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現代信息技術,以其多元、快速的優勢使人們對中國的民主抱以樂觀的態度。公民參與是一個健康的民主制度的核心要素,如何促進公民的政治參與一直是政治參與研究領域的焦點問題。在互聯網時代,尤其是社交媒體的出現,其廉價、方便、互動性的技術優勢大大增加了政治參與的可行性。大學學生是"互聯網一代"和中國知識分子的代表。因此,了解他們的社會媒體使用行為如何影響其政治知識、政治感知和政治行為、對於認識未來中國的政治變革是重要的。本研究提出"社交媒體使用"及"在線新聞使用"兩個概念,並以此視作政治參與和民主實踐研究範疇下的新討論焦點。 ; 本研究主要探討以下問題:(1)大學生通過何種渠道在線獲取新聞;(2)大學生使用不同的媒體平台獲取新聞的情況如何;(3)在線新聞使用同傳統新聞媒體使用之間的關係如何;(4)計算機能力,互聯網自我效能感,在線和離線新聞使用,社交媒體使用,政治知識,政治效能,政治信任和政治參與等核心變量之間的關係; 以及(5)計算機能力,互聯網自我效能感,在線和離線新聞使用,社交媒體使用之於政治知識、政治感知和政治參與的相對重要性。 ; 本研究採用定量的研究方法。研究的主體是對中國大陸在校大學本科及研究生進行問卷調查;調查前,焦點小組輔助研究結構建立與問卷設計。問卷調查採用多階層整群抽樣的方法,在北京抽取了兩所"elite工程"大學,在長春及杭州各抽取一所非"elite工程"大學的學生參與,樣本數量為624人。研究結果顯示,當中97.4% 的受訪者均使用互聯網獲取新聞。因子分析結果顯示,中國內地大學生主要經由三種信息渠道在線獲取新聞,分別是海外新聞渠道、社交媒體渠道,以及官方新聞渠道。不同信息渠道的使用者其政治常識、政治效能和政治信任亦有所區別。同時,本研究還發現傳統新聞同網絡新聞的使用之間存在互補的關係。 ; 研究結果顯示,人口學變量超越社交媒體和在線新聞使用兩個變量對中國內地大學生的政治認知及政治知識的形成發揮最重要的作用。研究還發現社交媒體和在線新聞在促進線上和線下政治參與方面具有很大潛力。結論部分將詳述本研究的貢獻與實踐意義。 ; Citizen participation is a core element of a healthy democracy, and what facilitates citizens' political activities has long been a central interest in political participation research. In the age of the Internet, especially with the appearance of social media, political participation is greatly facilitated by technology that makes information inexpensive, accessible, and interactive. Modern information technology, with its pluralism and fast speed, has made people optimistic about democracy. University students represent the Net generation and intellectuals in China; therefore, understanding how their social media use affects political knowledge, perception, and participation is valuable, to bring political change to China in the future. ; Expanding the line of previous research, this study aims to address the question of the democratic implications of social media use and online news seeking from the vantage point of how individuals seek news online and how such use may be related to several key indications of individuals' engagement in political life as citizens. Specifically, this study examines (a) the sources through which university students ...

Tsang, Stephanie Jean. ; "September 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-151). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Theoretical Background --- p.12 ; Deliberative and Participatory Democracies --- p.12 ; Interpersonal Discussion --- p.25 ; Online Political Engagement --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Framework --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Design and Methods --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Analysis and Results --- p.76 ; Results - Content Analysis --- p.76 ; Results - Survey --- p.82 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Discussions --- p.97 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Limitations and Future Studies --- p.114 ; Chapter Chapter 8: --- Appendices --- p.118 ; Appendix A --- p.118 ; Appendix B --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 9: --- References --- p.137

"This book explores from an aesthetic perspective how mobile phone technology, including mobile phone cameras, are used, and the impact this has on individual creativity and innovation, and on culture, sociality and aesthetics. Based on extensive original research including an ethnographic investigation of how specific images were created and distributed, it argues not that a new form of individual creativity is occurring, rather that a more distributed form of creativity now exists"--

Zhang Yong. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 121-130). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: The Problem of Ideational Change --- p.1 ; The Articulation of Ideas and Practices --- p.2 ; Thesis Organization --- p.9 ; Methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Audience and Masses: Articulating with Different Media Institutions and Practices --- p.13 ; Social Construction of Audience --- p.14 ; The Reification of Masses and the Birth of Media Ideology --- p.22 ; The Institutionalization of Masses --- p.30 ; Legitimacy Crisis --- p.40 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- "The Introduction of ""Audience"": Localization and Transformation.……" --- p.42 ; Localization --- p.43 ; Transformation --- p.57 ; Hybridization: Mixing of Masses and Audience --- p.65 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Audience Survey: The Legitimation of Audience --- p.69 ; Capitalist Democracy: Three Types of Surveys in the US --- p.71 ; Rescuing the Political Authority: Three Types of Surveys in China --- p.76 ; Appropriation --- p.80 ; Incorporation --- p.88 ; Institutionalization --- p.98 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.109 ; Appendix --- p.117 ; References --- p.121

Li Yee Ching, Magdalene. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 154-160). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgments --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.ii ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction ; Overview --- p.1 ; Research Objective --- p.5 ; Conceptualization --- p.7 ; Organization of the paper --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Communication and Collective Memory ; Overview --- p.13 ; Collective Memory and Social Changes --- p.20 ; Collective Memory and Political Changes --- p.22 ; Mass Media and Collective Memory --- p.23 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Research Design ; Discourse Analysis of the Representation of June4 --- p.31 ; Data Analysis --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Initial Frames of Remembrance of the Tiananmen Incident in1989 ; The Structure of the Available Past --- p.38 ; The 1989 Pro-Democracy Movement in Beijing --- p.40 ; Framing the June 4 Incident in the Hong Kong Context --- p.45 ; Contextualizing the 1989 Pro-democracy Movement --- p.56 ; June 4 and the Hong Kong Media --- p.61 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- The First Anniversary of the Crackdown in1990 ; Commemoration and Collective Memory --- p.66 ; The Commemoration Project of June4 --- p.67 ; The Media as a Field of Memory --- p.68 ; Cultivating Collective Memory --- p.70 ; Interpreting the Changes in Memory --- p.77 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- The 5th Anniversary of June 4 in1994 ; The Script of the June 4 Anniversary --- p.80 ; The Commemoration Project in1994 --- p.81 ; Shifting Media Representations of Key Players --- p.83 ; Subdued Commemoration of the Media --- p.91 ; The Context of Changes in the June 4 Memory --- p.93 ; The Role of the Media --- p.96 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- The June 4 Incident Commemoration on the Eve of the1997 Handover ; Contradictions in the Memory of June4 --- p.101 ; Media's Coverage and the June 4 Commemoration --- p.103 ; Representation of Major Actors in1997 --- p.104 ; Media's Interpretation of the Meaning of June4 --- p.113 ; Interpreting the ...

Unauthorised use of the trademark logo on social media on a massive scale has led to frequent legal conflicts between trademark holders, social media providers and internet users and legal uncertainty. The thesis concludes that trademark infringement and dilution laws in the U.S. and EU are inadequate to solve this problem. The trademark logo on social media should be protected against unauthorised use, even though it is not used to sell the good or service the trademark indicates, but is used in a commercial environment. Two premises for any solution are that first the enforcement should be made automatic, since litigation on a case-by-case basis is not scalable, and second that the safe harbour provisions for online service providers, that aggravate the problem, should be substituted for strict liability. The trademark logo can be seen as the personification of the trademark holder, and one can argue that the stability of the trademark logo is not only in the interest of the trademark holder but also of society at large. One can argue that trademark dilution already provides a kind of moral right of integrity for the trademark logo. However, this right is limited to trademark logos that are considered famous or have a reputation, and, moreover, that are used in a commercial way. This thesis argues that also the trademark logo that did not reach the requested level of fame or reputation and is used in a non-commercial way should also be protected against unauthorised use on social media. Therefore the moral right of integrity is proposed for the trademark logo. Until the law will be amended to include a moral right of integrity for the trademark logo, this thesis suggests to implement proactive solutions in the walled gardens of social media as a testing ground for potential legislation. This automated solution is scalable, makes intellectual property protection and enforcement not only effective but also more calibratable to social policy goals and will inevitable lead to an algorithmic justice. ...

Adelaide Nga-yan Lau. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2001. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-158). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.p. 1 -4 ; Theoretical Framework --- p.p.5-25 ; The Habermasian public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Universal access ; Chapter ■ --- Topics of public concern ; Chapter ■ --- Rational discussion ; Gatekeeping in production ; Chapter ■ --- Individual gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Organizational gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Impact of commercialization ; Phone-in Programs as Media Public Spheres --- p.p.26-46 ; Factors for developing public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Capitalism ; Chapter ■ --- Freedom of expression ; Media and political communication in Hong Kong ; Political and social contexts of radio phone-in programs ; Chapter ■ --- Period of germination ; Chapter ■ --- Period of recognition ; Chapter ■ --- Period of flourishing ; Three radio phone-in programs in Hong Kong ; Chapter ■ --- RTHK's Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Commercial Radio's Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Metro Radio's Metropolitics ; Methodology --- p.p.47-55 ; Data collection ; Chapter ■ --- The Robert Chung case ; Data analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Content analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Discourse analysis ; Analysis I - Universal Access --- p.p.56-76 ; Technologies enhance accessibility ; Equal opportunity for callers ; Selecting calls ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Metropolitics ; What is universal access? ; Analysis II - Topics of Public Concern --- p.p.77-96 ; Topics initiated by the public ; Handling of topics initiated by the public ; Characteristics of pre-set discussion topics ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Metropolitics ; Who sets the media agenda? ; Analysis III - Rational Discussion ...

「何謂社運成果」是過去一段時間社運研究的主要範圍。回顧文獻,關於「社運成果」(Movement outcome)的討論都圍繞政府對運動的政策回應。然而,本研究則針對政府對運動的論述回應,從政策回應(Policy responsiveness)及論述回應(Discursive responsiveness)兩個維度,探討分析社運成果的其他可能性。尤其是,本研究會著重探討「論述挪用」(Discursive appropriation)的操作及對社運成果的影響。 ; 所謂論述挪用,即政府選擇性地取用社運認知框架(Movement frame)作為政策認知框架(Policy frame),局部地回應社運團體及抗爭者的政策訴求,藉此表示已經作出政策回應,同時把社運團體及抗爭者依賴的認知框架收為己用。 ; 本研究以「高官問責制」及保育政策為個案,嘗試整理論述挪用的產生因素和機制。本研究提出論述機會結構(Discursive opportunity structure)及關鍵突發事件(Critical incident)作為主要的背景因素,促使社運認知框架及媒介認知框架(Media frame)產生互動及不同能動者的論述角逐,構成可供政府挪用的民意。最後,政府選擇了合用的論述,制定政策或作出政策轉變,並指為對社運團體及公眾作出了回應。 ; 本研究的結果給現時關於社運成果的文獻一個重要提示:如果加入論述回應去分析社運成果,實在不能排除,在論述挪用的操作下,某個特定時刻的社運成果,其實難以持續。更甚者,當本來的社運論述已經被政府收為己用,除非有新一波關鍵突發事件出現,否則,在缺乏論述資源下,社運團體關注的議程往往難以再獲得社會關注,再次推展運動。 ; 關鍵字:社運成果、認知框架、公共論述、論述機會結構、高官問責制、古蹟保育 ; "To what extent a social movement is successful" is the question that the current social movement research focuses on asking. While the conventional discussion of "movement outcome" emphasizes on the government's response in terms of the policy change, this research aims at enriching the discussion by looking into the government's discursive responsiveness as the additional dimension to analyze movement outcome. In particular, it focuses on the conceptual possibility of "discursive appropriation". It means that the government appropriated the movement frame for the initiatives of policy that seemed to be made in response to the social movement. ; With Hong Kong as the research context, the Accountability System for Principal Officials and the policies of heritage conservation were the case studies of the research. To look into the mechanism of discursive appropriation, the research identified discursive opportunity structure and critical incidents as the contextual factors for the discursive contest. Then the circulation of movement frame and media frame constituted as the major part of public opinion. Finally, the bias and limitation of the media and the challengers enabled the government to selectively appropriate certain part of the public discourse for ...

公共事務知識對許多政治過程都有至關重要的意義。通過獲取公共事務知識,個體公民得以認清切身利益,並由此與公共生活形成一種認識論上的聯系。了解公共事務,也是公民進行有效協商和政治參與的前提。盡管西方政治傳播文獻對此多有探討,中國語境下的"知識獲取"研究卻相對匱乏。中國的媒介環境正處於劇烈變革之中:盡管國家管控依然存在,但市場化改革不斷深入,近年來互聯網逐漸跃升为信息交換、意見表達與社會動員的主流平台。媒介環境的變遷為研究"知識獲取"提供了意義豐富的語境。 ; 本研究旨在探索中國大學生通過不同傳播渠道獲取公共事務知識的机制。本研究的實證數據來源於一項針對北京、上海和廣州在校大學生的問卷調查。調查共收回1,135份有效問卷,回收率為78%。該研究使用多元回歸分析與觀察變量通經分析(Path analysis with observed variables)對樣本數據進行分析。 ; 本研究的主要發現有三個方面。首先,數據顯示新媒體渠道(如新聞網站和社交媒體)或已經開始取代傳統媒體渠道(如報紙和電視),成為最常規的新聞源。新聞獲取模式的改變,進一步導致不同媒介"致知"效果的變化。與以往研究不同,本研究發現新媒體新聞曝露可以增加使用者的公共事務知識,但傳統媒體的新聞曝露卻沒有類似效果。面對面的交談可以增加人們的公共事務知識和政治信息效能。然而社交媒體討論只能增加人們的政治信息效能,卻對實際的知識獲取沒有貢獻。 ; 其次,本研究認為,檢測媒介的"致知"效果時,將媒介使用操作化為"媒介注意力"並不一定優於"媒介曝露"。孰優孰劣取決於我們所關注的媒體類型。結果顯示,"媒介曝露"能更好地檢測新媒體對知識獲取的影響,而"媒介注意力"則更有效地檢測傳統媒體對知識獲取的影響。這個區別並不只是一個技術問題,它關涉到知識獲取研究的理論假設。不同操作化所帶來的效果區別,可能與媒介使用模式的變化以及媒介使用時信息處理模式的改變有所關聯。 ; 第三,中國公共事務知識的生產與傳播是一個政治建構的過程。媒介管控與互聯網治理則是這個建構過程的重要機制。主流媒體供給"主流知識"並以其構建一個關於社會現實的"主流認知"。研究發現,事實上還存在一部分"另類知識"。中國的媒介體系推廣"主流知識"並且減少"另類知識"流通。本研究同時發現,盡管存在管控,新媒體渠道可以散播"另類知識"。 ; Public affairs knowledge plays a vital part in many political processes. By gaining public affairs knowledge, individual citizens discern their own interests and concerns, thus epistemologically connecting themselves to public life. Knowledge about public affairs is also a prerequisite for effective deliberation and political engagement. Though it has attracted much attention in Western political communication scholarship, knowledge acquisition has not been fully extended to the context of China. Few studies have examined public affairs knowledge in China's rapidly transitioning, yet still controlled, media environment, where the Internet has lately risen to be a dominant platform for information exchange, opinion expression, and social mobilization. ; This study explores how people can gain knowledge about public affairs through different communication channels in China's complex media environment. The data come from a paper-and-pencil survey of college students in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. The survey generated 1,135 valid responses, ...

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

本文從技術的政治經濟學視角,觀察中國上世紀七十年代末八十年代的廣播電視大學運動,主要采用文獻分析的方法,試圖去回答,爲什麽電大教育會從單位辦學制、個人自學制、學校辦學制這三種模式存走向單一的學校辦學體制?在電大運動所歸屬的更大的高教去國家化運動當中,爲什麽社會自治主義、新自由主義與電大教育接合失敗,而國家主義却成功了?爲了回答這些或具體或抽象的問題,本文在前人研究的基礎上提出了「新發展主義」的概念作爲分析工具,指出「效率範式」是七十年代末八十年代新發展主義的主要再現形式,它有追求「生産效率優先」和「成本效率」的兩個方面。在「發展主義範式轉移」的語境下,電大運動是國家以「技術動員」的方式徵用社會經濟資本實現人力資本積累的表現。通過使用新發展主義的「集中性-去集中性」這一對框架性工具,本文指出了社會自治主義表現爲「兩種效率衝突」以及「教育低效」的「反效率」,以及新自由主義表現爲「配置低效」的「反效率」,而與之相比,國家主義反倒因爲教育專業主義和機會平等政治的追求,而與新發展主義的效率追求形成了一致性。新發展主義與社會自治主義、新自由主義和國家主義在這一時期的「接合」與「接合失敗」,是單位辦學制與個人自學制的衰落,以及「公立非公費」的「學校辦學制」日漸崛起的原因。此外,本文從「新發展主義」出發,還提出了「改革辯證法」的認識論,作爲從「改革之交」理解共産中國的一種嘗試。 ; From the perspective of political economy of technology, this research aims to analyze the Chinese Broadcasting and Television University Movement(TVUM) , and to answer two sets of questions: 1) During the TVUM in late 1970s and 1980s, why did the "university-organized learning" model rise? Why did the "danwei-organized learning" model and the "self-learning" model decline simultaneously? 2) Why was the TVUM articulated with Statism successfully? Why did the articulation of the TVUM with Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism fail ? Documentary analysis is the main research method. In order to answer the questions above, this research constructs the efficiency-oriented model to illustrate and explain Chinese economic development in late 1979s and 1980s. In the context of the paradigm shift of developmentalism, the TVUM took it as the main purpose to promote the accumulation of human capital. In contrast with the "anti-efficiency" of Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism, this research identifies that Statism unexpectedly presents its consistency with the effenciency-oriented model by combining the professionalism of education and equal-opportunity politics. The rise and the declination in the TVUM are attributed to the success and the failure of articulation with the efficenecy-oriented model respectively. Moreover, this research preliminarily constructs "the dialectics of the reform" as the perspective of interpreting Communist ...