Suchergebnisse

In order to reveal the dichotomy of convergence and divergence, the article discusses the profile of Lithuanian social inclusion policy. The article critically evaluates the Open Method of Coordination and the new social policy tool, which is still under the process of elaboration – the European Pillar for Social Rights. The concrete examples of Lithuanian social policy that suit the definition of the austerity measures reveal that instead of a promoted and supposed convergence towards Social Europe, the European policies of social inclusion diverge. In order to explain the diverging social policies and their institutional constellations, the theory of path dependency, one that emphasizes the transaction costs and typology of social knowledge, is employed. The article also aims to elaborate the theoretical framework for the examination of the relationship between the profile of social inclusion policy and value orientations of the population. Lithuanian policy experts of social inclusion, as well as professionals working in the same field of social policy, are inclined to prioritize the austerity measures and the role of social control.

In order to reveal the dichotomy of convergence and divergence, the article discusses the profile of Lithuanian social inclusion policy. The article critically evaluates the Open Method of Coordination and the new social policy tool, which is still under the process of elaboration – the European Pillar for Social Rights. The concrete examples of Lithuanian social policy that suit the definition of the austerity measures reveal that instead of a promoted and supposed convergence towards Social Europe, the European policies of social inclusion diverge. In order to explain the diverging social policies and their institutional constellations, the theory of path dependency, one that emphasizes the transaction costs and typology of social knowledge, is employed. The article also aims to elaborate the theoretical framework for the examination of the relationship between the profile of social inclusion policy and value orientations of the population. Lithuanian policy experts of social inclusion, as well as professionals working in the same field of social policy, are inclined to prioritize the austerity measures and the role of social control.

The article analyzes the reasons of the long-term decay of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) since 2010. The party ruled the country between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and was one of the strongest and most institutionalized political forces not only in Hungary but in the whole East-Central Europe. However, during the parliamentary elections in 2010, it suffered a crushing defeat by their main political opponents – "Fidesz," led by V. Orbán. The organizational development of these two parties is compared. Collected evidence reveal the significance of centralized party rule and efforts to organize civil society in shaping the intra-competition of the main Hungarian political parties.

The article analyzes the reasons of the long-term decay of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) since 2010. The party ruled the country between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and was one of the strongest and most institutionalized political forces not only in Hungary but in the whole East-Central Europe. However, during the parliamentary elections in 2010, it suffered a crushing defeat by their main political opponents – "Fidesz," led by V. Orbán. The organizational development of these two parties is compared. Collected evidence reveal the significance of centralized party rule and efforts to organize civil society in shaping the intra-competition of the main Hungarian political parties.

The article analyzes the reasons of the long-term decay of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) since 2010. The party ruled the country between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and was one of the strongest and most institutionalized political forces not only in Hungary but in the whole East-Central Europe. However, during the parliamentary elections in 2010, it suffered a crushing defeat by their main political opponents – "Fidesz," led by V. Orbán. The organizational development of these two parties is compared. Collected evidence reveal the significance of centralized party rule and efforts to organize civil society in shaping the intra-competition of the main Hungarian political parties.

The article analyzes the reasons of the long-term decay of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) since 2010. The party ruled the country between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and was one of the strongest and most institutionalized political forces not only in Hungary but in the whole East-Central Europe. However, during the parliamentary elections in 2010, it suffered a crushing defeat by their main political opponents – "Fidesz," led by V. Orbán. The organizational development of these two parties is compared. Collected evidence reveal the significance of centralized party rule and efforts to organize civil society in shaping the intra-competition of the main Hungarian political parties.

AGING SOCIETY: FACTORS AND MEANS OF COMPETITIVENESS IN EUROPE SUMMARY Dynamics of demographic processes in information society has accelerated the process of aging society and changed the structure for the age of society. The advancement of technologies, globalization and demographic aging change the European society and encourage the policy makers to regard the demands of different generations. Social and economic alterations are especially felt in Europe where there are very vivid aging tendencies: global employment, a lack of competence and ability to use information technologies, health, possibilities of political and communal activity. The growth of aging society is a complex problem which asserts in national, regional, enterprise and individual level. The effective measures are created by strengthening the competitiveness of aging society and social cohesion as well as referring to strategies in pursuance of integration to social and economic politics. Thesis Problems of aging society in Europe initiates complicated social and economy changes which must be thoroughly appraised and predicted in order to take timely measures aimed at formation of global competitiveness concepts for the aging society which fit to new reality.

AGING SOCIETY: FACTORS AND MEANS OF COMPETITIVENESS IN EUROPE SUMMARY Dynamics of demographic processes in information society has accelerated the process of aging society and changed the structure for the age of society. The advancement of technologies, globalization and demographic aging change the European society and encourage the policy makers to regard the demands of different generations. Social and economic alterations are especially felt in Europe where there are very vivid aging tendencies: global employment, a lack of competence and ability to use information technologies, health, possibilities of political and communal activity. The growth of aging society is a complex problem which asserts in national, regional, enterprise and individual level. The effective measures are created by strengthening the competitiveness of aging society and social cohesion as well as referring to strategies in pursuance of integration to social and economic politics. Thesis Problems of aging society in Europe initiates complicated social and economy changes which must be thoroughly appraised and predicted in order to take timely measures aimed at formation of global competitiveness concepts for the aging society which fit to new reality.

Social or Cultural Anthropology, in the Western sense, is little known territory in parts of contemporary East Europe. It is the case in Lithuania where biological anthropology traditionally claims the term anthropology for itself. Lithuanian ethnology and sociology partially fill the void normally covered by anthropology. There were definite political, academic and practical factors that stunted the growth of anthropology in Lithuania. The aim of this article is to identify these factors, and to define the sphere and the field of research and instruction, that should be allocated to anthropology. I seek also to present the case for an urgent need of the discipline to be established in the educational, research and applied frontiers of contemporary Lithuanian society. It has been even more complicated to establish the importance and capability of socio-cultural anthropology as a separate field of endeavour vis-à-vis Lithuanian ethnology. While socio-cultural anthropology in the West examined the other and otherness, there was no political interest for a newly independent nation-state in a discipline with a wrong focus.

Social or Cultural Anthropology, in the Western sense, is little known territory in parts of contemporary East Europe. It is the case in Lithuania where biological anthropology traditionally claims the term anthropology for itself. Lithuanian ethnology and sociology partially fill the void normally covered by anthropology. There were definite political, academic and practical factors that stunted the growth of anthropology in Lithuania. The aim of this article is to identify these factors, and to define the sphere and the field of research and instruction, that should be allocated to anthropology. I seek also to present the case for an urgent need of the discipline to be established in the educational, research and applied frontiers of contemporary Lithuanian society. It has been even more complicated to establish the importance and capability of socio-cultural anthropology as a separate field of endeavour vis-à-vis Lithuanian ethnology. While socio-cultural anthropology in the West examined the other and otherness, there was no political interest for a newly independent nation-state in a discipline with a wrong focus.

Social or Cultural Anthropology, in the Western sense, is little known territory in parts of contemporary East Europe. It is the case in Lithuania where biological anthropology traditionally claims the term anthropology for itself. Lithuanian ethnology and sociology partially fill the void normally covered by anthropology. There were definite political, academic and practical factors that stunted the growth of anthropology in Lithuania. The aim of this article is to identify these factors, and to define the sphere and the field of research and instruction, that should be allocated to anthropology. I seek also to present the case for an urgent need of the discipline to be established in the educational, research and applied frontiers of contemporary Lithuanian society. It has been even more complicated to establish the importance and capability of socio-cultural anthropology as a separate field of endeavour vis-à-vis Lithuanian ethnology. While socio-cultural anthropology in the West examined the other and otherness, there was no political interest for a newly independent nation-state in a discipline with a wrong focus.

The European Union has introduced a most impressive integration project, which has the potential to establish a political unity not only in Europe, but also in the whole world. Since a sudden transition from one status (national state system) to another (supranational global governance) is hardly possible and the consequences are unpredictable, a gradual transition is recommended and it is more in favour by the EU. In other words, the EU integration process is a strategy aimed at "destruction" of the national state, which seeks full compliance with the terms of the social contract and the complete elimination of the anarchy. This strategy might be a new task or function of Europe.

The European Union has introduced a most impressive integration project, which has the potential to establish a political unity not only in Europe, but also in the whole world. Since a sudden transition from one status (national state system) to another (supranational global governance) is hardly possible and the consequences are unpredictable, a gradual transition is recommended and it is more in favour by the EU. In other words, the EU integration process is a strategy aimed at "destruction" of the national state, which seeks full compliance with the terms of the social contract and the complete elimination of the anarchy. This strategy might be a new task or function of Europe.

21st century is called the century of democracy. But if you take a look at the contemporary political discourse and recent situation, it is evident that the real situation is far from the described above. "The resurgence of ideological and political turbulence in the late 1960s, social conflicts rising in the early 1970s, and the spread of mass protest by new social movements and citizen initiatives in the 1980s were symptoms of a profound transformation of West European politics". This transformation united xenophobia and the populist ideology into one strong phenomenon that became very popular among the European societies. "Populist parties are generally thought of as lacking grand visions on comprehensive ideological projects. Instead, they are presumed to appeal to common sense of common people, seek to divine mood swings of an increasingly volatile electorate, and to shape their political programs accordingly." Because of high popularity, radical right wing populism becomes stronger. The main purpose of today's political and social elite is to stop or to prevent European societies from the possibility of becoming xenophobic nations full of fair and hatred. The way of preventing xenophobia and radical right wing populism is to create a unified and common European identity. "The future of radical right-wing populism ultimately depends on the degree on which it manages to incorporate the question of national identity into a coherent political program". Since this question was successfully unified in the Western democracies, it is possible that these parties and xenophobic radicalism can come to new EU member states: to Lithuania as well.

21st century is called the century of democracy. But if you take a look at the contemporary political discourse and recent situation, it is evident that the real situation is far from the described above. "The resurgence of ideological and political turbulence in the late 1960s, social conflicts rising in the early 1970s, and the spread of mass protest by new social movements and citizen initiatives in the 1980s were symptoms of a profound transformation of West European politics". This transformation united xenophobia and the populist ideology into one strong phenomenon that became very popular among the European societies. "Populist parties are generally thought of as lacking grand visions on comprehensive ideological projects. Instead, they are presumed to appeal to common sense of common people, seek to divine mood swings of an increasingly volatile electorate, and to shape their political programs accordingly." Because of high popularity, radical right wing populism becomes stronger. The main purpose of today's political and social elite is to stop or to prevent European societies from the possibility of becoming xenophobic nations full of fair and hatred. The way of preventing xenophobia and radical right wing populism is to create a unified and common European identity. "The future of radical right-wing populism ultimately depends on the degree on which it manages to incorporate the question of national identity into a coherent political program". Since this question was successfully unified in the Western democracies, it is possible that these parties and xenophobic radicalism can come to new EU member states: to Lithuania as well.