Suchergebnisse

Tranzicijski put koji je počeo raspadom jugoslavenskog socijalističkog sustava i prijelazom na demokratski sustav, i danas usporava razvoj hrvatskog društva. Za objašnjenje tog makro-sociološkog društvenog procesa koristi se alat analitičke sociologije: kauzalni mehanizam. Kauzalni mehanizam omogućuje plauzibilno objašnjenje makro-sociološkog odnosa pomoću mikro-sociološke dimenzije. Spuštanjem na razinu aktera dobivamo uvid u mehanizme koji su pomogli stvaranju ortačkog kapitalizma. Tako je situacija, u kojoj su se našli članovi HDZ-a nakon uvjerljive pobjede na izborima, gdje su dobili pristup državnim resursima i direktan utjecaj na proces privatizacije, stvorila kod drugih aktera vjerovanje da se članstvom u HDZ-u može profitirati. To vjerovanje otvorilo je prostor za nepotizam i korupciju, jer se suradnja s vladajućima u tom trenutku činila optimalnom (brza materijalna korist). Kada se takav način djelovanja usustavio, dogodila se transformacija u sustav ortačkog kapitalizma. ; The transitional path began with the decomposition of a socialistic system of Yugoslavia and with the transition to a democratic system. That transitional path is still slowing down the development of Croatia. To explain that macro-sociological phenomena we will use the casual mechanism which is used in analytical sociology. Casual mechanism will give us the plausible explanation of macro-sociological relation by observing micro-sociological dimension. Observing the agent enables us to see the mechanisms that helped to create crony capitalism. The situation, where members of HDZ have won the election, and have taken the control of government and its resources, where they have had a big influence on the process of privatization. That situation helped to create the belief that cooperation with HDZ will benefit agents that wanted to participate in the process of privatization. That belief enabled nepotism and corruption, because agents believed that they will benefit from cooperation with HDZ. When such an agency becomes a pattern, ...

Josip Zupanov's thesis about the egalitarian syndrome as an obstacle to development is very influential across the social sciences in Croatia. This paper analyses the theoretical and empirical basis of Zupanov's work on radical egalitarianism from the late 1960s. He developed the theory in three key publications 'The producer and risk' (1967), 'Economic aspirations and the social norm of egalitarianism', which he published with Darinka Tadic (1969), and finally 'Egalitarianism and industrialism' (1969), repeating it in his later work. The analysis reveals important weaknesses in the empirical foundations and theoretical inferences of Zupanov's thesis of radical egalitarianism. Secondly, contextualising his work into the late 1960s re-examines the widely held view about his work as critical of the regime, showing that his theses about the homo oeconomicus were part of a liberal reform wing that openly advocated market solutions at the time of his writing. Thirdly, his work is related to the concept of 'deviant' modernization in Yugoslavia, which assumes that all societies converge to a capitalist model of development. This approach is criticised from the perspective of multiple modernities, according to which modernization is not a linear trajectory towards a hegemonic model, but an open ended process that necessarily takes shape in context-specific constellations. Adapted from the source document.

Leaving aside Hobbes's ideological preferences in the conflict regarding the structure of the English political body in the 17th century, the text deals with the way in which democracy is valued in his key theoretical-political works. The author does this on two levels: first, he examines the status of democracy within the framework of Hobbes's doctrine of state forms. In spite of some of its shortcomings, in none of the three variants of his science of politics does Hobbes deem that there is a rational justification for discarding democracy as one of three equally ranked forms of state. Second, the author inquires into the more general thesis of the democratic character of Hobbes's understanding of the state regardless of its form. Various elements of Hobbes's science of politics are thereby taken into account: legal equality of parties to the social contract, their status as authors of sovereign power, their freedom as subjects and the duties of the sovereign. The analysis thereof points to the necessity of a differentiated answer to the question regarding the democratic character of Hobbes's theory of state. Adapted from the source document.

Jacques Bidet's theory of modernity is a fascinating research project which confronts us in a challenging way with a series of key theoretical & practical problems. The text focuses on the concepts of metastructure, domination, class & democracy. The most important concept is "metastructure," which is to be perceived as all coordination & legitimation resources (on the economic, legal-political & cultural levels -- the overcoming of any transcendental order) at the disposal of the citizens of modernity. These resources can be combined in several different ways, in varied structures of modernity. How are we to understand the ontological status of this metastructure? A full answer confronts us with another question: is it possible to offer a scientific explanation of the genesis of this modern (meta)structure? Thus, if metastructure is some sort of general grammar of modernity, the social structures are an actualization of the possibilities of metastructure according to the spectrum ranging from the extreme of planned collectivism to the extreme of liberistic capitalism. Consequently, the duality of modernity is manifest in the fact that it is characterized, on the one hand, by universalistic legitimacy and, on the other, by the persistence of forms of (class) domination. According to Bidet, in capitalism a dominant class will be established with two poles -- property & competence -- which correspond to the interlinkage of market & organization in such a form of society. For this reason, an attempt to achieve emancipation from the domination of the proprietor, in the case of planned collectivism, developing to the full the organizational dimension in order to satisfy the social needs in a more egalitarian way, necessarily results in the organizer's domination. But the thesis that the dominant class in capitalism has two poles (property & competence) is met with the objection that simultaneously too much & not enough is said about the second pole of this class (of managers). Namely, it remains unclear how we must think the unity of capitalist domination in the plurality of spheres of social power; & if, on the contrary, we must abandon this unity, why should we limit ourselves to only two poles? The author concludes with a discussion of two questions which he deems to be decisive: to what extent can the inequalities related to property or competence be designated as class relations or forms of domination? And what is the relation between various modalities of class relations or relations of domination, & the institutions of modern poliarchic democracy which is centered on the multi-party system? Adapted from the source document.

U ovom diplomskom radu analizira se provođenje ekonomske politike unutar političkog ciklusa, odnosno pokušava se analizirati način primjene ekonomske teorije u stvarnim društvenim okolnostima na primjeru provođenja politike štednje u zemljama članicama EU koje su to postale od 2004. godine. Ekonomska teorija služi kao smjernica za provođenje određene ekonomske politike, no na njezino provođenje utječu različite okolnosti. Kao najvažnija egzogena odrednica (okolnost) može se navesti izborni ciklus gdje, u demokratskim zemljama, političari, koji su zaduženi za provođenje ekonomske politike, moraju biti ponovno izabrani na svoju dužnost. Stoga izbori predstavljaju svakako najvažniju odrednicu u radu određenog političara. Radi toga izborni ciklus služi kao dobra orijentacija za analizu utjecaja društvenih okolnosti na provođenje ekonomske politike prema danoj teoriji. U tu će svrhu biti pružen povijesni pregled razvoja teorije politike štednje, kao i prikaz njezinog provođenja u ekonomskoj politici. Nakon toga će biti dan pregled teorije javnog izbora i političkih ciklusa koji pružaju teorijski okvir za objašnjenje važnosti samih izbora u životu racionalnih ekonomskih agenata. Na osnovu dane analize moći će se provesti ekonometrijska analiza pomoću koje će se pokušati odrediti značaj političkog ciklusa u provođenju politike štednje, posebno u kontekstu razdoblja Velike recesije. Metodološki, panel analiza čini temelj empirijske analize diplomskog rada i bit će provedena nad uzorkom od 11 novih zemalja članica EU u vremenskom razdoblju 2004.-2019. ; This Master's Thesis analyzes the implementation of economic policy within the political cycle, i.e. attempts to analyze the application of economic theory in the condition of real social circumstances by using the example of the implementation of austerity policy in EU member states that have become so since 2004. Economic theory serves as a guideline for the implementation of a particular economic policy, but its implementation is influenced by different circumstances. ...

Taking as his starting point the methodological instructions of the American liberal politologist, Adam Przeworski, about the importance of the action-theory analysis of the transformational dynamics of postauthoritarian societies, the author looks into the prospects of liberal reforms in Eastern Europe. The central thesis of the article is that the reforms' success depends on the balance of power between the liberal & the national-populist elites, who vie for public support. The outcome of that struggle will depend on the way in which the competing elites will act in response to the five essential contextual factors: the need for economic & social security, the expectations of social justice, the dynamics of the integration with the West, the articulation of the national identity within a national state, &, perhaps, the existence of ethnic minorities (ie, the threat of interethnic conflicts). Adapted from the source document.

The impact of the thought of political scientist/philosopher John Rawls on Croatian political science in general, & the department of political science at the U of Zagreb in particular, is commemorated with this overview of the significance of Rawls's writings on justice, tolerance, & the spirit of pluralism as part of a conference held at the university on 7-8 Mar 2003. The effect of Rawls's Theory of Justice on Croatian political philosophy is as great as that of Hobbes's Leviathan & Rousseau's Social Contract. Rawls is commended for his wisdom & call for tolerance, a value in short supply both in recent Eastern European & American history. A. Siegel

The paper poses the question: is multiculturalism, in the situation of posttraditional social pluralization, an appropriate theoretical & practical model of integration in multiethnic & multicultural societies? In order to provide an answer, the author first analyzes the social processes responsible for speeding up contemporary social & cultural changes. The starting point of the analysis are the key insights of the theory of reflexive modernization. This is followed by an outline of the model of multiculturalism; the author explains why the demands for the group-specific protection of cultural minorities are focal to it. Particular attention is given to the ideas of C. Taylor & W. Kymlicka, & J. Habermas' criticism. The assumption is that in the posttraditional social conditions, juxtaposing collective vs. individual rights misses the point because in the circumstances of constant change & growing social reflexivity only the cultures capable of reflexive self-transformation can survive. Each project of culture protection that is comparable to the protection of "endangered species," which presupposes collective rights & duties, saps culture of its vitality & hinders the individuals in their critical reflexion of their identities. & contrary, in case of radical multiculturalism & rigid assimilationism -- in both cases cultures are understood as natural species outside social context -- posttraditional/reflexive reconstruction of identity can assume fundamentalist character. The author claims that the recognition of cultural minorities remains one of the central issues of present-day liberal democracies; however, the recognition of diversity ought to be based on democratic public debate through which individuals can work out their relationship towards different cultural traditions. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper poses the question: is multiculturalism, in the situation of posttraditional social pluralization, an appropriate theoretical & practical model of integration in multiethnic & multicultural societies? In order to provide an answer, the author first analyzes the social processes responsible for speeding up contemporary social & cultural changes. The starting point of the analysis are the key insights of the theory of reflexive modernization. This is followed by an outline of the model of multiculturalism; the author explains why the demands for the group-specific protection of cultural minorities are focal to it. Particular attention is given to the ideas of C. Taylor & W. Kymlicka, & J. Habermas' criticism. The assumption is that in the posttraditional social conditions, juxtaposing collective vs. individual rights misses the point because in the circumstances of constant change & growing social reflexivity only the cultures capable of reflexive self-transformation can survive. Each project of culture protection that is comparable to the protection of "endangered species," which presupposes collective rights & duties, saps culture of its vitality & hinders the individuals in their critical reflexion of their identities. & contrary, in case of radical multiculturalism & rigid assimilationism -- in both cases cultures are understood as natural species outside social context -- posttraditional/reflexive reconstruction of identity can assume fundamentalist character. The author claims that the recognition of cultural minorities remains one of the central issues of present-day liberal democracies; however, the recognition of diversity ought to be based on democratic public debate through which individuals can work out their relationship towards different cultural traditions. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Mass media produce various communicational products in the form of messages coded in the symbolic language of writing, sound or image, which they distribute through the open public space for unknown users. Unlike the traditional theories, which directed their attention above all to the social effects of media products, the systemic theory inquires into the very process of their production, deeming that precisely the latter is the real reality of mass media: the factual operations which are performed systemically, through application of the binary code of information/non-information, and according to the internal rules of its structure. The real reality, however, is inaccessible to the observer. Consequently, he can gain knowledge of it only in such a way as to construct from the forms in which it appears to him an observed reality as his own perception thereof. The systemic theory suggests that its construction of mass media reality is most congruous with their real reality. Keeping in mind that each observer performs his construction of reality of the thing observed in accordance with his own knowledge and understanding, the author asks himself: where is the evidence of the trustworthiness of such constructions? Adapted from the source document.

The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new Rule Book of Definition of Scientific Areas. According to the book, Politology is a scientific field in the area of social science. It is divided into 3 branches: (1) Politology, (2) Theory and History of Politics, & (3) Political Philosophy. By using documents, the author of this article shows how political science is differently structured by IPSA & APSA. The author describes 120 years of dominantly American development of political science & of professions of political scientists, which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines & areas of expertise that are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: (1) Political Institutions, (2) Political Behavior, (3) Comparative Politics, (4) International Relations, (5) Political Theory, (6) Public Policy & Public Administration/Management, (7) Political Economy, & (8) Political Methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on the development of science, research organization, renewal of teaching staff at the university, & academic education of political scientists, as well as internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts & Croatian democratic political thought & political culture in general. 133 References. Adapted from the source document.

The text deals with Hegel's theory of political representation which is founded on the estate-corporative representation of major interests of civil society in the political state. Such a form of representation is contrary to the modern concept of representation; according to the latter, the object of representation is always the people as community of free and equal citizens which the representative is yet to shape into a unique subject capable of activity. In order to value adequately Hegel's theory of representation and its potential in contemporary representative democracies, the text begins by analyzing Hegel's idea of the constitution as a wider institutional mechanism of mediation between the social and political spheres. This is followed by an overview of Hegel's criticism of representative democracy, which he perceived as a form of representation inadequate for the modern state. Namely, in Hegel's judgment, representative democracy, with its starting point of the people as a community of free and equal citizens and its reduction of their political activity to voting in the elections, excludes representation of particular social interests and true participation of citizens in political affairs, which is why it results in a formalistic determination of the state. The basic insight that enables Hegel to overcome those contradictions of representative democracy is the insight regarding modern civil society as the locus of historical emancipation of man. Thus precisely the "estates" -- formations resulting from the division of labour -- and "corporations" -- interest associations of individuals -- become the instrument of mediation between the social and political spheres in The Philosophy of Right. This very insight, however, is the core problem in Hegel's theory of representation, since it makes Hegel overlook entirely the political potential of democratic establishment of state authority. Still, Hegel's "interest" representation is not inapplicable to contemporary representative democracies -- indeed, it is a necessary functional corrective to the modern concept of representation, the element which equally belongs to the reality of the modern state. The final part of the text strives to show that it plays such a role precisely if observed from the viewpoint of Hegel's teachings on the constitution. In Hegel, namely, the estate assembly does not occupy the place which, in modern representative systems, belongs to the parliament -- in Hegel's constitutional model, that place is occupied by the monarch -- but is instead conceived as a mediatory organ positioned between the supreme state authority and the people. In other words, the estate assembly is the second instance of representation in which the plurality of civil society and the subjective freedom of individuals come into political prominence. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj rad ispituje pravne odraze autonomije političkog predstavništva u kontekstu tekuće pandemije. U njemu se iz vizure ustavne teorije razmatraju dva događaja. Jedan je odluka Ustavnog suda o izbornosti uvjeta ograničenja temeljnih prava. Drugi su građanske inicijative kojima se Sabor nastoji prisiliti na pridržavanje tih uvjeta. Koristeći koncept ustavne šutnje kao instrument, ova se dva razvoja povezuje kako bi se istražilo prostore koje Ustav Republike Hrvatske ostavlja političkim praksama, ali i moguće djelovanje građanskih inicijativa na njih. Svrha je toga tvrditi da se građanske inicijative ne može smatrati neustavnima ako ne pokušavaju nadglasati legitimne ustavne šutnje političkog predstavništva. ; In this paper author explores the legal dimensions of the autonomy of the legislature in the context of the current pandemic. The paper is situated in Croatian constitutional theory and is written against the background of two developments. The first one is a decision of the Constitutional Court of Croatia that authorized the Croatian parliament to avoid a more demanding procedure for adopting the restrictions of fundamental rights enacted in the pandemic. The second development is the use of ballot initiatives to force the parliament to adhere to this procedure. Using the concept of constitutional silences as a tool, I bring these two developments together to explore what are the spaces for unwritten political rules left by the Croatian Constitution and how does the ballot initiative challenge them. I do this to argue that ballot initiatives should not be considered unconstitutional when they do not attempt to override legitimate constitutional silences of parliamentary representation.

Critical reception welcomed Lidija Dimkovskaʾs novel A Spare Life (2012) as an allegory of political and social events in ex-Yugoslavia in the last decades of the twentieth century. The essay sets aside the allegorical perspective of the novel and focuses on the analysis of the state of exile as a key point of identification of the novel's main character, conjoined twin Zlata. The analysis is based on the concepts of desire, otherness and fear of the unknown through which main characters (mostly women) of the novel are represented, as well as on manners of their internalization of socially promoted standards and stereotypes from the perspective of Julia Kristeva's theory of oneself as a stranger.