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The aim of this paper is to present the Frankfurt School's critique of mass culture. The authors particularly seek to demonstrate that critical theory provides a specific interpretation of Marxist philosophy, reinterprets some of its central economic and political notions such as production, distribution, fetishization, consumption and also attempts to illuminate the place and the role of culture industry within global culture. As a conclusion it is argued that the Frankfurt School's approach, while it is still useful to social science programs, tends to be overlooked by social theorists.

In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.

In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.

The article presents an overview of selected connections of the COVID-19 pandemic with risk theories. The study first explores the basic concepts of preparing and mobilizing networks of public policy actors to act together under conditions of uncertainty. The following section discusses the pandemic risk preparedness and fighting. Then, selected possible social, economic and political effects of the COVID-19 pandemic are discussed. In summary, recommendations regarding the public management in the further stages of the pandemic development and in the post-pandemic period were indicated, as well as proposals for further research directions.

The point of departure for the author is an observation that the queer theory in Polish humanities is either uncritically accepted or authoritatively rejected. None of these extremes perceives discussion which arose around the queer theory and the assumption which is at its basis of the social construction of sexuality in the West European and American studies. The article presented here attempts to show, sum up and put in order the accusations and doubts addressed to M. Foucault, J. Butler, and E.K. Sedgwick by researchers who are representatives of the essentialist standpoint (J. Boswell, R. Norton) or – on the grounds of queer theory – represent critical approach to its assumptions (D. Eribon, D. Halperin). ; Śmieja Wojciech, Przeciw konstrukcjonistom. Teoria "queer" i jej krytycy [Against constructionists. Queer theory and its critics]. "Przestrzenie Teorii" 13. Poznań 2010, Adam Mickiewicz University Press, pp. 223-242. ISBN 978-83-232-2176-0. ISSN 1644-6763. The point of departure for the author is an observation that the queer theory in Polish humanities is either uncritically accepted or authoritatively rejected. None of these extremes perceives discussion which arose around the queer theory and the assumption which is at its basis of the social construction of sexuality in the West European and American studies. The article presented here attempts to show, sum up and put in order the accusations and doubts addressed to M. Foucault, J. Butler, and E.K. Sedgwick by researchers who are representatives of the essentialist standpoint (J. Boswell, R. Norton) or – on the grounds of queer theory – represent critical approach to its assumptions (D. Eribon, D. Halperin).

The article aims to discuss the relationship between social policy and public policy and to identify its most important elements. Social policy is linked historically on the one hand with the economy and on the other - with sociology and political sciences. Theory of public policy exposes the role of public administration in achieving its objectives and allows for wider recognition of the tasks by linking them with other specialties. This makes it possible to achieve in practice synergistic effects of actions taken, and at the theoretical level - a more comprehensive assessment of the analyzed problems. The history of social policy in Poland, especially of the Institute of Social Economy shows that such a broad approach to social policy has been characteristic also in the past.

The article links the prospect of theoretical research on the culture of the unemployed with the achievements of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, including the theory of fields (le champ), which is one of the key categories of his theory. A reflexive analysis of P. Bourdieu's theoretical concepts is helpful to explain the reasons for marginalization and exclusion on the example of long-term unemployment. Theoretical analysis showed that the reasons for marginalization lie not only in the entities subject to marginalization, but also are conditioned by general social changes, the social structure of a given country. Bourdieu's analyses are a good basis for programming public policy, the aim of which is to limit the social and economic effects of permanent unemployment.

The article is a brief introduction to the use of game theory models in studies of national security. It is divided into four parts. The first part discusses basic theoretical issues, i.e. the division of game theory into analytical and behavioural, the concept of the rationality of players, the assumption that the rationality of players is common knowledge, the Nash equilibrium, Pareto efficiency and the classification of games. The second part briefly describes the evolution of game theory analyses in national security. Attention is drawn to the relationship between the development of game theory and military requirements. The third part provides an example of how game theory models can be used in national security studies. Trade relations, which adopt the schema of interactions of the prisoner's dilemma, are discussed in detail. During the analysis, the general model of the prisoner's dilemma, the initial game defining the problem under consideration, and its solutions in the form of an iterated game and metagame are presented. The entire discussion concludes with a summary.The analyses indicate the following advantages of the application of game theory models to the study of national security: 1) game theory models significantly simplify the analysed interactions, thus, allowing to penetrate the processes, bringing out features and relations which have hitherto escaped researchers; 2) the application of game theory models does not require researchers to be familiar with complex mathematical formalisms; 3) game theory models enable the identification of social dilemmas, i.e. situations where the short-term interests of an individual are at odds with the long-term interests of society. ; Artykuł jest zwięzłym wprowadzeniem w problematykę wykorzystania modeli teoriogrowych w badaniach bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Podzielono go na cztery części. W części pierwszej omówiono podstawowe zagadnienia teoretyczne, tj.: podział na analityczną i behawioralną teorię gier, pojęcie racjonalności graczy, założenie o wspólnej wiedzy graczy o ich racjonalności, pojęcie równowagi Nasha, pojęcie efektywności w sensie Pareto oraz klasyfikacje gier. W części drugiej opisano pokrótce ewolucję teoriogrowych analiz bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Zwrócono uwagę na związki między rozwojem teorii gier a potrzebami militarnymi. W części trzeciej wskazano przykładowy sposób użycia modeli teorii gier w badaniach bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Szczegółowo omówiono stosunki handlowe przyjmujące schemat interakcji dylematu więźnia. W toku analiz przybliżono ogólny model dylematu więźnia, grę wyjściową definiującą rozpatrywany problem oraz jego rozwiązania w postaci gry iterowanej oraz metagry. Całość rozważań zwieńczyło podsumowanie.Analizy wskazują następujące zalety stosowania modeli teoriogrowych w badaniach bezpieczeństwa narodowego: 1) modele teoriogrowe znacznie upraszczają analizowane interakcje, przez co pozwalają wniknąć w głąb procesów, wydobywając te cechy i związki, które do tej pory umykały badaczom; 2) stosowanie modeli teorii gier nie wymaga od badaczy znajomości skomplikowanych formalizmów matematycznych; 3) modele teorii gier umożliwiają identyfikację dylematów społecznych, czyli sytuacji, w których zachodzi sprzeczność krótkoterminowego interesu jednostki z długoterminowym interesem społecznym.

In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.