasilja. Ta povezava je bila pomembna za družbena gibanja veliko prej, kakor so jo začeli izpostavljati strokovnjaki 20. stoletja. Pravice živali so številna zgodovinska družbena gibanja postavila v središče ali kot zelo pomemben poudarek svojega boja veliko pred gibanji za pravice živali v 60. letih. Drugi primeri družbenega gibanja ali združenj, ki delujejo na področju zaščite otrok, dodatno izpostavljajo povezavo, ki jo te družbene skupine zaznavajo med potrebo po izboljšanju zaščite otrok, žensk, žrtev nasilja v družini in domačih živali. Pričujoča doktorska disertacija ponuja pregled strokovnih del o aktivni krutosti kot namenu škodovati živali ter povzročiti bolečino in trpljenje ter izhodišču za nadaljnje pravne ali kriminološke razprave o tem pojavu. Številna strokovna dela nam pomagajo razumeti pomembnost obravnave vedenja, ki vključuje zlorabo živali. Ne glede na to, ali se zloraba živali obravnava kot kaznivo dejanje ali prekršek ali če ni prisotna v pravnem okviru, predstavlja zapleten pojav, ki je prisoten tako pri otrocih kot pri odraslih. Takšna zloraba, z izjemo živali, prizadene družine, skupnost in širok spekter družbenih institucij, kar kaže na različne medosebne vrste nasilja in vedenjske motnje. V doktorski disertaciji preučujemo intersekcijske analize in interdisciplinarne raziskave o zlorabah živali z namenom vzpostavitve povezav(e) in odnosa s poznejšim nasiljem odraslih ali sočasnim nasiljem v družini in zlorabo otrok. Obravnavamo pomembna strokovna dela, da bi poleg tega, kako škodljiva je zloraba živali ali kako je povezana z nasilnimi medčloveškimi odnosi, razumeli tudi, kaj le-ta je in kateri so prispevajoči dejavniki, kot so obrambni mehanizmi ter vlogi empatije in obžalovanja. Razumevanje krutosti do živali kot dela človeškega nasilja in kot znak resne skrbi za blaginjo živali in ljudi je prvi korak k oblikovanju trajnostnih kaznovalnih politik, ki so vključujoče, vendar ne ostajajo le pri kriminalizacija zlorabe živali. V doktorski disertaciji obravnavamo nekatere ključne raziskave (Hellman & Blackman, 1966 ; Tapia, 1971 ; DeViney, Dickert & Lockwood, 1983 ; Ascione & Webber, 1995, Ascione et al., 1997 ; Arluke et al., 1999, Arkow, 1999 ; Ascione, 2005), katerih avtorji se strinjajo, da je krutost do živali v bistvu povezana s širšim družbenim in kulturnim dojemanjem, kdo so žrtve. Tako živali kot otroci, ženske, nedržavljani in večje skupine so bili v preteklosti zakonsko šibki ali brez zaščite in so jih kulturno predstavljali kot manj pomembna bitja. Viktimologijo nasilja v družini, ki bi morala vključevati tudi zlorabo živali, zaznamuje dejstvo, da imajo "ženske, otroci in živali po zakonu zgodovinski status kot lastnina" (Lacroix, 1999, str. 63). Zgodovinski, pravni, družbeni in kulturni kontekst zlorabe živali je osrednjega pomena za razumevanje, kako se je zloraba živali uveljavila kot zločin. Priznavanje nasilja nad otroki, ženskami in živalmi kot del podobne viktimologije je v resnici zgodovinsko prepleteno, njegovo prepoznavanje pa je bilo vedno povezano z zavedanjem drugega. V disertaciji obravnavamo zgodovinske primere in povezave družbenega priznavanja otroka in živali že v 19. stoletju (Arkow, 1999). Mnogo poznejše priznanje "sindroma pretepenega otroka" (Kempe , Silverman, Steele, Droegemuller & Silver, 1962) je bilo produkt dolge borbe za pravno priznanje zlorabe otrok, ki so jo na neki način vodili aktivisti za pravice živali. Slednje je pozneje vplivalo na boj žensk za priznanje "sindroma pretepene ženske" (Walker, 1979), pa tudi za priznanje tistega, kar je Munro (1996) prvi označil kot "pretepene domače živali". Te povezave kažejo na dejstvo, da je bil razvoj zaščite živali pred nasiljem in njegova posledična kriminalizacija tesno povezan z bojem za priznanje in odpravljanje nasilja nad ranljivimi skupinami ljudi zaradi njihovih družbenih, kulturnih in pravnih podobnosti. Pregled in preučevanje psiholoških raziskav v prvem poglavju disertacije sta nedvoumno vzpostavila povezavo med družbenim in kulturnim položajem živali in ranljivimi skupinami oseb, kot so ženske, otroci in drugi, zaradi njihovega položaja nezaščitenih in razpoložljivih domačih žrtev, zlasti v študijah o antisocialnem vedenju, obrambnih mehanizmih in empatiji. Številne študije o antisocialnem vedenju in njegovi povezavi s krutostjo do živali pri otrocih in odraslih raziskujejo večplastno naravo nasilnega vedenja, ki povezuje nasilje v družini in partnerjih ter nasilje nad otroki z zlorabo živali. Druge študije raziskujejo travmatizirane otroke, vpletene v dejanja zlorabe živali, v katerih živali predstavljajo predmet za sproščanje stresa (obrambni mehanizmi). Raziskave obrambnih mehanizmov in mehanizmov obvladovanja, ki lahko vključujejo zlorabo živali pri otrocih in odraslih, vzpostavljajo povezavo s šibkim položajem živali in s tem zmanjšano empatijo. Posledično je zloraba živali mnogo bolj zapleten pojav, kot občasno namiguje popularna kultura, ki nakazuje na morebitno psihološko abnormalnost bodočega serijskega morilca. Več raziskav o kriminoloških vidikih krutosti do živali, ki izhajajo iz temeljnih psiholoških raziskav o krutosti do živali pri otrocih, in povezave krutosti do živali z drugimi oblikami nasilnih kaznivih dejanj, poudarja pomen tematike za strokovnjake, ki obravnavajo vzroke in značilnosti kaznivih dejanj in družbeno škodljivega vedenja. Glavni kriminološki interes je namreč dobrobit ljudi in razumevanje vzrokov kaznivih dejanj, ki jih prizadenejo. Posledično krutost do živali predstavlja eno izmed osrednjih točk zanimanja za razumevanje možnega nasilja nad ljudmi, kakor tudi drugih vedenjskih značilnosti zločinca. Kljub temu raziskovanje kriminalizacije zlorabe živali odpira prostor za razpravo, ali naj kriminologija ali zakon ostaneta antropocentrična in utilitaristična, ali pa je krutost do živali tema, ki lahko razširi kriminološki fokus izven področja zločina nad ljudmi. Po pregledu literature, ki vzpostavlja povezavo in odkriva podobnost predmetov zločina, živali in drugih človeških žrtev, se lahko vprašamo, ali so živali, ki so v zločine vpletene kot tarče človeškega nasilja, več kot le predmeti ali lastnina za storilce in za širšo družbo, za katere so moteč dejavnik. V skladu s tem argumentom disertacija preučuje nadaljnji kulturni pomen živali v človeških družbah. Te razprave nam pomagajo razumeti viktimologijo zlorabe živali in njeno povezanost z drugimi oblikami nasilja, čeprav preučujemo položaj živali v zakonih in družbi na simbolični in semiotični ravni. Z vidika zlorabe živali kot kaznivega dejanja v drugem poglavju disertacije predstavimo teoretično raziskovanje, kaj je zločin, kako je povezan z družbenimi pojmovanji normalnosti, reda in hierarhije stvari ter kako jezik (popularne kulture ali zakona) slednje omogoči, pri čimer izhajamo iz primera zlorabe živali. Kaj živali pomenijo ljudem, se kaže v jeziku, prevladujoči ideologiji in posledično zakon opredeljuje kazniva dejanja, ki vključujejo živali kot žrtve. Marginalizirane skupine so pogosto nevidne ali premalo zastopane v zakonu kot predmeti in prav zaradi te podrejene značilnosti je njihova viktimizacija označena kot normalna. Posledično zatiranje žensk, ranljivih družbeno-ekonomskih skupin, etničnih manjšin in drugih marginaliziranih skupin ali živali v jeziku ali zakonu izhaja iz podobnih mehanizmov moči. Adamsova (2010) med drugimi feminističnimi znanstvenicami razpravlja o povezavi med diskurzivnim zatiranjem žensk in živali. To zatiranje se pojavlja ne le zaradi fizičnega ali pravnega zatiranja, ampak tudi zaradi njihovega položaja v simbolnem zaporedju. Metafore in diskurzivne prakse, ki enačijo ženske z živalmi in naravo ter moške z znanostjo in kulturo, kulturne navade uživanja hrane (meso je za moške, medtem ko je zelenjava za ženske), »konzumiranje« žensk in živali ter spolno nasilje nad ženskami in živalmi, so nekateri primeri te semiotične povezave in hierarhije. Kot najmočnejše orodje za gradnjo te resničnosti in reda vsakdanji jezik razkriva povezavo z našim vsakdanjim življenjem. Zdi se, da je prevlada nad živalmi, ki vključuje krutost, temelj same družbene prevlade. Zlorabo živali v jeziku zaznamujejo preprostost in normalnost. Živali kot živa bitja so odsotne in nevidne, saj so v resnici izginile iz našega pogleda na realnost ter so zadržane v obratih in tovarnah. Ti odločilni dejavniki v našem dojemanju normalnosti in zločina, tj. normalnosti zlorabe živali, se soočajo z nedavnimi družbenimi gibanji za pravice živali kot tudi medijskimi prikazi krutosti do živali kot družbene škode. Kljub temu še vedno ostaja v našem pravnem diskurzu protislovje, ki zlorabo živali in ubijanje opredeljuje kot zločin, medtem pa odobrava druge vrste množičnega uničevanja živalskega življenja. Medtem ko se danes zločin nad živalmi in krutost do živali obravnavata kot posebej odklonsko in ogrožajoče vedenje, zločin nad samo družbo, je bila njuna obravnava pred desetletjem ali dvema v večini svetovnih držav drugačna. Zločin nad živalmi je izzval veliko močnejši strah in moralno paniko v primeri z drugimi zločini nad ljudmi, vendar ta zločin še pred kratkim ni bil obravnavan niti kot prekršek ali tema za razpravo. Poleg tega so bile živali v preteklosti zakonsko nezaščitene, in čeprav bi se jih ljudje morda bali, se še nikoli niso bali tistih, ki so jih ubijali, mučili in obravnavali kot nežive predmete. Položaj živali v zakonu je tesno povezan s tem, kako se nasilno dejanje do živali dojema kulturno. Vprašanje statusa živali kot predmetov (lastnine ali zaščitene dobrine) ali subjektov z zakonsko določenimi pravicami je ključno za razumevanje razvoja njihove zaščite v kazenskem zakoniku in njihovega statusa v današnji zakonodaji. Vprašanje, kako nekatera človeška dejanja postanejo kazniva, nujno vključuje tudi preučevanje pravne teorije in zgodovine ter javnih diskurzov, ki opisujejo takšna dejanja in zločine. V tretjem poglavju doktorske disertacije razpravljamo o tem, kako je prišlo do zgodovinske spremembe, v kateri krutost do živali postane kaznivo dejanje. V tem poglavju disertacije analiziramo tudi pravno zgodovino živali in njihov položaj pravnih objektov in subjektov. Nadalje preučujemo stališča pravnih strokovnjakov o položaju in vlogi živali v zakonu s teoretičnega in zgodovinskega vidika, da bi zagotovili kontekst sodobnemu pravnemu okviru, ki obravnava krutost do živali in blaginjo živali. Nazadnje, v četrtem in petem poglavju disertacije predstavimo najnovejši razvoj pravne zaščite živali v kazenskem zakoniku, pri čimer kot študijo primera obravnavamo kriminalizacijo zlorabe živali na Hrvaškem in kako se le-ta odraža v razvoju zakonskih določb, statistiki o živalih in poročanju v medijih. V skladu z globalnimi trendi je Hrvaška sprejela določbe, ki sankcionirajo dejanja mučenja in zanemarjanja živali, najprej kot prekršek in nato kot kaznivo dejanje, sankcionirano z denarno kaznijo in zaporno kaznijo po kazenskem zakoniku iz leta 1997. Naslednji kazenski zakonik iz leta 2011, ki je začel veljati leta 2013, je razširil definicijo na vključitev ubijanja, odpravil denarne kazni, poostril zaporne kazni in vključil nekatere ukrepe za zaščito živali. Omenjeno pravno spremembo v obdobju med letoma 2011 in 2013 so mediji intenzivno spremljali, čeprav je predstavljala bistveno manjši korak (pa vendar pomemben korak) v razvoju preprečevanja in sankcioniranja krutosti do živali kot prvotna kriminalizacija iz leta 1997. Uvedba kazenske opredelitve zlorabe živali, trendi in značilnosti policijskih poročil, obtožnic in obsodb zlorabe živali kot kaznivega dejanja so podrobno obravnavani v četrtem poglavju. To poglavje še posebej analizira nedavne spremembe pri zaostrovanju kriminalizacije krutosti do živali v novem kazenskem zakoniku iz leta 2011 v luči teoretičnih razprav o značilnostih in zavračanju nerazumne širitve kriminalizacije in poostritve zapornih kazni, ki ju vodita medijska blaznost ali populistična politika. Ta trend, znan kot pretirana kazen, ki ga običajno povzročita ogorčenje medijev in moralna panika, najpogosteje ne temelji na dejanskem obsegu kaznivih dejanj in ne ustreza nobenim preventivnim, rehabilitacijskim ali intervencijskim ukrepom. Razvoj kriminalizacije zlorabe živali iz leta 2011 je le de jure odpravil denarne kazni in prepovedal strožje zaporne kazni. Če podrobneje preučimo število in vrsto ovadb (npr. razmerje med neznanimi storilci), uspešne obtožnice, obsodbe in zaporne kazni, pogojne ukrepe in druge značilnosti kazenskega pravosodja ter omenjene in druge vidike novega kazenskega zakonika, je medijsko poročanje o večjem izboljšanju zaščite živali morda videti bolj dvoumno. Nekatere pomembne ugotovitve kažejo na dejstva, da je bilo znatno povečanje števila prijav zlorab živali po sprejetju novega zakonika dejansko posledica porasta neznanih storilcev. Novi zakonik ni prispeval k učinkovitosti obtožb ali obsodb, ki so bile zanesljive že pred njegovim sprejetjem. Poleg tega ni odpravil denarne kazni kot sankcije, in čeprav so bile zaporne kazni del prejšnjih zakonskih sankcij, novi zakonik za to kaznivo dejanje ni bistveno povečal zapornih kazni. Tako kot že prej, novi zakonik v praksi skoraj nikoli ni privedel do zaprtja obsojenih nasilnežev nad živalmi. Kljub temu je v obdobju med leti 2004 in 2018 število poročil, obtožnic in obsodb nenehno naraščalo, zaradi uveljavitve novega zakonika leta 2013 pa živali tudi zasežejo. Mediji so pozdravili raširitev kriminalizacije in strožje sankcije zlorabe živali, tema zlorabe živali pa se je po letu 2011 izkazala za pomembno javno zadevo. O njej so obširno poročale predvsem spletne novice, pri čemer so temo živali in zlorabe živali sprejeli kot svojo "domačo temo". Nekateri ponudniki novic so na svoji glavni spletni strani, namenjeni živalim, celo predstavili ločene kategorije. Večina spletnih novic je zaradi svoje vizualne medijske narave ponujala eksplicitna vizualna gradiva. Poleg glavne vsebine in uredniških sporočil (naslovi in podnapisi) so informacije o obiskih in komentarji bralcev prispevale k medijski predstavitvi zgodbe o zlorabi živali kot kaznivem dejanju. Kot je razvidno iz petega poglavja disertacije, se v obdobju med leti 2011 in 2013, ki sovpada z uvedbo novega kazenskega zakonika, zloraba živali tako rekoč pridruži družbi najbolj iskanih kriminalcev. Tudi pri poročanju o drugih vrstah kaznivih dejanj so le-te mediji pogosto povezovali s krutostjo do živali, čeprav dejanske povezave ni bi bilo. Navedene so bile tudi podrobne upodobitve osebnosti storilca. V nekaterih primerih so vzbudili moralno paniko in skupine vigilantov upodobili kot junake. Disertacija zato predstavlja analize, ki temeljijo na utemeljenem teoretičnem pristopu, o medijskem poročanju o zlorabi živali v teoretičnih okvirih medijskih študij in medijske kriminologije. Poleg tega v disertaciji preučujemo vlogo medijev pri oblikovanju javnega dojemanja kazenskega in pravnega sistema ter posledično pri oblikovanju dojemanja kaj je zločin, kaj je normalno in kaj zakonito. Nekatere ugotovitve analize medijskega poročanja so sledeče. Središče poročanja o zlorabi živali v obdobju uvedbe novega kazenskega zakonika med letoma 2011 in 2013 zaznamujejo kriminalizacija, patologizacija in demonizacija storilcev, naklonjenost in empatija do žrtev ter strah pred hkratnim ali prihodnjim človeškim nasiljem s strani storilcev. Drugič, analiza kaže na ugotovitev, da so poročila polna dezinformacij v smislu pravnih informacij in senzacionalizma, zlasti pri naslovih. Dinamika javnega ogorčenja je vidna s pozivom k vse večji kriminalizaciji in strožjim kaznim, ki vključujejo daljše zaporne kazni. Ta senzacionalistična razlaga pravnega okvira je bila za medije najpomembnejša zadeva. Drugi pomemben zaključek analize je, da so medijsko poročanje zaznamovali kulturno pogojeni prikazi kriminala, v katerih so mediji uporabili že uveljavljeno pripoved kriminalnega žanra. Bombastični naslovi, ki so jim sledile grozljive fotografije, so ustvarili prostor "moteče vsebine", ki jo naseljujejo pošasti in norci in jo ločujejo od "običajnih" ljudi. Upodobitve nevarnosti so usmerjene v povzročanje strahu pri ljudeh, zato je storilec zlorabe nad živalmi pogosto postavljen v kontekst širšega nasilja, nasilja nad ženskami in otroki, alkoholika, potencialnega serijskega morilca, pogosto revnega in neizobraženega ter zaostalega človeka. V nasprotju z izobčenci, ki bi jih bilo treba obravnavati kot zločince, mediji kritizirajo sistem kot neučinkovit pri varovanju in vzpostavljanju reda, medtem ko druge rešitve predstavljajo kot pozitivne, na primer samoorganiziranje državljanov, nevladne organizacije in vigilante ali njihove skupine. Te arhetipske značilnosti so tisto, kar naredi temo vredno objave, vse večji vpliv družbenih medijev pa le še bolj podkrepi senzacionalistični vidik. Na ta način mehanizmi zgodbe služijo namenu pošiljanja enega samega sporočila v obliki zgodbe o zločinu, ki natančno opredeljuje zločin in zločinca med nami in njih izločuje kot izobčenca. Neobičajnost in drugačnost kaznivih dejanj in zločina se uporabljata za povzročanje panike. Reproduciranje ponavljajočega namišljenega pojava in vključevanje le-tega v širši krog prebivalstva preko medijev predstavlja po Cohenu (1972) in Gerbnerju (1969) bistvo delovanja ideologije. Ponavljajoče se negativno označevanje storilcev s strani medijev, ki vzbujajo strah, paniko in upor, dokler javno dojemanje zločina ne postane poenoteno, je vidno v vseh medijskih virih ali pri šestih glavnih ponudnikih spletnih novic. Podobnost vsebine člankov in naslovov potrjuje Barakovo (1994) trditev o pomanjkanju pluralizma sporočil kljub vse večjemu pluralizmu virov in kanalov. Zato je mogoče vzpostaviti povezavo med vrednostjo objave in pojmom kulturnega v medijski konstrukciji zločina predvsem v logiki pripovedovanja. Poročila o novem zločinu morajo biti kulturno razumljiva in oblikovana v slogu, ki je privlačen širši bazi prejemnikov, da bi lahko služil kot novost občinstvu. Mediji pri poročanju o krutosti do živali gradijo na obstoječih kulturnih normativih in na podoben način ponujajo novo temo (zloraba živali kot zločin) ter oblikujejo nova dojemanja na podlagi znanih vzorcev. Končno, raziskava, predstavljena v tej disertaciji, trdi, da je bilo oblikovanje zlorabe živali kot kaznivega dejanja (ter trendi razširjene definicije in strožjih sankcij) posledica zgodovinskih in pravnih trendov širitve pravic človeka in živalskih bitij na eni strani in dvoumnega položaja živali v zakonu na drugi, naraščajočega strokovnega znanja in družbenih gibanj o tej zadevi in politične (oblikovanja zakonodaje) ter širše ozaveščenosti javnosti, ki jo oblikujejo in posredujejo mediji. Diskurzivna kriminološka resničnost zlorabe živali, predstavljena v pričujoči disertaciji s študijo primera, ki vključuje pravno in medijsko analizo, predstavlja le en pogled na to vprašanje, s pomočjo katerega bi lahko razumeli, kako zloraba živali postane kaznivo dejanje, in morda je prispevala k našemu razumevanju, kako vsako vedenje postane kaznivo dejanje, vendar to ni edini vidik ali pristop. Tako uradni podatki iz kazenskega pravosodja kot prikazovanje krutosti do živali v medijih so posredovane informacije, na eni strani zaradi nepopolnega terenskega zbiranja podatkov, ki nam pogosto pove več o tem, kaj je prikrito (sive številke), na drugi strani pa s pripovedno logiko pripovedovanja zgodb z vsemi njenimi arhetipi in poznano dinamiko. Razlika med njimi je v tem, da so medijske zgodbe o zločinu veliko bolj dostopne kot znanje o tem, kaj je zločin, zato danes mediji in kulturne študije bistveno prispevajo h kriminologiji. Čeprav v doktorski disertaciji ne preučujemo vseh kriminoloških vidikov krutosti do živali, kot so pravna opredelitev, institucionalno varstvo, njegovo preprečevanje in obravnavanje ter intervencijske politike, si prizadevamo prispevati k informiranemu, vzajemnemu in interdisciplinarnemu pristopu h krutosti do živali kot resni družbeni škodi tako za živali kot za ljudi.
Priorities for future sustainable development within Europe and Central Asia are formulated in visions by governments and societal actors. Integrated scenario and modelling studies enable the assessment of impacts on nature, nature's contributions to people, and a good quality of life resulting from these priorities, and help to co-design and codeliver appropriate pathways to sustainable futures (established but incomplete) (5.1.2, 5.4.2, 5.4.3, 5.5.2). Priorities for future sustainable development are captured in regional visions, which describe a future desired by society or parts of society in Europe and Central Asia. Matching these priorities to the Sustainable Development Goals and Aichi Biodiversity Targets revealed that regional priorities include sustainable economic growth in tandem with sustainable industrialization (Goal 8, Goal 9), sustainable agriculture, forestry, aquaculture and management of natural resources (Goal 15, Target 7), all promoted by sustainable consumption and production patterns (Goal 12, Target 4). Climate action and sustainable energy (Goal 13, Goal 7) are also priorities. Reduced inequalities (Goal 10), gender equality (Goal 5) and peace, justice and strong institutions (Goal 16), as well as representation of a diverse range of values, are less emphasized (established but incomplete) (5.1.2, 5.4.2, 5.4.3). Integrated assessments of future interactions between the priorities for sustainable development and nature and its contributions to people, which support proactive decisionmaking that anticipates change, mitigates undesirable trade-offs and fosters societal transformation in pursuit of a good quality of life, are rare due to the complexity of human and environment interdependencies (well established) (5.1.1, 5.3.1, 5.5.3, 5.5.4). Nevertheless, ignoring these complexities is likely to cause undesired trade-offs and to prevent the realization of synergies (5.3.1). Cross-sectoral and cross-scale integration of adaptation, mitigation and transformative actions and policies by multiple actors is key to the co-design and co-delivery of appropriate pathways to realize visions of future sustainable development (established but incomplete) (5.4.2, 5.4.3, 5.5.2, 5.5.3, 5.5.5, 5.5.6). The choices made by decision-makers and societal actors are expected to lead to large differences in future impacts on nature, nature's contributions to people, and good quality of life within Europe and Central Asia (established but incomplete) (5.2.3, 5.3.3, 5.3.4). More positive impacts are projected under futures that assume proactive decision-making on environmental issues and promote a more holistic approach to managing human and environmental systems which supports multifunctionality and multiple contributions from nature to people (established but incomplete) (5.2.3, 5.3.3, 5.3.4). Projecting historical trends into the future under a businessas- usual scenario results in stable trends in nature (e.g. reflected in biodiversity vulnerability indices), negative trends in nature's regulating contributions (e.g. regulation of climate or hazards and extreme events) and mixed trends in nature's material contributions (e.g. food production) (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Different assumptions about future trends in drivers lead to widely varying projected impacts on nature, nature's contributions to people and a good quality of life. Under economic optimism scenarios, where global developments are steered by economic growth and environmental problems are only dealt with when solutions are of economic interest, an increase in the provision of most of nature's material contributions to people (e.g. food and timber) is projected associated with a general decline in nature and its regulating contributions to people (e.g. air and water quality regulation) (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Under regional competition scenarios there is a growing gap between rich and poor, increasing problems with crime, violence and terrorism, and strong trade barriers. Consequently, its impacts are highly mixed with generally large declines in nature (e.g. habitat maintenance and creation) and the most negative impacts of all scenarios on nature's non-material contributions to people (e.g. learning and inspiration) and good quality of life indicators (e.g. health and well-being) (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Inequality scenarios, which assume increasing economic, political and social inequalities, where power becomes concentrated in a relatively small political and business elite who invest in green technology, result in negative impacts on nature's regulating contributions to people (established CHAPTER 5. CURRENT AND FUTURE INTERACTIONS BETWEEN NATURE AND SOCIETY 575 but incomplete), but mixed or unclear impacts on other indicators (inconclusive) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Under global sustainable development scenarios, which are characterized by an increasingly proactive attitude of global policymakers towards environmental issues and a high level of regulation, positive impacts are projected for nature and its regulating contributions to people. Predominantly positive trends are also projected for nature's material contributions to people and good quality of life indicators, with some regional variation (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Under regional sustainability scenarios, which show increased concern for environmental and social sustainability and a shift toward local and regional decision-making, similar impacts are projected as for global sustainable development. Regional sustainability, however, leads to slightly fewer benefits for nature's regulating and material contributions to people (with decreases in food provision) than global sustainable development and more positive impacts on nature's non-material contributions to people and good quality of life, particularly traditional knowledge and supporting identities reflecting the local focus of the regional sustainability scenario (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Trade-offs between nature and different contributions from nature to people are projected under all plausible futures for Europe and Central Asia (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.3.4). How these trade-offs are resolved depends on political and societal value judgements within each plausible future. In general, those futures where environmental issues are mainstreamed across sectors are more successful in mitigating undesirable cross-sector trade-offs, resulting in positive impacts across a broad range of indicators concerning nature, nature's contributions to people and good quality of life indicators (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Trade-offs between nature's material and regulating contributions to people are commonly projected in the economic optimism and regional competition scenarios, which tend to promote a limited number of nature's material contributions to people. For example, increases in food provision (generally associated with the expansion of agricultural land or the intensification of livestock production and fish captures) are often associated with decreases in the provision of nature's regulating contributions to people (e.g. prevention of soil erosion, regulation of water quality and quantity) and nature values. Similar trade-offs were projected between increases in timber provision and decreases in nature's regulating (e.g. carbon sequestration) and non-material (e.g. aesthetic value) contributions to people. Such trade-offs lead to strong positive effects in nature's contributions to people with market values and negative effects in nature's contributions to people without market values (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Trade-offs were also apparent under the sustainability scenario archetypes, particularly in relation to the use of land and water (e.g. effects of agricultural extensification – the opposite of agricultural intensification - or increases in bioenergy croplands on other land uses and biodiversity) (established but incomplete) (5.6.1). However, such scenarios proactively deal with such trade-offs through, for example, political choices aiming to maximize synergizes through mainstreaming and multifunctionality (global sustainable development) or through societal choices to live less resource-intensive lifestyles and, hence, reduce demand for nature's material contributions to people (regional sustainability). Impacts of plausible futures differ across the regions of Europe and Central Asia. Hence, regional and national decision-makers face different trade-offs between nature and its various contributions to people. Cooperation between countries opens up possibilities to mitigate undesirable crossscale impacts and to capitalize on opportunities (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). In Central Asia, significant water shortages are projected in the long-term. This affects farmers' choices between intensive crop production and more sustainable production with resulting impacts on nature's regulating contributions to people, such as water quality (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). Similar impacts on water stress are projected under future scenarios for Central Europe, including decreases in multiple contributions from nature to people from wetlands (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). Transboundary and integrated water management strategies that protect minimum water levels for the environment are projected to mitigate these negative impacts. In Eastern Europe, particularly Russia, trade-offs between wood extraction and carbon sequestration are projected. Sustainable forest management and reforestation of areas set aside from agricultural activities are suggested as having the potential to mitigate such trade-offs. Similarly, in mountain systems in Central and Western Europe and in marine systems in all subregions adaptive management strategies are projected to address the vulnerability of the majority of nature's contributions to people (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). In the European Union (EU), significant differences between northern and southern countries are projected. Most scenarios indicate increases in agricultural production for food, feed and bioenergy for northern European Union countries, while decreases in agricultural and timber production, as well as increases in water stress, are projected for southern European Union countries. The latter is projected to have considerable negative impacts on nature's non-material contributions to people, such as national heritage and tourism-related services dependent on local food production. Scenarios which included international coordination of adaptive measures across THE REGIONAL ASSESSMENT REPORT ON BIODIVERSITY AND ECOSYSTEM SERVICES FOR EUROPE AND CENTRAL ASIA 576 geographical areas were projected to have better capacity to cope with, or mitigate, undesirable cross-scale impacts (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). Future impacts of drivers of change on nature and its contributions to people in Europe and Central Asia are likely to be underestimated because scenario studies are dominated by a few individual drivers (e.g. climate change) and often omit other important drivers (e.g. pollution) that may adversely affect their impacts (well established) (5.2.2, 5.3.2). Scenario studies predominantly focus on single direct drivers and fail to capture interactions between drivers (well established) (5.2.2, 5.3.2). Climate change is the most represented single direct driver in scenarios of biodiversity and ecosystem change. By contrast other direct drivers, such as pollution and invasive alien species, which are known to have an adverse impact on nature and its contributions to people, are poorly represented in scenario studies (well established) (5.2.2). Single-driver scenarios fail to capture various dynamics such as feedbacks and synergies between and amongst indirect and direct drivers operating at different scales. Policy approaches that consider single drivers or single sectors are unlikely to successfully address environmental problems as they do not consider trade-offs between different drivers, impacts and responses. Integrated, multi-driver scenario studies offer a more realistic assessment of impacts to inform robust decision-making about future sustainable development pathways that avoid unintended consequences (established but incomplete) (5.2.1, 5.2.2, 5.2.4, 5.3.1, 5.3.3, 5.3.4, 5.4.4, 5.4.5, 5.5.5). Priorities for future sustainable development expressed by governments and other societal actors for Europe and Central Asia are more widely achieved under plausible futures that consider a diverse range of values (established but incomplete) (5.3.4, 5.5.4, 5.5.5, 5.6.1). Recognizing the different time frame of the scenarios of plausible futures (often 2050 or later) to those stated in the Sustainable Development Goals and Aichi Biodiversity Targets (2030 or 2020), continuing current trends under a business-as-usual scenario is estimated to lead to failure in achieving most of the Sustainable Development Goals (13 out of 17), but mixed effects on achieving the Aichi Biodiversity Targets (8 achieved). Economic optimism is estimated to have a mixed level of success in achieving the goals (8 achieved), but would fail to achieve the majority of the targets (16 out of 20), while regional competition fails to reach the majority of all goals and targets (15 and 19, respectively). The focus of these scenarios on instrumental values and individualistic perspectives, with little acknowledgement of relational or intrinsic values, means they are unlikely to offer effective sustainable solutions to environmental and social challenges (established but incomplete) (5.3.4, 5.6.1). In contrast, the sustainability scenarios (regional sustainability and global sustainable development) are estimated to achieve the majority of the Sustainable Development Goals and Aichi Biodiversity Targets. Such scenarios attempt to support nature and its multiple nature's contributions to people and aspects of a good quality of life. Thus, they represent a greater diversity of values, but often at the acceptance of lower, or more extensive, production of nature's material contributions to people (established but incomplete) (5.3.4, 5.6.1). Multiple alternative pathways exist to achieve the priorities for future sustainable development set by governments and societal actors within Europe and Central Asia and in particular for mitigating tradeoffs between nature and nature's contributions to people (established but incomplete) (5.5.2). The most promising pathways include long-term societal transformation through continuous education, knowledge sharing and participatory decisionmaking. Such pathways emphasize nature's regulating contributions to people and the importance of relational values in facilitating a holistic and systematic consideration of nature and nature´s contribution to people across sectors and scales (established but incomplete) (5.5.3, 5.5.4). Four types of pathways have been developed to address trade-offs between food, water, energy, climate and biodiversity at different scales (5.5.2). Green economy pathways focus on sustainable intensification and diversification of production activities coupled with the protection and restoration of nature. Low carbon transformation pathways focus on biofuel production, reforestation and forest management. Both types of pathways include actions related to technological innovation, land sparing or land sharing. Green economy and low carbon transformation pathways do not fully mitigate trade-offs between nature's material contributions to people, nature conservation, and nature's regulating and non-material contributions to people (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.4). Ecotopian solutions pathways focus on radical social innovation to achieve local food and energy self-sufficiency and the production of multiple contributions from nature to people. They include actions on multifunctionality within individual land uses with connecting green infrastructure, urban design and food production (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.4). Transition movements pathways emphasize a change towards relational values, promoting resource-sparing lifestyles, continuous education, new urban spatial structures and innovative forms of agriculture where different knowledge systems are combined with technological innovation. Transformation is achieved through local empowerment, participatory decision-making processes, community actions and voluntary agreements. As opposed to other pathways, transition movements CHAPTER 5. CURRENT AND FUTURE INTERACTIONS BETWEEN NATURE AND SOCIETY 577 pathways address all of the Sustainable Development Goals identified as being important in the Europe and Central Asia visions (5.1.2, 5.5.4), except Goal 7 (sustainable energy). The narrative offers the broadest set of actions targeting elements of nature, multiple contributions from nature to people (material, regulating and non-material) and multiple dimensions of a good quality of life (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.4, 5.6.1). Different sets of actions and combinations of policy instruments are suggested by the different pathways. Joint instruments suggested across pathways give priority to participation, education and awareness raising, and often cross-scale integration and mainstreaming of environmental objectives across sectors (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.3, 5.5.4, 5.5.6). The green economy and low carbon transformation pathways build towards sustainability without challenging the economic growth paradigm. They are implemented through combinations of top-down legal and regulatory instruments mixed with economic and financial instruments designed at regional (European Union) or national levels (Eastern Europe and Central Asia). Such pathways are often formulated at a sectoral level, and integration across sectoral pathways is critical. However, because green economy and low carbon transformation pathways do not fully mitigate trade-offs, they may not be sufficient alone to achieve sustainability (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.4, 5.6.1). The trade-offs are better addressed by diverse local bottom-up transition movements or ecotopian solutions pathways (5.5.2). Such pathways reconsider fundamental values and lifestyles through sets of actions focusing on less resource-intensive lifestyles, education, knowledge sharing, good social relations and equity (e.g. food and dietary patterns, transport, energy and consumption patterns). Transition movements pathways also develop bottom-up transformative capabilities by combining rights-based instruments and customary norms (including indigenous and local knowledge) and social and information instruments (established but incomplete) (5.5.3, 5.5.4). The sets of actions proposed in the pathways are not mutually exclusive and can be combined. For example, actions from green economy and low carbon transformation pathways may pave the way towards more transformative transition movements pathways. Moreover, future transitions to sustainability may be fostered through cross-scale integration and mainstreaming of environmental issues into sectoral policies and decisions, along with nurturing diverse social, institutional and technological experiments (established but incomplete) (5.5.5). Participatory scenario, vision and pathway development is a powerful approach for knowledge co-production and has great potential for the explicit inclusion of indigenous and local knowledge (established but incomplete) (5.4.3, 5.5.1, 5.5.2, 5.5.6, 5.6.2). Many scenario, vision and pathways exercises include local stakeholders and their valuable knowledge and practices. However, the use of different knowledge systems, such as indigenous and local knowledge, was rarely explicitly mentioned in studies (5.6.2). Explicit examples that included indigenous and local knowledge (see Boxes 5.2, 5.6 and 5.10), show a clear added value from combining different forms of knowledge with technological innovations, and cultural diversity, norms and customary rights when pursuing goals of sustainable development (5.2.2, 5.5.2, 5.5.3, 5.5.6). Knowledge gaps and resulting uncertainties in exploring future interactions between nature and society are substantial because integrated assessments of future impacts on nature, nature's contributions to people and a good quality of life that take account of the complex interdependencies in human and environmental systems are rare (well established) (5.6.2). Very few studies were available for Central Asia and to a lesser extent for Eastern Europe (well established) (5.6.2). Less information was also available for marine systems than for terrestrial and freshwater systems (well established) (5.6.2). Few integrated scenario and modelling studies include indicators of nature's nonmaterial contributions to people and good quality of life (5.3.2, 5.5.1, 5.6.2) and therefore existing assessments of synergies and trade-offs are limited in the interactions and feedbacks they represent (well established) (5.3.2). No studies were found that assessed future flows of nature's contributions to people across countries, which would have been important to assess the impacts of the scenarios and pathways for Europe and Central Asia on other parts of the world (well established) (5.6.2). There is also a significant gap in the current literature in recognizing the diversity of values, with the focus being mainly on instrumental values (well established) (5.6.2). Finally, scenario and modelling studies include many uncertainties in their projections of the future resulting from input data, scenario assumptions, model structure and propagation of uncertainties across the integrated components of the systems, which should be borne in mind when interpreting their results (well established).
The Philippines has made significant progress in empowering women and in advancing gender equality. The government's policy on gender equality and women's empowerment has prioritized women's economic empowerment, advancing human rights and enhancing gender-responsive local governance. All these priority concerns are integral components of poverty reduction programs in the Philippines. The Philippines has made significant progress in empowering women and in advancing gender equality. Since the government introduced a constitution in 1987 affirming the equality of women, it has pursued a number of initiatives to mainstream gender concerns in national policies and programs. A development plan for women was launched in 1987, followed by a plan for gender-responsive development, 1995-2025, coordinated by the National Commission on the Role of Filipino women. In 2004, the commission drafted a framework plan for women that identify three priority concerns to meet the objectives of gender equality and women's empowerment: economic empowerment of women, protection and fulfillment of women's human rights, and gender-responsive governance. Projects that support these priorities will facilitate more equitable development across the Philippines, including supporting the full participation of women in political processes and governance in the international and national local level, strengthening gender-sensitive and inclusive programs and mechanisms with civil society, and increasing women's access to economic resources such as capital, technology, information, markets, and training.
International audience We provide evidence on the link between the policy response to the SARS CoV-2 pandemic and conflicts worldwide. We combine daily information on conflict events and government policy responses to limit the spread of SARS CoV-2 to study how demonstrations and violent events vary following shutdown policies. We use the staggered implementation of restriction policies across countries to identify the dynamic effects in an event study framework. Our results show that imposing a nation-wide shutdown is associated with a reduction in the number of demonstrations, which suggests that public demonstrations are hampered by the rising cost of participation. However, the reduction is short-lived, as the number of demonstrations are back to their pre-restriction levels in two months. In contrast, we observe that the purported increase in mobilization or coordination costs, following the imposition of restrictions, is not followed by a drop of violent events that involve organized armed groups. Instead, we find that the number of events, on average, increases slightly following the implementation of the restriction policies. The rise in violent events is most prominent in poorer countries, with higher levels of polarization, and in authoritarian countries. We discuss the potential channels underlying this heterogeneity.
We revisit the canonical policy of eliminating capital taxation by increasing labor taxation in a endogenous-labor, heterogeneous-agent model with income and wealth heterogeneity, when the government is subject to a strict (per-period) balancedbudget constraint. By contrast with its non-budget neutral equivalent-associated with a constant tax rate over time and a permanent increase in the level of public debt-we show that the obtained endogenous path for the labor tax rate is sharply increasing in the initial period and decreasing over time. The policy then generates a deeper recession in the short-run and a greater expansion in the long-run, as well as a smaller decline in wealth inequality associated with a reduced incentive to save for precautionary motives. Overall, the policy still generates significant losses in average welfare.
