Suchergebnisse

The article investigates the political mechanisms specific to contemporary Romanian politics and political parties, as well as those social representations related to gender roles and the
definition of family that have contributed to maintaining a low level of women participation in
Romanian politics after 1989. In a first part, it sets the conceptual context through a review of the
main theoretical approaches for the political representation of women, with an emphasis on
gender studies' cognitive dimension. Second, it connects a quantitative evaluation of women's
presence in the Romanian post communist parliament with a qualitative analysis of public (i.e.
mass media) discourse of the rejected legislative proposal to introduce gender quotas in various
political and social processes. The author finds that, beyond the dynamics of political elites'
recruitment and the functioning of the political "game", the ideological options and social
representations that emphasize the differences between men and women, as well the central role
of family in building gender roles play an essential part in maintaining a low number of women
within the Parliament.

The present study investigates the participation of French women at war as reflected in documents, media, diaries. Women emancipation, pacifism, socialism, feminism, are but a few issues introduced with this study. The main purpose was to analyze the impact of interventionist state policies on women life in France, and to reveal its social, political and cultural outcomes that altogether generated the upheaval of the French Civilization.

This article reveals the institutional characteristics of local public administration in the Republic of Moldova - local autonomy, decentralization of public services, eligibility of public authorities, and consultation of citizens in issues of major interest. From institutional point of view, the local public administration in the Republic of Moldova is insufficiently developed. Local autonomy is performed with long postponement. Most of the population is still under the influence of the idea that all the problems are solved at the central administration level, while the local public officials are just some executive agents at the local level.
Options related to decentralization as a requirement of administration's approach by the administratives, have been manifested more as a way of the central authorities to get rid of the problems that they themselves can not solve. Citizens' behavior in Moldova shows on a limited degree of control that can occur in connection with the social and political process. Forms of realization of the principle of consultation of citizens in matters of particular interest are consultations, public hearings and conversations. Although legally regulated, the referendum failed to materialize itself into a viable institution of participation. In this connection it is necessary to take into account the fact that the structure of the resistance of local public administration consists of its institutional roles, and assimilation of these ones is achieved on the basis of access to media materials.

The unification process for the workers' movements was the final step for the communists in their effort to gain total control of the political power. The tactics of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) were labeled "the salami tactics" because the party progressively eliminated all their enemies and used conjectural allies -such as the social democrats (PSD)- in order to reach their aim. This article describes the process whereby the organization of the PCR in alliance with the PSD obtained political power in the period 1945-1948 in the Ialomiţa county. The author focuses his analysis on two types of actions: the violent overtake of the local power (including mayors, police officers, governmental representatives, etc.) and the unification of the PCR and PSD in order to achieve a Single Workers' Party, in which the communists prevailed. As a result of the unification process, according to the official records, almost 7% of the population in this county was a member of the Single Workers' Party in February 1948. The Ialomiţa County is a very interesting, yet paradigmatic case, because in that period the region was a predominantly agricultural, with a small working class (2%), and the communists could not seize power by legal means. The study mainly relies upon local archival documents and upon the contemporary local media reports, which are carefully examined to discern between actual relevant data and their propagandistic content.