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The Government of Alberta suspended the Summer Temporary Employment Program (STEP) as part of Budget 2013. In response, the InterCity Forum on Social Policy (ICFSP) administered a survey to gauge the impact that the elimination of STEP would have on organizations in municipalities across Alberta. This document contains an executive summary, an analysis of the survey results, and a copy of the questionnaire that was completed by participating organizations.

The Government of Alberta suspended the Summer Temporary Employment Program (STEP) as part of Budget 2013. In response, the InterCity Forum on Social Policy (ICFSP) administered a survey to gauge the impact that the elimination of STEP would have on organizations in municipalities across Alberta. This document contains an executive summary, an analysis of the survey results, and a copy of the questionnaire that was completed by participating organizations.

My thesis examines whether dialogue is useful for negotiating Indigenous rights and solving intercultural conflict over Indigenous claims for recognition within Australia. As a social and political practice, dialogue has been put forward as a method for identifying and solving difficult problems and for promoting processes of understanding and accommodation. Dialogue in a genuine form has never been attempted with Indigenous people in Australia. Australian constitutionalism is unable to resolve Indigenous claims for recognition because there is no practice of dialogue in Indigenous policy. A key barrier in that regard is the underlying colonial assumptions about Indigenous people and their cultures which have accumulated in various ways over the course of history. I examine where these assumptions about Indigenous people originate and demonstrate how they have become barriers to dialogue between Indigenous people and governments. I investigate historical and contemporary episodes where Indigenous people have challenged those assumptions through their claims for recognition. Indigenous people have attempted to engage in dialogue with governments over their claims for recognition but these attempts have largely been rejected on the basis of those assumptions. There is potential for dialogue in Australia however genuine dialogue between Indigenous people and the Australian state is impossible under a colonial relationship. A genuine dialogue must first repudiate colonial and contemporary assumptions and attitudes about Indigenous people. It must also deconstruct the existing colonial relationship between Indigenous people and government.

In Argentina, the politics of economic globalization developed from the 1990s was characterized by economic liberalization and its reorientation towards external markets. But substantial technological modernization and adjustment policies eventually produce rising unemployment and reduced spending on social benefits. Public policies are interpreted only action the social sectors, biased state capacity to respond to the effects caused by the economic policies and reducing its performance to emergency situations. Social policies arising from these policies were characterized by a high cost allocated budget for implementation and results do little to solve the problems of poverty. Social programs have become a social control mechanism, through which actors with greater power have a strong influence to legitimate perspectives and ideologies in the areas of poverty. Focused in this way, the field of social assistance ends up producing a bureaucratization of public policy and a higher profile fragmented characterized by the breakdown of the actions, the lack of competition and unequal distribution of resources. ; En Argentina, la política de globalización económica desarrollada a partir de la década de 1990 se caracterizó por la apertura económica y su reorientación hacia el mercado externo. Pero, la modernización tecnológica importante y políticas de ajuste que terminaron produciendo el aumento del desempleo y la reducción del gasto público en coberturas sociales. Las políticas públicas se interpretaron sólo a la acción de los sectores sociales, parcializando la capacidad del Estado de responder a los efectos ocasionados por las políticas económicas y reduciendo su actuación a situaciones de emergencias. Las políticas sociales derivadas de estas políticas públicas, se caracterizaron por destinar un alto costo presupuestario para su implementación y resultados poco eficaces para resolver los problemas derivados de la pobreza. Los programas sociales se convirtieron en un mecanismo de control social, a través de los ...

Religion is a major aspect of human life that directly intersects with a number of social policy issues. Although much has been written about the religion-social policy nexus, the literature remains overly fragmented. Focusing primarily on Western Europe and North America, this review essay seeks to create a fruitful dialogue among the three main streams of research in the area, which respectively that focus on political parties, faith-based organisations, and individual behaviour. This essay has the goal of formulating a new, integrated agenda for future research on the religion and social policy nexus that also extends beyond Western societies.

Contemporary scholarship of the welfare state is turning strongly comparative, yielding among other fruits an increasingly rigorous comparative history. The 'social policy regime' is an analytic concept being developed to compare welfare states across time, place and types of political system. Usages to date have centred primarily on state/economy relations, giving little specific attention to gender. This paper attempts to extend the concept, identifying basic components of gender in the social policy regimes of the welfare state. Using examples from the Australian state, it suggests there are key dimensions of state/gender relations in such a regime. One dimension concerns the gender basis of legal personhood in the liberal democratic welfare state, including equality and difference in both legal authority over self and body and gender parities in obligation to contribute and right to claim the benefits of social citizenship. A second dimension concerns labour and the relation between state and economy: the key question here concerns how the sexual division of labour is institutionalised in paid employment and closely associated social policy fields such as education and child care. The third dimension of family and reproduction is already widely recognised as a strongly gendered area of social policy. Central issues in this area concern the institutionalisation of dependency in the rights and obligations of citizen entitlements and the privileging of heterosexuality over other forms of sexual relation. An adequate development of the concept of the social policy regime must also identify regimes of race and ethnicity in the institutional structures and social provisions of the welfare state. The paper concludes with discussion of some of the points of connection between class, gender and race and ethnic relations in social policy.

There are no social movements or political parties in Europe which would strive for united social policymodel. Large historic, structural and financial differences between various countries are the main reasons for that.Negative results of referendums for adoption of European Constitution in France and the Netherlands, as otherforms of resistance, are witnessing about aims of population to preserve continental corporative European modelwithout changes or only with slight changes. The latter does not help European integration and harmonization ofsocial tasks, although helps to survive for developed and well financed social security systems in Europe. EuropeanUnion , as before, foresees social security as a subject for national competence and jurisdiction. Nevertheless,separate problems considering common EU labour market are solved jointly and positively.Social policy modeling in Western European countries has a history of several decades. It enables todefine one or another European social security model and to conduct analysis of existing social situation andprognostic perspectives. English sociologist Richard Titmuss and danish sociologist Gosta Esping-Andersen havemade the largest input into social policy modelling. They both have scientifically founded the liberal, corporativeand socialdemocratic welfare models. If Titmuss in his work have made more qualitative analysis, Esping-Andersenhave added substantial quantitative indicators of decommodification. The works of other researchers haveshown the impact of this theory for other parts of societal life, especially- for labour market policies.Globalisation impact is decisive for one or another social policy model configuration. Mainly because ofglobalisation impact the "passive social policy", which was functioning until the 90-ies is replaced by "active socialpolicy" which is posing final social reintegration aims. Such changes of paradigms are also changing social policymodels by diminishing the role of institutional socialdemocratic elements and increasing ...

International audience ; Our understanding of US social policy has not been advanced by the classification of welfare states that has dominated social policy analysis in recent years. But in biology and cosmology we can find useful examples of the way in which we can develop more theoretically informed and dynamic classifications. A common feature has been the incorporation of time and developmental paths into classification. The way in which social and political developments unfold over time is particularly important in social policy and, in the case of the USA, this has enabled us to understand that social policies can and have changed, with a rich mix of progressive and regressive policies evolving and receding over the decades. In view of the dominance of the USA in world affairs and the global transfer of resources, ideas and polices across regions, this more subtle analysis of the nature of US social policy is essential.

Compared to other European countries, the employment rate of older workers in Belgium is rather low. This paper argues that one of the most relevant factors underlying the problems of this low employment rate in Belgium is the social policies directed at older workers. Indeed, when unemployment became a widespread phenomenon in the1970s and 80s, early-retirement schemes were designed to alleviate the financial implications on an aging workforce. The government encouraged anyone over 50 to leave the labour market through early retirement schemes, unemployment payment programs, medical retirement, and career breaks. These practises were based on a wide consensus of government, business, and workers. However, for some years now, international organizations have been concerned about the viability of pension systems and their ability to achieve their objectives. In recent years, different factors have led policy makers to rethink this policy. But changing the trend and keeping people on the job has proven more difficult than foreseen. The transformations of public policies begun at the dawn of the 21st century radically changed the balance between the state, workers, and employers, who had all previously seen early retirement as favourable. This paper also tries to show how early retirement is not simply a desire to escape, but can also be explained as an aggression against the person by the labour market. Leaving professional life early thus seems more to be a case of necessity, in fact not a choice at all, but an obligation, or even a sacrifice, and must be seen in the perspective of professional duties and their evolution.

Compared to other European countries, the employment rate of older workers in Belgium is rather low. This paper argues that one of the most relevant factors underlying the problems of this low employment rate in Belgium is the social policies directed at older workers. Indeed, when unemployment became a widespread phenomenon in the1970s and 80s, early-retirement schemes were designed to alleviate the financial implications on an aging workforce. The government encouraged anyone over 50 to leave the labour market through early retirement schemes, unemployment payment programs, medical retirement, and career breaks. These practises were based on a wide consensus of government, business, and workers. However, for some years now, international organizations have been concerned about the viability of pension systems and their ability to achieve their objectives. In recent years, different factors have led policy makers to rethink this policy. But changing the trend and keeping people on the job has proven more difficult than foreseen. The transformations of public policies begun at the dawn of the 21st century radically changed the balance between the state, workers, and employers, who had all previously seen early retirement as favourable. This paper also tries to show how early retirement is not simply a desire to escape, but can also be explained as an aggression against the person by the labour market. Leaving professional life early thus seems more to be a case of necessity, in fact not a choice at all, but an obligation, or even a sacrifice, and must be seen in the perspective of professional duties and their evolution.

"November 1992." ; Shipping list no.: 93-0532-M. ; Distributed to depository libraries in microfiche. ; Sponsors: USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station, Portland, Oregon; Institute for Environmental Studies, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington; Vandalism Alert, Inc., Seattle, Washington. ; "The first International Symposium on Vandalism in North America was held April 20-22, 1988, in Seattle, Washington."--Foreword. ; "Published in cooperation with the U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Pacific Northwest Region and the University of Washington, Institute of Forest Resources, Seattle, Washington." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The financial and economic crisis has increased attention on EU social policy, yet little policy change has been realized. Drawing on Easton's political system approach, we differentiate demand emanating from the difficult situation following the crisis and support in form of the 2004, 2009 and 2014 European elections. On the output side, we show how social policy has been substantially removed from the priorities of the EU political agenda already prior to the crisis. We argue that it is the contrast between crisis-generated demand and a more long-term lack of policy support that empowered actors interested in deepening economic integration and austerity policies. We present new empirical data that shows how partisan and governmental preferences are channelled through the EU institutions and how thus, changing ideological composition of the Commission as agenda-setter and an asymmetrical intergovenmentalist turn, have been a key driver for the substantial decline of EU social policy provision.

ASYLUM CLAIMANTS PROCESSED IN CANADANumber of asylum claims processed in Ontario, Quebec, rest of Canada and the entire country, over the period of 2000 to 2017Recently, the number of asylum-seekers – people applying for refugee status at the Canadian border (as opposed to individuals claiming refugee status from their country of origin) – has attracted a great deal of media attention. The focus has been on the recent unexpected influx of asylum-seekers crossing the border from the U.S. into Manitoba and Quebec. The federal government has made an assertion that Canada can handle the surge in newcomers. However, it is provincial or municipal governments, and in particular local social agencies, in a municipality in which the claim is being made, that are responsible for allocating the necessary resources to handle the surge in asylumseekers. This is important for understanding the potential impact it may have on the agencies' ability to provide those individuals with the required assistance and other support.

version préliminaire en attente de publication ; languages of social policy are informed and fed by debates at the national level and differences - not only of language - abound there. However, the peculiar characteristics of EU level forums and arenas explain how transnational languages are created and used by all sorts of elites joining in the process of their creation. Scientific forums are not immune from this influence, which is corrupting their initial vocation.

version préliminaire en attente de publication ; languages of social policy are informed and fed by debates at the national level and differences - not only of language - abound there. However, the peculiar characteristics of EU level forums and arenas explain how transnational languages are created and used by all sorts of elites joining in the process of their creation. Scientific forums are not immune from this influence, which is corrupting their initial vocation.