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現有的媒體-抗爭互動機制研究,其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體-抗爭互動現象,這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件,探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時,形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點,以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具,來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 ; 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程,同時試圖建構出媒體-運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭,以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談,以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛,並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 ; 本文的主要貢獻,是通過考察威權語境中的媒體-運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先,媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題,由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次,在運動的架構過程中,抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略,具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛,並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後,新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制,使得抗爭事件停留於報端,令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念,將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 ; 以上發現表明,媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者,其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件,雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭,使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇,由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 ; Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. ; Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media ...

Introduction -- Discourse and media -- Methodology -- Frequency analysis of lexis in the PTC and STC -- Concordance analysis on words directly referencing terrorism in the PTC and the STC -- Contrasting the social contexts of China and the UK -- Conclusions

"耽美"来源于日本,是以女性读者群为主要受众、描写男性与男性之间浪漫关系或性关系的文学或艺术作品,也被称为BL(Boy's Love)。喜爱耽美的女性爱好者被称为"腐女"。耽美文化自1990 年代后期随着日本流行文化进入中国,至今已在中国网络空间中逐渐发展成为一个主要由女性网民所组成的,包含文本创作、阅读与交流的文化圈。与此同时,耽美文化的流行亦引发了中国当下种种对性与性别问题的思考。 ; 本研究将耽美文化解译为"女性幻想男男之爱"的欲望结构,从精神分析幻想理论与酷儿理论的视角来考察中国网络中的耽美文化现象。论文所围绕的一个问题是,耽美文化与中国社会文化中的性/别话语产生了怎样的关系,以及如何从腐女的耽美幻想中搭建起与现实性/别政治的联系。研究首先分析了两类网络耽美小说文本,分别来看它们与1990年代以后的"男同性恋"身份话语,和2000年代以后对"中国古典文化"想象之间的吸收、挪用与再创造;其次以网络腐女圈的论坛讨论与配对狂欢为对象,研究网络耽美式恶搞对官方媒体、主流男性形象和异性恋规范的权威所潜在的颠覆性;最后以2011年一桩"腐女被抓案"新闻报道为契机,来观察耽美文化与网络淫秽色情审查的纠葛、冲突与可能的出路。 ; 欲望幻想的流动性决定着它边界的模糊与开放,以及它承载、影响乃至侵扰"现实"秩序的功能。因此,作为一种女性的男性同性情欲幻想,本研究视耽美文化最引人注目的地方不在于其本身的出现与流行程度,而在于它与各种性/别话语的相互建构与矛盾冲突。此外,在对幻想文本、网络话语以及腐女群体的调查中,本研究也期待探索某种"酷儿"政治在中国网络文化中生产的可能性。 ; Boy's love (BL in short; danmei in Chinese) is a Japanese term for female-oriented fictional media, which focuses on love, sex and romance between beautiful androgynous boys or young men. Apart from the gay self-representations, BL is a genre of male homoeroticism by and for mostly heterosexual women. In China, the BL fans call themselves "Fu Nu", which means "rotten girl", to describe their enthusiasm for fantasizing male homosexuality. BL originated from Japanese amine, comic and game youth culture, and has since become a transnational phenomenon all over the world with a global fan base. As such, the phenomenon of boy's love had already aroused a lot of discussions in relation to ideologies of gender and sexuality from different cultural and social perspectives. BL fandom in China's culture context with its "Chinese characteristics" also deserves particular attention, when it opens up a fantastic space for Chinese woman to practice their sexuality beyond non-heterosexual norms. ; However there is limited work that considers the queer sexuality of female BL fans in China, in relation to the queer texts and queer discourses they create. There is also little research that explores the capacity of boy's love netizens to resist the on-going internet surveillance by the Chinese government of information deemed 'sexually inappropriate' ...

微博在中国的互联网上十分流行,这对中国宣传机构的信息控制形成了新的挑战。微博可以使信息得到快速和广泛的传播,从而增加了国家宣传机器进行信息控制的难度。本文试图探讨微博可以在多大程度上帮助网民挑战政府对信息的控制。通过分析在新浪微博上收集的数据,本文发现微博对宣传工作的挑战有四种机制。首先,基于对微博上热门政治信息的分析,本文发现微博上的部分话语权由媒体转向个人,同时出现了一批对政府持批判态度的超级网民。其次,对于一些热点事件,微博与传统媒体的报道角度与侧重点不同,从而使得中国的政治信息更加多元化 。第三,虽然中央政府可以实现对微博的有效审查,但地方政府时常不能控制微博上的报道。第四,网民通过微博上的信息运动,可以将某些传统媒体不愿报道的事件问题化,这对中国传统媒体的自我审查形成了冲击。本文认为微博可以帮助人民挑战国家的信息控制。 ; The micro-blog, with its huge popularity in recent years, poses a new challenge to the propaganda state in China. The micro-blog is able to spread information fast and reach a wide audience. The liberating potential of the micro-blog on the information flow is in conflict with the control efforts from the propaganda state. It is puzzling then the extent to which the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to counter the information control. Based on the data collected from Sina Weibo, this study finds the propaganda state is challenged by the micro-blog through four mechanisms. First, analysis of political posts demonstrates a partial shift of discursive power from media to individuals and a rise of critical super-netizens in the micro-blog. Second, the posts in the micro-blog report the controversial issues in a different way than the traditional media that contributes to the pluralization of political information. Third, the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to expose certain information that the local government would like to censor. Forth, the netizens are able to problematize certain issues through information movement that challenge the self-censorship of media. This study concludes that the micro-blog is able to empower the people in the battle between state and society on what is fit to know. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Yang, Shen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-98). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES --- p.VI ; Chapter CHAPTER I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- ...

Zhang Weiyu. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-177). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter I --- Subaltern Public Spheres on the Internet --- p.5 ; Democracy and the Internet --- p.5 ; Public sphere as a democratic ideal --- p.7 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere --- p.8 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Multiple public spheres --- p.11 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere vs. multiple public spheres --- p.17 ; Public sphere and the Internet --- p.21 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere on the Internet --- p.23 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Multiple public spheres on the Internet --- p.27 ; Chapter II --- Subaltern Public Spheres in China --- p.30 ; The history of Chinese civil society --- p.30 ; Civil society in contemporary China --- p.32 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Definitions of civil society --- p.32 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Trade union and the caged social organizations --- p.34 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Entrepreneurial class and the incorporated social organizations --- p.36 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Discussions --- p.38 ; Multiple public spheres in contemporary China --- p.39 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Mass media and the dominant public sphere --- p.41 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The premises of subaltern public sphere in China --- p.42 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Subaltern public spheres in contemporary China --- p.44 ; Chapter III --- Research Questions and Research Design --- p.48 ; Research questions --- p.48 ; Research site: an online discussion board of movies --- p.48 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Why BBS? --- p.49 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Why movies? --- p.51 ; Research methods --- p.54 ; Chapter IV --- Bulletin Boards as Subaltern Public Spheres --- p.57 ; Introduction of Rear Window --- p.58 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The development of Rear Window --- p.59 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The contents on Rear Window --- p.61 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The users of Rear Window --- p.63 ; Accessibility of Rear Window --- p.65 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Accessibility of the Internet in China --- p.65 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Accessibility of ...

Li Shuk-wan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-203). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.I ; 摘要 --- p.II ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.III ; Chapter CHAPTER 1. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Statement of Goals --- p.1 ; The Feminization of The Occupation --- p.4 ; Setting: The Development of Gender Rights in Hong Kong --- p.10 ; Literature Review --- p.11 ; Methodology --- p.20 ; Field Observation --- p.23 ; About Skyhawk Air --- p.24 ; Questionnaires with the General Public --- p.25 ; Media Data --- p.25 ; Field and Thesis Languages --- p.26 ; Ethical Issues --- p.26 ; Outline of Thesis --- p.27 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2. --- "NEGOTIATING ""HUNGJE"" STEREOTYPES IN PUBLIC DISCOURSE" --- p.30 ; "Discourse, Ideologies, and the Normalized Public" --- p.30 ; Images of Hungje in the Media: The Public/Private Dichotomy --- p.33 ; Kind and Caring Mothers --- p.35 ; Friendly Neighbors --- p.37 ; Agents of Smile --- p.38 ; Beauty Icon --- p.41 ; Sex Icon --- p.44 ; Stereotypical Images of Hungje in Public Discourse --- p.47 ; FAs' Responses to Stereotypical Images in Public Discourse --- p.49 ; """Hungje and the Public/Private Dichotomy" --- p.50 ; """I am a Flight Attendant"" and ""I Work in the Airline Industry """ --- p.52 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3. --- RECRUITING THE RELEVANT BODY --- p.62 ; Experiences of Recruitment --- p.62 ; """To See and To Be Seen""" --- p.66 ; Phoenix Air Recruitment --- p.68 ; The Face --- p.68 ; "A """Pro ´ح Dress Code" --- p.70 ; The Arm-Reach --- p.71 ; "The ""Official"" FA Image" --- p.72 ; Tiger Air Recruitment --- p.73 ; The Arm-Reach --- p.73 ; The Standing Posture --- p.73 ; The FA Image --- p.74 ; The Sitting Posture --- p.75 ; "The ""Official"" FA Image" --- p.76 ; The Skin --- p.77 ; The Hairstyle --- p.78 ; Body Gestures --- p.79 ; Pre-Employment Briefing --- p.81 ; Conclusion --- p.82 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4. --- CREATING AN APPROPRIATE MARKETABLE IMAGE --- p.84 ; The Training Course --- p.85 ; Image Management at ...

Chan Chi Kit. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-213). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of figures --- p.vii ; Forward --- p.viii ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction: democratization of Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Chapter 2. --- Hegemony: its origins and formation --- p.7 ; Chapter i. --- The origins: Gramsci's ideas of Hegemony --- p.8 ; Chapter ii. --- Hegemonic formation and ideological interpellation --- p.11 ; Chapter iii. --- Discourse analysis and hegemonic formation --- p.14 ; Chapter 3. --- Formation of hegemony and public discourse: Arguments and criticisms --- p.20 ; Chapter i. --- Public discourse and media representation --- p.21 ; Chapter ii. --- Public discourse and social formation --- p.24 ; Chapter iii. --- Social formation and discursive struggles: an analytical model to contemplate hegemonic formation in public discourse --- p.32 ; Chapter iv. --- Criticisms and implication on resistance strategy --- p.40 ; Chapter 4. --- Research questions and methodology --- p.45 ; Chapter i. --- Formation of state hegemony in public discourse: an indicator --- p.47 ; Chapter ii. --- Methodology: textual analysis and documentation --- p.52 ; Chapter iii. --- Sampling of media text --- p.55 ; Chapter 5. --- Democratization of Hong Kong: A brief review --- p.61 ; Chapter i. --- Establishing the state ideological discourse --- p.62 ; Chapter ii. --- Democratization: before and after the handover --- p.63 ; Chapter iii. --- Hegemony and Hong Kong democratization --- p.73 ; Chapter 6. --- Never be a base of subversion': Chinese state discourse toward Hong Kong --- p.75 ; Chapter i. --- Discursive logic of China's state discourse: its background and formation --- p.77 ; Chapter ii. --- Discursive strategy of China's state discourse: building up authoritative and professional image --- p.90 ; Chapter iii. --- Establishment of China's state discourse: social formation and discursive struggle --- p.110 ; Chapter 7. --- Public discourse of Hong ...

Ma Lai Yee. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-109). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Abstract (English version) --- p.ii ; Abstract (Chinese version) --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Political use of the Internet: Utopian or distopian? --- p.1 ; Virtual communities and social movements --- p.4 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Political and Technological Landscape in Hong Kong ; Chapter I) --- Political Background ; The Handover of Hong Kong to China in1997 --- p.7 ; The Tradition of Pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong --- p.8 ; The 1 July Rally in2003 --- p.9 ; Chapter II) --- Technological Background ; Internet Penetration in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Review of Literature ; Chapter I) --- "Internet, Uses and Gratifications and political effects" ; The Uses and Gratifications Approach: Theoretical assumptions --- p.14 ; Uses and Gratifications and the Internet --- p.15 ; Gratifications and Political media use --- p.17 ; "Internet usage, Gratifications and Political effects" --- p.19 ; Chapter II) --- "Social movement, collective identity and the Internet" ; Social Movements in contemporary social context --- p.23 ; Collective Identity in Social Movements --- p.26 ; Identity Formation in Computer-mediated Communication --- p.28 ; The Internet as a Social Movement Medium --- p.30 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Cyberactivism in Hong Kong ; 1 July Protest and Cyber Activism in Hong Kong --- p.36 ; The Case: Yumkung.com --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology ; Research Design and Sampling --- p.44 ; Survey Sample Profile --- p.45 ; Content Analysis --- p.46 ; Textual Analysis --- p.47 ; Measurements of variables --- p.48 ; Analytical Procedures --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results and Interpretations ; Gratifications of Yumkung.com from Survey --- p.52 ; Gratifications of Yumkung. com from Content Analysis --- p.54 ; Collective Identity from textual Analysis --- p.60 ; Correlational ...

本論文以政治學及心理學的理論為基礎,探討社會人士的集體行動及政治參與行為及其背後的心理因素,以及網上新聞的普及對這些行為、意向是否具催化作用。根據政治學及社會心理學文獻,團體在社會得到的社會認定「social identity」)及個人對自身的政治功效意識 (「political efficacy」)往往是影響人們集體行動及政治參與(稱「團體參與行動」「intergroup participatory actions」)程度的決定因素。不過,個人/團體對集體行動的參與意向跟媒體使用及社會人士的實際參與之間的關係在文獻中似乎從未提到。然而,這方面的研究在現今數碼時代十分重要。 ; 關於網上新聞的影響,主要的文獻論述有二:工具性論述指出網上資訊澎湃、隨手可得,且成本極低,網上新聞的使用對社會人士參與政治有直接影響(本論文將驗證此觀點,是為假設一);心理學論述指出網上新聞對人們的影響視乎個人既有的心理素質。本文主張個人參與集體行動及參與政治的意向在於人們是否能從這些行動中得到高度的「社會認定」及「政治功效意識」;而這兩方面又可隨著個人接觸的網上資訊增加而得以提昇,因為人們傾向選擇接收那些肯定他們既有看法及態度的資訊(即「選擇性暴露理論」),以及那些提昇他們對某社群歸屬感的資訊(即「使用與滿足理論」)。本文提出下列觀點,並加以驗證:網上新聞的普及提昇「個人功效意識」(假設二)、提昇「集體功效意識」(假設三)、提昇參與團體行動人士得到的「社會認定」(假設四),而個人/團體從社會認定中得到的滿足對他們實際參與團體行動有驅動作用(假設五)。 ; 本文對在美國及香港具代表性的民意調查作出分析,分析結果跟上列的假設吻合。然後進行了一項實驗,其結果指出「個人功效意識」或可作為「政治功效意識」內一有效的獨立準則。本人在美國及香港進行民意調查(各地兩項;所涉及的調查相隔一年),並作迴歸分析,以驗證上述有關社會人士參與集體行動及政治意向的假設,研究重點包括人們的投票意向、示威意向、議題參與意向及公民參與意向。研究結果支持假設一(即工具性論述)及假設三(即有關「集體功效意識」的心理學論述)的有效性。假設二(有關「個人功效意識」)及假設四(有關「社會認定」)可作進一步驗證。研究中所有具統計學顯著意義的結果卻否定了假設五(有關「社會認定」對個人/團體帶來的滿足程度)的有效信度。 ; 最後,研究局限、結果應用等亦會在文中細述。 ; Applying an interdisciplinary and integrative theoretical perspective and framework, this thesis is concerned with the role of Internet news on collective action and political participation, and the important moderating role of certain psychological antecedents on the relationship. The literature shows that identification with a group (social identity) and the feeling that one could make a substantive difference (political efficacy) are two important predictors of such actions (termed "intergroup participatory actions in this thesis). However, the processes that link the antecedents of participatory behaviors to media use and then to actual participation have been neglected. Such an examination is important in the digital age where the Internet provides citizens a media environment where access to information about politics and social causes is easy, cheap and abundant. ; Two views of the impact of Internet are prevalent in the literature. The "instrumental" view argues that Internet use has a direct effect on ...

許多學者討論了現代社會之非正規移民;然而,我們對這些移民的主體性知之甚少。世界體系的發展令國家邊界及公民身份政治有所改變,當今世界有超過五千萬非正規移民,理解其生活的志向和追索其現實有一定意義。香港大約有七千名非華裔非正規移民,其中估計75%來自南亞,此研究通過分析香港法外移民的案例,探索非正規移民之理想的建構與達成。儘管香港自從1841年成為英國殖民地後,與這個次大陸關係密切,此現象僅僅追溯到十年前,部分原因來自於後9-11歐美西方的嚴格移民政策之變化。 ; 在香港這個單一民族的社會,貧困的非華裔移民鶴立雞群,收到社會和政治的不公正待遇,為什麼這些移民還要過來?這裡的故事並非人們對非正規移民所想像的人口販賣、恐怖手段和暴力,而是關於移民文化所導致的需要研究出口移民的必要性,以及尋找全球和都市身份的媒體影響,和失足移民假扮成功人士,以掩蓋他們未能實現離家時許下的諾言的羞恥。儘管他們知道被罪化人生的風險和危險,也許還有更重要的未來等待他們的失敗,為什麼南亞人選擇在社會邊緣以非法公民的身份生存,而且繼續複製在海外出人頭地的神話?此研究基於一年的深入訪問和超過三個月的參與觀察,觀察香港非法南亞人的人生軌跡,分析他們如何建構非法的夢想,實現了什麼志願,以及如何延續由始至終以渴望成功打造的幻覺。 ; Many scholars have discussed irregular migration in contemporary societies; however, we know little of the subjectivities of these migrants. With considerable developments in the world system marking changes in the policing of national borders and politics of citizenship, it is of some significance to understand the processes that drive the motivations and trace the realities of over fifty million irregular migrants living in the world today. This research sheds light on the construction and realization of aspirations for irregular migration by examining cases of extralegal migrants in Hong Kong, where estimates suggest that 75 percent of the approximately 7,000 strong irregular non-Chinese migrant population comes from the South Asia. Despite Hong Kong's close connections to the subcontinent since the city's establishment as a British colony in 1841, this particular phenomenon dates back only ten years, stemming partially from strict changes in migration in the post-9/11 Euro-American West. ; In a society that is as ethnically homogenous as Hong Kong where the poorer non-Chinese immigrants clearly stand out and are open to social and political injustice, why do these migrants still come? The stories heard here are not of trafficking, terror and violence as one might expect from cases of irregular migrants, but instead, of cultures of migration creating obligations to engage in out-migration, media influence encouraging the search for global and cosmopolitan ...

He Huijie. ; Thesis submitted in: October 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-160). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; An Introduction to Phoenix Satellite Television --- p.3 ; Television as a Medium --- p.9 ; Research Questions --- p.13 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.15 ; Review for the Sociological Approach on Media Studies --- p.15 ; Review of the Perspective of Political Economy of Communication --- p.21 ; Review for Related Chinese Communication Studies --- p.26 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Methodology --- p.31 ; Quantitative Research --- Content Analysis --- p.31 ; Chapter 1. --- The Selection of Sample --- p.31 ; Chapter 2. --- Research Method-´ؤ-Content Analysis --- p.36 ; Chapter 3. --- Inter-coder Reliability --- p.39 ; Qualitative Research-Textual Comparison --- p.39 ; Chapter 1. --- The Selection of Sample --- p.39 ; Chapter (1) --- "SARS Reports,2003" --- p.40 ; Chapter (2) --- "July 1st Demonstration in Hong Kong,2003" --- p.41 ; Chapter 2. --- Research Method´ؤTextual Comparison --- p.42 ; Qualitative Research´ؤ´ؤIn-depth Interview --- p.43 ; Chapter 1. --- The Selection of Sample --- p.43 ; Chapter 2. --- Research Method --- In-depth Interview --- p.44 ; Qualitative Research´ؤParticipant Observation --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Content Analysis --- p.47 ; Frequency Analysis --- p.47 ; Chapter 1. --- Analysis --- p.48 ; Inter-coder Reliability --- p.50 ; Chapter 2. --- Summary --- p.52 ; Cross-Tabulation Analysis --- p.53 ; Chapter 1. --- Analysis Between the Internal Division and the Geographical Division --- p.54 ; Chapter 2. --- "Analysis Between the Geographical Division and the ""Political Perspective""" --- p.56 ; Comments --- p.59 ; News Favoring the Government Happening in Mainland China --- p.61 ; News Favoring the Government Happening in Hong Kong --- p.64 ; Chapter 3. --- "Analysis Between News Nature and ...

Yick, Man Kin. ; "August 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [193]-212). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Abstract in English --- p.iii ; Abstract in Chinese --- p.v ; Acknowledgement --- p.vii ; Contents --- p.x ; Abbreviations --- p.xiii ; "Lists of Tables, figures and graph" --- p.xv ; Chapter Section 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Purpose of the study --- p.4 ; Chapter Section 2 --- Historical development of social welfare sector and YWCA --- p.5 ; Conceptualizing NGOs --- p.5 ; Early colonial period to WWII: Formation of charity organization under minimal welfare provision of the government --- p.7 ; Post-WWII to 1960s: Government in need of SSOs for relief work and against communism --- p.9 ; 1960s to 1990s: Expansion of social welfare and state incorporation of SSOs --- p.10 ; From the 1990s: Towards a contractual relationship between SSOs and government in uncertain times --- p.12 ; YWCA has followed the footsteps of social service sector --- p.16 ; Chapter Section 3 --- Conceptualizing legitimacy repair --- p.18 ; Why legitimacy? --- p.18 ; Conceptualizing and defining legitimacy --- p.20 ; Typology of legitimacy --- p.22 ; Measurements of legitimacy --- p.25 ; Legitimacy repair --- p.25 ; Stakeholder and stakeholder politics --- p.28 ; Chapter Section 4 --- Analytical framework --- p.32 ; Determinants of degree of consistency of legitimacy repair strategies --- p.32 ; Chapter Section 5 --- Methodology --- p.35 ; A longitudinal single case study --- p.35 ; A qualitative research --- p.36 ; Why TO YWCA? --- p.36 ; Research method --- p.37 ; Field roles and field relations --- p.39 ; Informant selection --- p.40 ; A note on the role of media --- p.41 ; Ethical issues in this study --- p.42 ; Chapter Section 6 --- The setting: Tai 0 --- p.43 ; The administrative-political setting --- p.48 ; Local associations in Tai O --- p.51 ; Chapter Section 7 --- Legitimacy challenge on YWCA during 1988 District ...

自2003年始,反坝运动席卷中国,被誉为"第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落,却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无(正式)组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动,并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性,无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析,而得到解释。 ; 在中国特殊政治环境下,尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会,农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能?带着这一问题,本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架,以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论,对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 ; 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑,并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析,探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 ; 本论文发现:在全国反坝热潮背后,金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用:一是本土性社会文化因素;二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量;三是国家力量(包括"抽象国家"与"具体国家")的影响及其与本土的互动。 ; 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时,也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干,推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的"公民性"参与,孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间,由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力,有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分,为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 ; Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. ; However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. ; How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. ; This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It ...

The study of Chinese labour politics has returned to the centre of scholarly interest as China has increasingly become involved in global production and trade. As the incidence of labour dispute and workers' strikes continued to soar, ubiquitous cases of labour rights abuse have been widely reported by international media and academics. The literature of Marxist international political economy has long predicted the insurgency of the Chinese working class resulting from rising inequality, global capital movement and labour division. In contrast, traditional Chinese labour studies are inconclusive as to whether the Chinese working class has gained enough class consciousness to become a cohesive agent for social and political change. This research examines how rising economic, social and political inequalities have impacted on the Chinese working class's agency. The research shifts the focus from top-down structural analysis to workers' agency itself, with an emphasis on their cognitive strength. The research was undertaken via a two-case comparative study of the Chinese working class in four megacities and four smaller cities. Data came mostly from statistics and field interviews. This two-case comparative study concludes that, overall, the Chinese working class had a weak behavioural strength, as manifested by inconsistent wildcat-style strikes, which had no clear political strategies. This research also concludes that the working class's cognitive agency is weak and conservative, as manifested by a weak class identification, their poor understanding of democracy, their low willingness to participate in collective action, and their weak sense of class solidarity. I argue that inequalities and capital movement do not have a simple and unidirectional relationship with the working class's collective agency. On the one hand, inequalities and capital movement can arouse the working class's behavioural strength quickly. On the other hand, workers' cognitive strength is more inert and does not correspond neatly to these two factors. The research findings show that the megacities are more economically developed, with higher inequalities, but with considerably weaker and more conservative working class agency; whereas the smaller cities are less economically developed, with lower inequalities, but with less weak and conservative working class agency. The addition of cognitive strength as a new dimension of working class study provides a pluralist analytical framework for the study of Chinese labour. The new Chinese working class are better educated and more individualised with three main characteristics - occupation-based, precarious, and conservative - which distinguish them from the older generations of workers who had a clear group identification, such as the SOE workers in the 1990s, and the rural migrant workers in the 2000s. These theoretical and empirical findings open up possibilities of new strategies for effective labour organisation that should be considered by labour NGOs, civil society and the government. These players not only need to manage the working class action carefully, but also need to better understand the workers' complex cognitive situations.