The article provides a system of scientific proposals which could be prospective in forming and implementing the effective state policy in the sphere of crime control. The strategic trend of that policy instead of making the laws and punishment stricter, should eliminate in complex way social causes and conditions of criminality, i.e., crime prevention, oriented first of all to social groups of people mostly not adapted to new conditions of market society and people, living under the poverty line, young people who do not study and do not work, dysfunctional families and children who are being raised in them, young people who do not study and do not work, solution of inhabitants employment problems as well as problems of mode of life and morals. Crime prevention should become an integral part of social, economical, legal and cultural policy of the state and local governments institutions. It is proposed to reform in essence also the system of special crime prevention measures and institutions, decreasing their repressive and increasing positive influence by humanising and socialising of this system. Also other scientific (criminological) preconditions and practical possibilities of crime prevention in Lithuania and increase of its effectiveness are discussed paying attention not only to present but also prospective purposes and goals of this problem's solution.
The article provides a system of scientific proposals which could be prospective in forming and implementing the effective state policy in the sphere of crime control. The strategic trend of that policy instead of making the laws and punishment stricter, should eliminate in complex way social causes and conditions of criminality, i.e., crime prevention, oriented first of all to social groups of people mostly not adapted to new conditions of market society and people, living under the poverty line, young people who do not study and do not work, dysfunctional families and children who are being raised in them, young people who do not study and do not work, solution of inhabitants employment problems as well as problems of mode of life and morals. Crime prevention should become an integral part of social, economical, legal and cultural policy of the state and local governments institutions. It is proposed to reform in essence also the system of special crime prevention measures and institutions, decreasing their repressive and increasing positive influence by humanising and socialising of this system. Also other scientific (criminological) preconditions and practical possibilities of crime prevention in Lithuania and increase of its effectiveness are discussed paying attention not only to present but also prospective purposes and goals of this problem's solution.
All the sciences and even philosophical, ethic thinking and also practice are grounded by so called "line - thinking", which is efective in only limited sphere and time as synergetic paradigmus born in the 20 century. Unfortunately propositions under "line thinking" influence gave miserable results as much in politics as in government. The article shortly deals with some paradoxical synergetic confirmities (regularities) and the first observed results and chances of their using in the prevention of crimes, goverment in connection with the problem of theory and practice. It is suggested to change "strategic planing" conception into "strategic thinking" concept which joins theory and practice most effectively. In conclusion, connect of theory and practice are visible in teleonomy of emergetic evolution of social processes which are expressed namely by "strategic thinking" as intentionality obeyed to the same synergetic laws.
All the sciences and even philosophical, ethic thinking and also practice are grounded by so called "line - thinking", which is efective in only limited sphere and time as synergetic paradigmus born in the 20 century. Unfortunately propositions under "line thinking" influence gave miserable results as much in politics as in government. The article shortly deals with some paradoxical synergetic confirmities (regularities) and the first observed results and chances of their using in the prevention of crimes, goverment in connection with the problem of theory and practice. It is suggested to change "strategic planing" conception into "strategic thinking" concept which joins theory and practice most effectively. In conclusion, connect of theory and practice are visible in teleonomy of emergetic evolution of social processes which are expressed namely by "strategic thinking" as intentionality obeyed to the same synergetic laws.
The paper presents an overview of M. Weber's modelling paradigm assessing it against the opportunities of using the models in modern science of public policy and administration. Two types of research problems requiring modelling of different levels are identified. The paper defines the static and the dialectic methods of modelling, the limits and possibilities of their application are defined. The novelty and relevance of the paper lies in the substantiation of advantages and drawbacks of static modelling and in the proving of the importance of normative character of science, which contradicts the traditional Weber's methodology. In public administration one may not rely only upon formal procedures, forms and rules, because this will not reveal the functions of the State and the interests underlying them. A public administration model must be characterised by normative content. Models of social processes must not necessarily reflect the reality exactly, however, they may serve as a tool for simplifying the mechanisms of social reality and for attempting to understand its mechanisms. Modelling may be static or dialectic. Static modelling is simpler since the number of variables it takes account of is smaller. In certain cases static modelling may be presented or desirable due to value considerations raised by the idealistic world. Idealistic philosophy gives rise to relevant phenomena, which can be neither confirmed nor rejected. Such models may be desirable as the given required by a peculiar belief and as components of the given. As far as social science is a value and "humanitarian" science, to such extent metaphysics, the static given and static modelling may yield results. Philosophical idealism is often presented as a source of political and economic liberalism, or a sign of equality Is placed between them. This is not entirely correct since state and social policy studies in the liberal social sciences are based on formal concepts without any normative content. Liberal sociological definitions designed for a parliamentary-democratic constitutional state usually cover only procedures, forms, rules and state activity instruments, avoiding a definition of the State's functions completely or partially. Not only the functions of the State remain unsubstantiated; possible consequences of manifestation of these functions or the interests of those who defend them or any backstairs interests behind the declared interests arc not explained. The Weberian methodological concept of democracy turns liberal democracy and pluralist theory into a sheer arsenal of technical means, which is unpredictable and incapable of explaining the deep phenomena of public administration and the more so - of social policy. It is not only in the West, but also in Eastern Europe including Lithuania, individual politicians and public administration experts wish to reduce the principle of social welfare to the constitutional and legal level, absolutising the legal aspect. Dialectic modelling is a kind of opposite to static modelling, or modelling that may supplement the latter substantially. And this is not just because it is able to "see the context". Using the dialectic relationship one may examine such historical dichotomies as belief and science, nationality and globalism, central and local government, private and public interest etc. In the most general sense, dialectic modelling is focussed on the determination of the content, form, contradiction between content and form, and finding of the place of this relationship in the world's development process. The methodology of dialectic modelling asserts that the dialectic relationship is a universal means of modelling of qualitative processes and may be used for the modelling of the processes for which sufficient qualitative exceptionality may be determined as compared with the previous qualitative stage. Eastern Europe encounters difficulties in social modelling due to a distinct transformational nature of social systems of these countries as well as due to frequent changes in the laws governing social security and tax policy. The latter factor also poses problems for Eastern European social scientists in processing the material and in modelling socio-economic development on its basis.
The paper presents an overview of M. Weber's modelling paradigm assessing it against the opportunities of using the models in modern science of public policy and administration. Two types of research problems requiring modelling of different levels are identified. The paper defines the static and the dialectic methods of modelling, the limits and possibilities of their application are defined. The novelty and relevance of the paper lies in the substantiation of advantages and drawbacks of static modelling and in the proving of the importance of normative character of science, which contradicts the traditional Weber's methodology. In public administration one may not rely only upon formal procedures, forms and rules, because this will not reveal the functions of the State and the interests underlying them. A public administration model must be characterised by normative content. Models of social processes must not necessarily reflect the reality exactly, however, they may serve as a tool for simplifying the mechanisms of social reality and for attempting to understand its mechanisms. Modelling may be static or dialectic. Static modelling is simpler since the number of variables it takes account of is smaller. In certain cases static modelling may be presented or desirable due to value considerations raised by the idealistic world. Idealistic philosophy gives rise to relevant phenomena, which can be neither confirmed nor rejected. Such models may be desirable as the given required by a peculiar belief and as components of the given. As far as social science is a value and "humanitarian" science, to such extent metaphysics, the static given and static modelling may yield results. Philosophical idealism is often presented as a source of political and economic liberalism, or a sign of equality Is placed between them. This is not entirely correct since state and social policy studies in the liberal social sciences are based on formal concepts without any normative content. Liberal sociological definitions designed for a parliamentary-democratic constitutional state usually cover only procedures, forms, rules and state activity instruments, avoiding a definition of the State's functions completely or partially. Not only the functions of the State remain unsubstantiated; possible consequences of manifestation of these functions or the interests of those who defend them or any backstairs interests behind the declared interests arc not explained. The Weberian methodological concept of democracy turns liberal democracy and pluralist theory into a sheer arsenal of technical means, which is unpredictable and incapable of explaining the deep phenomena of public administration and the more so - of social policy. It is not only in the West, but also in Eastern Europe including Lithuania, individual politicians and public administration experts wish to reduce the principle of social welfare to the constitutional and legal level, absolutising the legal aspect. Dialectic modelling is a kind of opposite to static modelling, or modelling that may supplement the latter substantially. And this is not just because it is able to "see the context". Using the dialectic relationship one may examine such historical dichotomies as belief and science, nationality and globalism, central and local government, private and public interest etc. In the most general sense, dialectic modelling is focussed on the determination of the content, form, contradiction between content and form, and finding of the place of this relationship in the world's development process. The methodology of dialectic modelling asserts that the dialectic relationship is a universal means of modelling of qualitative processes and may be used for the modelling of the processes for which sufficient qualitative exceptionality may be determined as compared with the previous qualitative stage. Eastern Europe encounters difficulties in social modelling due to a distinct transformational nature of social systems of these countries as well as due to frequent changes in the laws governing social security and tax policy. The latter factor also poses problems for Eastern European social scientists in processing the material and in modelling socio-economic development on its basis.
Phaedrus' speech in Plato's Symposium was often ignored by Platonic scholars as unphilosophical, and has been analysed mostly in its rhetorical aspects. This narrowed the intentions of the dialogue down to theoretical speculations, neglecting a practical problem – namely, which values of the Greek polis remained relevant in the epoch of radical cultural transformation through which Plato lived. The detailed analysis of Phaedrus' speech reveals some of its aspects that remained latent until now, establishing that the system of concepts of 'shame' and 'aspiration to glory' derives from the traditional system of values of Greek military community, and thus has a concrete historical and social content. It was precisely Socrates and later Plato who embarked on the revision of the Greek concept of 'shame' (as Plato's Apology attests). The paper employs additional sources that help to recreate the historical context of the speech and to inscribe it into its authentic Sitz im Leben. Furthermore, Lysias' speech against Alcibiades is linked with Phaedrus' speech and the whole context of the Symposium.
Phaedrus' speech in Plato's Symposium was often ignored by Platonic scholars as unphilosophical, and has been analysed mostly in its rhetorical aspects. This narrowed the intentions of the dialogue down to theoretical speculations, neglecting a practical problem – namely, which values of the Greek polis remained relevant in the epoch of radical cultural transformation through which Plato lived. The detailed analysis of Phaedrus' speech reveals some of its aspects that remained latent until now, establishing that the system of concepts of 'shame' and 'aspiration to glory' derives from the traditional system of values of Greek military community, and thus has a concrete historical and social content. It was precisely Socrates and later Plato who embarked on the revision of the Greek concept of 'shame' (as Plato's Apology attests). The paper employs additional sources that help to recreate the historical context of the speech and to inscribe it into its authentic Sitz im Leben. Furthermore, Lysias' speech against Alcibiades is linked with Phaedrus' speech and the whole context of the Symposium.
Phaedrus' speech in Plato's Symposium was often ignored by Platonic scholars as unphilosophical, and has been analysed mostly in its rhetorical aspects. This narrowed the intentions of the dialogue down to theoretical speculations, neglecting a practical problem – namely, which values of the Greek polis remained relevant in the epoch of radical cultural transformation through which Plato lived. The detailed analysis of Phaedrus' speech reveals some of its aspects that remained latent until now, establishing that the system of concepts of 'shame' and 'aspiration to glory' derives from the traditional system of values of Greek military community, and thus has a concrete historical and social content. It was precisely Socrates and later Plato who embarked on the revision of the Greek concept of 'shame' (as Plato's Apology attests). The paper employs additional sources that help to recreate the historical context of the speech and to inscribe it into its authentic Sitz im Leben. Furthermore, Lysias' speech against Alcibiades is linked with Phaedrus' speech and the whole context of the Symposium.
Phaedrus' speech in Plato's Symposium was often ignored by Platonic scholars as unphilosophical, and has been analysed mostly in its rhetorical aspects. This narrowed the intentions of the dialogue down to theoretical speculations, neglecting a practical problem – namely, which values of the Greek polis remained relevant in the epoch of radical cultural transformation through which Plato lived. The detailed analysis of Phaedrus' speech reveals some of its aspects that remained latent until now, establishing that the system of concepts of 'shame' and 'aspiration to glory' derives from the traditional system of values of Greek military community, and thus has a concrete historical and social content. It was precisely Socrates and later Plato who embarked on the revision of the Greek concept of 'shame' (as Plato's Apology attests). The paper employs additional sources that help to recreate the historical context of the speech and to inscribe it into its authentic Sitz im Leben. Furthermore, Lysias' speech against Alcibiades is linked with Phaedrus' speech and the whole context of the Symposium.
In solving the problem of preserving its sovereignty and assurances of connection with Kaliningrad, Moscow turned that Oblast into a geopolitical hostage - a territory that it received as the spoils of war in the process of cession whereby it is sought not only to maintain (the internal aspect) but also to force other countries or international institutions to carry out or abstain from carrying out any act as direct or indirect liberation of the hostage (the external aspect). Due to the specific situation of the Kaliningrad Oblast (the Potsdam train, geographical position, social-economic factors) it is the interior aspect that might be of more significance to Moscow, which is officially "covered" by the exterior one. Formally Moscow does not oppose, and even encourages that the Kaliningrad Oblast should be treated as a specific, unique region of Russia. However, in practice it does not allow this peculiarity to manifest itself. In this way it seeks to stimulate and maintain the Stockholm syndrome in the Oblast - the residents of Kaliningrad themselves must put up with the status of an ordinary Russian region. In the article are presented concrete cases revealing how this mechanism of a Russian hostage functions in political practice: by involving the Kaliningrad exclave into the "high politics" to create the air of its peculiarity, and at the level of the "low politics, though keeping alive hopes of peculiarity in the exclave, by preventing them from being realised in. [to full text]
In solving the problem of preserving its sovereignty and assurances of connection with Kaliningrad, Moscow turned that Oblast into a geopolitical hostage - a territory that it received as the spoils of war in the process of cession whereby it is sought not only to maintain (the internal aspect) but also to force other countries or international institutions to carry out or abstain from carrying out any act as direct or indirect liberation of the hostage (the external aspect). Due to the specific situation of the Kaliningrad Oblast (the Potsdam train, geographical position, social-economic factors) it is the interior aspect that might be of more significance to Moscow, which is officially "covered" by the exterior one. Formally Moscow does not oppose, and even encourages that the Kaliningrad Oblast should be treated as a specific, unique region of Russia. However, in practice it does not allow this peculiarity to manifest itself. In this way it seeks to stimulate and maintain the Stockholm syndrome in the Oblast - the residents of Kaliningrad themselves must put up with the status of an ordinary Russian region. In the article are presented concrete cases revealing how this mechanism of a Russian hostage functions in political practice: by involving the Kaliningrad exclave into the "high politics" to create the air of its peculiarity, and at the level of the "low politics, though keeping alive hopes of peculiarity in the exclave, by preventing them from being realised in. [to full text]
In solving the problem of preserving its sovereignty and assurances of connection with Kaliningrad, Moscow turned that Oblast into a geopolitical hostage - a territory that it received as the spoils of war in the process of cession whereby it is sought not only to maintain (the internal aspect) but also to force other countries or international institutions to carry out or abstain from carrying out any act as direct or indirect liberation of the hostage (the external aspect). Due to the specific situation of the Kaliningrad Oblast (the Potsdam train, geographical position, social-economic factors) it is the interior aspect that might be of more significance to Moscow, which is officially "covered" by the exterior one. Formally Moscow does not oppose, and even encourages that the Kaliningrad Oblast should be treated as a specific, unique region of Russia. However, in practice it does not allow this peculiarity to manifest itself. In this way it seeks to stimulate and maintain the Stockholm syndrome in the Oblast - the residents of Kaliningrad themselves must put up with the status of an ordinary Russian region. In the article are presented concrete cases revealing how this mechanism of a Russian hostage functions in political practice: by involving the Kaliningrad exclave into the "high politics" to create the air of its peculiarity, and at the level of the "low politics, though keeping alive hopes of peculiarity in the exclave, by preventing them from being realised in. [to full text]
In solving the problem of preserving its sovereignty and assurances of connection with Kaliningrad, Moscow turned that Oblast into a geopolitical hostage - a territory that it received as the spoils of war in the process of cession whereby it is sought not only to maintain (the internal aspect) but also to force other countries or international institutions to carry out or abstain from carrying out any act as direct or indirect liberation of the hostage (the external aspect). Due to the specific situation of the Kaliningrad Oblast (the Potsdam train, geographical position, social-economic factors) it is the interior aspect that might be of more significance to Moscow, which is officially "covered" by the exterior one. Formally Moscow does not oppose, and even encourages that the Kaliningrad Oblast should be treated as a specific, unique region of Russia. However, in practice it does not allow this peculiarity to manifest itself. In this way it seeks to stimulate and maintain the Stockholm syndrome in the Oblast - the residents of Kaliningrad themselves must put up with the status of an ordinary Russian region. In the article are presented concrete cases revealing how this mechanism of a Russian hostage functions in political practice: by involving the Kaliningrad exclave into the "high politics" to create the air of its peculiarity, and at the level of the "low politics, though keeping alive hopes of peculiarity in the exclave, by preventing them from being realised in. [to full text]
In solving the problem of preserving its sovereignty and assurances of connection with Kaliningrad, Moscow turned that Oblast into a geopolitical hostage - a territory that it received as the spoils of war in the process of cession whereby it is sought not only to maintain (the internal aspect) but also to force other countries or international institutions to carry out or abstain from carrying out any act as direct or indirect liberation of the hostage (the external aspect). Due to the specific situation of the Kaliningrad Oblast (the Potsdam train, geographical position, social-economic factors) it is the interior aspect that might be of more significance to Moscow, which is officially "covered" by the exterior one. Formally Moscow does not oppose, and even encourages that the Kaliningrad Oblast should be treated as a specific, unique region of Russia. However, in practice it does not allow this peculiarity to manifest itself. In this way it seeks to stimulate and maintain the Stockholm syndrome in the Oblast - the residents of Kaliningrad themselves must put up with the status of an ordinary Russian region. In the article are presented concrete cases revealing how this mechanism of a Russian hostage functions in political practice: by involving the Kaliningrad exclave into the "high politics" to create the air of its peculiarity, and at the level of the "low politics, though keeping alive hopes of peculiarity in the exclave, by preventing them from being realised in. [to full text]
