Suchergebnisse

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and ...

Uvođenje mjesnih zajednica kao samoupravnih jedinica unutar općine bilo je oblik jačanja društvenoga samoupravljanja i socijalističke izravne demokracije u Jugoslaviji te, prema marksističkoj teoriji, dio procesa odumiranja države. Začetke donosi Ustav iz 1963., no tek Ustavom iz 1974. mjesne su zajednice postale obavezan oblik samoupravnoga organiziranja građana. Zamišljene kao svojevrsne proširene obitelji, umnogome su ovisile o inicijativi odozdo i djelovanju aktivista. Rad donosi teorijske pretpostavke i praktične aspekte aktivističkoga djelovanja u mjesnim zajednicama u raznim dijelovima Jugoslavije, a na temelju analize uspostavljaju se karakteristični tipovi aktivista koji su određeni generacijskim, klasnim i interesnim odnosima. Podaci se ponajviše crpe iz onodobne literature, specijaliziranoga lista Mjesna zajednica i arhivskoga gradiva. ; After the experience with people's committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens' self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens' interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.

The paper deals with the ideologically conditioned changes of cultural politics in socialist Yugoslavia in the first decade after the Second World War (1945-1955) and their influences on children's poetry. The sudden shift from party-controlled socialist realism towards freedom of (also ideologically established) scientific and artistic creativity has resulted in the artistic and ideological phenomenon that certain literary historians call socialist aesthetics. The paper will attempt to prove that the expression of this kind of aestheticism in children's literature is modern poetry for children. Ideas of creative freedom and general social modernism were reflected in the educational politics and social welfare of children and youth. All this is expressed in poetry that gives priority to play, primarily language play, humor, and imagination over direct pedagogical function. Such poetry has its roots in folk and European literary tradition, welcoming children's wishes and fears. It is emancipatory and simultaneously detached from many aspects of the reality of children's lives and children's status in society. Such poetry emerged in various ways and within various national cultures of the former socialist Yugoslavia, at the same time realizing similar, and in many ways, comparative aesthetic and social effects. ; Rad se bavi ideološki uvjetovanim promjenama kulturne politike u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji u prvom desetljeću poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata (1945. – 1955.) i njihovim utjecajima na dječju poeziju. Nagli zaokret od partijski kontroliranog socijalističkog realizma prema slobodi (također ideološki uspostavljenoj) znanstvenog i umjetničkog stvaralaštva rezultirao je umjetničko-ideološkim fenomenom koji pojedini povjesničari književnosti nazivaju socijalističkim estetizmom. Naš rad dokazuje da je izraz takvog estetizma u dječjoj književnosti moderna poezija za djecu. Ideje stvaralačke slobode i sveopćeg društvenog modernizma reflektirale su se i u prosvjetnoj politici i u društvenoj skrbi o djeci i mladima. Sve je to našlo svoj izraz u poeziji koja daje prednost igri, i to, prije svega, igri u jeziku, humoru i mašti nad izravnom pedagoškom funkcijom. Takva poezija ima svoje izvore i u narodnoj i u europskoj književnoj tradiciji, otvorena je za dječje želje i strahove, emancipacijska je, ali je istodobno i odijeljena od mnogih aspekata stvarnoga dječjeg života i položaja djeteta u društvu. Takva je poezija na različite načine nastajala unutar različitih nacionalnih kultura nekadašnje socijalističke Jugoslavije, istodobno ostvarujući slične i po mnogo čemu usporedive estetske i socijalne učinke.

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and innovation which is included as the main priority of Europe 2020 and it is also important the development of the research infrastructure in Russia.

This analysis of textbooks and working material is based on documents determining the curriculum standards and plans and the programme for primary schools of the Ministry of science, education and sport, as well as the UN conventions regarding the abolishment of all forms of discrimination of women. Covered by the analysis are the textbooks approved by the Ministry of science, education and sport. As focal points of the paper's subject matter and the centres of analysis, six aspects have been singled out: 1) contextualisation of women (individually or as social groups) in the thematic (textbook) framework, integration into the contents or mere addition of separate parts to the textbook whole, 2) lack of specific material pertaining to the equality of the sexes, 3) so-called women contents or subjects (housekeeping, female beauty, fashion), 4) wives, widows, mothers, sisters... of illustrious husbands, sons, brothers, 5) important women -- inclusion or ignoring of eminent women -- rulers, scientists, artists, 6) successful examples -- entire textbooks or some individual solutions. The analysis shows that only a small part of the textbooks and working material successfully integrates contents relating to women in such a way as to portray them uninfluenced by stereotypes. Further, the textbook authors had major problems with incorporating material dealing with women into historical events as a whole. Women and their activities, even the ones perceived as "male", as still merely added to history. Neglect or complete absence of certain great historical subjects has also been noted, e.g. of matriarchate/matrilineality and the subsequent development of the patriarchate. All authors found it much easier to portray women separately, either individually or as social groups, though the latter has, in general, been less successful than the former (important women, rulers, scientists, artists). Their position in various times is almost without exception described by the phrase "women remain at home, they cook, they look after the children, they have no rights..." with some variations in detail, but not in the essentials. Adapted from the source document.

Ovim radom pružen je uvid u razvoj odnosa s javnošću kao profesije, gledano kroz 4 modela Gruniga i Hunta te su navedene i objašnjene tehnike koje se koriste u odnosima s javnošću. Objašnjen je i pojam aktivizma kao i njegovi najznačajniji teorijski aspekti, oblici i metode. U sklopu istraživanja korištene su dvije metode; analiza sadržaja i anketni upitnik. Analizom sadržaja obuhvaćeno je 129 aktivističkih organizacija na području Republike Hrvatske, a na anketni upitnik u potpunosti je odgovorilo 39 organizacija. Pokazalo se da većina hrvatskih aktivističkih organizacija prepoznaje važnost odnosa s javnošću, njima se bavi svakodnevno te koristi brojne tehnike meĎu kojima prednjači internet, posebice društvene mreže i web stranice. Od društvenih mreža daleko je najzastupljeniji Facebook, na kojemu profil ima 110 od 129 proučenih organizacija. MeĎutim, financijska ulaganja u odnose s javnošću kod većine su organizacija nepostojeća, a slijede ih organizacije koje ulažu izmeĎu 1 i 5% od svojih ukupnih financijskih sredstava. Rezultati ukazuju na to da postoji prostor za napredak odnosa s javnošću u aktivističkim organizacijama, što bi bilo korisno za profesiju odnosa s javnošću u Hrvatskoj, kao i za aktivističke organizacije koje bi si većim ulaganjima mogle osigurati bolju komunikaciju s ključnim javnostima, a samim time i veću učinkovitost u postizanju svojih ciljeva. ; This thesis is aimed at showing the development of public relations as a profession, using Grunig's and Hunt's 4 models, as well as naming and explaining different techniques of public relations. Furthermore, it explains activism mentioning most important aspects of theory and identifying its various forms and mechanisms. Two methods were used for the purposes of the research; content analysis and survey questionnaire. Content analysis included 129 croatian activist organizations, while only 39 organizations completed the survey questionnaire. The results show that most Croatian activistic organizations recognize the importance of public ...

Autocenzura je oblik cenzure o kojemu se puno ne govori niti istražuje. No, pojavljuje se, kako u totalitarnim tako i u demokratskim društvima, kroz čitavu povijest pisma, izdavaštva i slobode govora. Od povijesnog pregleda preko razmatranja različitih vrsta, načina provedbe, moralnih aspekata i dualne funkcije autocenzure dolazi se do konkretnog oblika promišljene autocenzure. Ona stvara posebnu tehniku pisanja "između redaka" koja poruku unatoč ograničenjima, uspijeva prenijeti od autora do inteligentna čitatelja služeći dodatno kao zaštita od oštre cenzorske ruke. Takvom su se tehnikom, među ostalim, koristili autori Encyclopédie ou Dictionaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (1751 – 1772). Predvođeni Denisom Diderotom, takozvani Enciklopedisti, u vrijeme prosvjetiteljstva borili su se za sekularizaciju mišljenja, suprotstavljanje religijskom autoritetu i za bolje obrazovanje svekolike javnosti. Unatoč stalnom nadgledanjima i zabranama izdavanja uspjeli su uz pomoć autocenzure prenijeti svoje heterodoksne poruke. U zadnjem dijelu rada, analizom sadržaja tekstova Encyclopédie prikazani su izravni primjeri autocenzure. Suvremeni se svijet ni danas nije oslobodio cenzure i autocenzure, osobito prisutnih u medijskome svijetu, stoga borba protiv kontrole i zabrane još uvijek traje. ; Self-censorship is a form of censorship that is not much talked about or explored. But it emerges, both in totalitarian and democratic societies, throughout the history of scripture, publishing and free speech. From historical overview through analysis of different types, modes of implementation, moral aspects and dual function of self-censorship, arises a concrete form of deliberate self-censorship. It creates a special "between the lines" writing technique that, despite its limitations, manages to convey the message from an author to an intelligent reader, further serving as protection against the blade of censorship. This technique was used, among other things, by the authors of The Encyclopédie ou Dictionaire ...

U ovom diplomskom radu na temu "Lisabonski ugovor i Europska unija" govorit ćemo o Ugovoru iz Lisabona kao jednom od Osnivačkih Ugovora Europske unije, ugovoru koji je posljednji donesen na razini Europske unije, ugovoru temeljem kojeg Europska unija u aktualnom obliku postoji te ugovoru koji je trenutno na snazi. Nakon osnovnih teza o Europskoj uniji (definiciji i nekim općim pojmovima), u prvom dijelu rada vidjet ćemo kako je došlo do Ugovora iz Lisabona, te koji su sve Osnivački Ugovori prethodili ovome koji je trenutno na snazi. U samoj razradi rada proći ćemo sve najvažnije aspekte Ugovora, te koliko se zapravo Europska unije mijenjala da bi došla do stanja kakvog je danas tj. po odredbama Ugovora iz Lisabona. Vidjet ćemo da put do Ugovora iz Lisabona nije bilo nimalo lagan, bio je trnovit, pun prepreka i protesta od pojedinih članica, posebice se to odnosi na neuspješni pokušaj Europskog Ustava koji je u pojedinim dijelovima Europe doveo čak i do kaosa. Da donošenje Ugovora nije bilo jednostavno ni bezbolno, dovoljno govori podatak da je, nakon što je potvrđen i ratificiran od strane Parlamenata svih 27 država članica potpisnika Ugovora, stupio na snagu tek dvije godine kasnije, 1. prosinca 2009. Razradom Lisabonskog ugovora praktički, dobit ćemo jedan mali prozor u to kako EU izgleda i funkcionira danas te što je to, u pozitivnom ili negativnom smislu, Europskoj uniji donio Lisabonski ugovor. ; In this dissertation on "Lisbon Treaty and the European Union" we will talk about the Treaty of Lisbon as one of the Founding Treaties of the European Union, the treaty last adopted at the level of the European Union, the treaty under which the European Union exists in its current form and which is currently in force. After the basic theses on the European Union (definition and some general terms), in the first part of the paper we will see how the Treaty of Lisbon came about, and which of the founding treaties preceded the one currently in force. In the elaboration of the paper, we will go through all the most important aspects of the Treaty, and how much the European Union has actually changed in order to reach the state it is today, ie according to the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon. We will see that the road to the Treaty of Lisbon was not easy at all, it was thorny, full of obstacles and protests from some members, especially the failed attempt of the European Constitution which in some parts of Europe even led to chaos. The fact that the adoption of the Treaty was not simple or painless is sufficiently indicated by the fact that, after being confirmed and ratified by the Parliaments of all 27 signatory Member States, it entered into force only two years later, on 1 December 2009. We will have a small window into how the EU looks and works today and what the Treaty of Lisbon has brought to the European Union, in a positive or negative sense.

Ovaj rad pokušava prikazivanjem međunarodnog sustava za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma odgovoriti na pitanje uspješnosti tog sustava. Terorizam je jedan od najsloženijih fenomena današnjeg svijeta te zasigurno najizazovnija pojava društva u kojem živimo i kao takav zahtijeva dubinsku analizu svih svojih aspekata u svrhu što učinkovitije borbe protiv istoga. U prvom djelu rada prikazan je način na koji se terorističke organizacije financiraju: izvori njihovih sredstava, načini prijenosa tih sredstava te je prikazano na što sve terorističke organizacije i teroristi troše ta sredstva. Drugi dio rada prikazuje međunarodni okvir za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma i to: UN-ove konvencije i rezolucije, FATF-ove Posebne preporuke i europsko zakonodavstvo o sprječavanju korištenja financijskog sustava za pranje novca i financiranje terorizma. Na kraju je prikazan zakonodavni i institucionalni okvir Republike Hrvatske za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma. Zaključuje se kako je međunarodna borba protiv financiranja terorizma i dalje daleko od potpunog uspjeha zbog činjenice da se terorističke organizacije bez većih problema konstantno prilagođavaju novonastalim uvjetima i novim oblicima financiranja. ; This paper attempts to show international system for prevention of the financing of terrorism and to answer the question of its efficiency. Terrorism is one of the most complex phenomena of today's world and certainly the most challenging phenomena of society in which we live, and as such requires an in-depth analysis of all its aspects in order to ensure a more efficient fight against it. In the first part of the paper it is showen the way in which terrorist organizations are being financed: sources of their funds, methods of transfer of these funds, and it shows on what the terrorist organizations and terrorists spend these funds. In the second part of the paper it is showen the international framework for the prevention of terrorist financing: UN conventions and resolutions, FATF Special recommendations and ...

Rad promišlja i prikazuje interakciju globalizacije i kulture kao sustava značenja koji reguliraju društveni život, odnosno na općoj razini skicira i analizira neke teze glede odnosa kulture i globalizacije. Globalizacija je društvena, ekonomska, politička i kulturna činjenica suvremenog društva, totalni fenomen. Ona je sveprisutna pojava današnje epohe i ostavlja upečatljive tragove svoje nazočnosti u svim prostorima u kojima se odvija. Osnovni aspekti globalizacije su ekonomski i politički odnosi koji se razvijaju između zemalja i regija i sve više čine okvir nekoj vrsti kulturnoga međusobnog približavanja u kojemu izvjestan broj istih vrijednosti prolazi krozviše zemalja s tendencijom prema kulturnoj jednakosti.Globalizacijski proces uključuje sve veći broj kulturnih elemenata, proširuje prostorne, kvantitativne i kvalitativne dimenzije kulture, a uključivanjem sve većega broja ljudi potiče aktivno djelovanje kulture. U prošlosti i danas dodiri kultura su se skladno prožimali, ali i iskazivali dramatične i često konfliktne oblike. Istinsko življenje trebalo bi biti međusobno razumijevanje i poštovanje, sporazumijevanje i ravnopravna suradnja jer smisao čovjeka ogleda se u humanosti. ; This paper represents an analysis and an account of the interaction between globalization and culture as systems of meaning that regulate social life. In other words, the paper provides a general outline and insight into certain thesis regarding the relationship between culture and globalization. Globalization is a social, economic, political, and cultural fact of modern society, an absolute phenomenon. It is an omnipresent occurrence of today's epoch leaving significant traces of its presence wherever it occurs. The basic aspects of globalization refer to economic and political relations that develop between countries and regions and that increasingly represent a framework for closer cultural contacts within which a certain number of the same values pass through many countries with a tendency towards cultural equality.The globalization process includes an increasing number of cultural elements, it broadens the spatial, quantitative and qualitative dimensions of culture, and, by including an increasing number of people, promotes active functioning of culture. In past and at present cultural contacts have harmoniously interfused, but they have also taken dramatic and often conflicting forms. True living should consist of mutual understanding and respect, agreement and equal cooperation because the meaning of man is reflected in humanity.

Vrednovanje ima svoju povijesnu i društvenu utemeljenost i uvjetovanost. Autori smatraju da kao sastavnica kurikulumskog procesa, relativno novog pristupa unutarnjem preustroju odgojno-obrazovnih i školskih sustava, zauzima ključno mjesto kao završna a ujedno i polazišna točka odgojno obrazovnog procesa. Ta je sastavnica bila zapostavljena sa stručnog i znanstvenoistraživačkog aspekta, mada je jedna od senzibilnijih etapa u tom procesu. Ista se u radu razmatra kao relevantna sastavnica nastavnikova habitusa. Iz toga proistječe nužnost osposobljavanja nastavnika za vrednovanje tijekom njegova inicijalnog obrazovanja, razvoj ove kompetencije u obrazovanju učitelja tijekom rada te poglavito u cjeloživotnom obrazovanju nastavnika.Ocjena kao rezultat vrednovanja, može djelovati višeslojno na pojedince ili skupinu: katalitički limitirajuće i inhibitorno. Time se determinira socijalna klima i odnosi između ekstrema autokratičnosti i demokratičnosti, odnosno alijenacije i dezalijenacije subjekata u nastavi. Istraživanja pokazuju da učenici, a posebno studenti, imaju razvijene sposobnosti za vrednovanje, ali nedovoljno participiraju u tom dijelu nastavnog procesa, što ih zadržava u tradicionalnoj poziciji – objekta.Kako se u postupku vrednovanja učenika generiraju konflikti, to je ovom problemu potrebno posvetiti posebnu pažnju. ; Evaluation has its own historical and social foundation and determination. Authors considerthat as an integral element in process of curriculum in this relatively new approach to innerreconstruction in educational and school systems, it takes an important place as a finishing andstarting point in educational process. This component was neglected from aspect of profession aswell as scientific studies, although it is one of the more sensible stages in that process.In this work ditto is considered as a relevant component of teacher's habitus. From this stems thenecessity for training teachers in evaluation during their initial education, as well as developmentof this competence during their work as teachers, and mainly in their lifelong/permanenteducation.Mark, as a result of evaluation, can act in layers on individuals or on a group: catalyticicallylimitating or inhibitating. With it social climate and relations between autocratic and democraticextremes are determined, such as alienation and desalination of the subjects of education.Researches show, that pupils, and especially the students, have developed abilities for evaluation,but are insufficiently participating in that part of educational process thus maintaining thetraditional position of an object.As conflicts are generated in process of assessment of pupils this problem needs specialattention

The cognitive worth of the concept of totalitarianism is constantly refuted. In this text, the author begins by confronting his perception of totalitarianism as a new social formation, which he advocated in many of his works, with four scientific arguments raised by historians against totalitarianism as a political category or in favour of a limited use thereof. The first is that communism and fascism are fundamentally different, that the ideologies which characterize them are radically opposed to one another. This argument overlooks the fact that in such regimes ideology is not merely the prevalent discourse -- it has a new function and efficiency, it establishes a totalitarian "regime" of language and thought in which the power of discourse and the discourse of power are made equal. The second argument is that totalitarianism is evident, in Germany and Russia, only during limited periods. To this the author replies that it is a "realistic" illusion to assume that the totalitarian project was ever fully realized in history. According to the third objection, the concept of totalitarianism is of no cognitive worth to the historian, and totalitarian regimes belong to the order of contingency, and not of historical necessity. On the other hand, the author stresses the historical novelty of totalitarianism, which does spring and can spring only from the modern "democratic revolution" (in Tocqueville's sense) as a radical refutation thereof. The final objection of a methodologically aware historian (F. Furet) is that the concept of totalitarianism can be analytically fruitful only if used as an "ideal type", as a common trait of regimes established in atomized societies through total domination by way of ideology and terror. To this the author replies that we cannot be satisfied with the use of the concept "ideal type", although it is true that it liberates the historian from the naivety of positivistic descriptive historiography. The making of an ideal type thus makes it possible to avoid the choice between philosophy and descriptive history, but only inasmuch as the historian is transformed into a cognizant subject which is external with regard to history. In the second part of the text, the author provides a critical evaluation of the theory of totalitarianism by H. Arendt, particularly her central thesis that totalitarian society comes into being in modern atomized society. Namely, totalitarianism is characterized, on the one hand, by an artificialist project of organization, and, on the other, by a substantialist ideal of incorporation: both are realized in the Party, which is not only devised as an organization, but is also a "mystical person" in which all its members are brought together. As such, it incorporates the people. The figure of the indivisible people is put forward in the Party; the figure of the indivisible party is put forward in the figure of the people. In the first, organizational aspect the Party contains the project of an organisable whole, while in the other, substantialist aspect it contains the project of an incorporable whole. Adapted from the source document.

Polazeći od činjenice da su brzo širenje virusa SARS-CoV-2 i provedba strategija socijalnog distanciranja dramatično utjecali na sve aspekte života ljudi na globalnoj, nacionalnoj i mikro razini, ovaj rad se fokusira na ispitivanje utjecaja pandemije COVID-19 na gospodarski učinak odabranih europskih zemalja. Kako bi se uočio i razumio ovaj utjecaj, korištena je složena metodologija istraživanja koja se temelji na kombiniranoj primjeni prikladnih univarijatnih i multivarijatnih metoda statističke analize. Klasifikacija 40 europskih zemalja u različite grupe u pogledu odabranog seta COVID-19 pokazatelja u 2020. godini izvršena je primjenom hijerarhijske aglomerativne klaster analize, dok je za statističku ocjenu kvalitete dobivenog rješenja korišten ne-hijerarhijski postupak baziran na k-means metodi. Klasifikacija koja se sastoji od četiri klastera zemalja identificirana je kao "optimalno" rješenje. Analiza i usporedba profila formiranih klastera zemalja s obzirom na njihove prosječne stope rasta BDP-a u 2020. godini provodi se statističkim metodama deskriptivne analize i testiranja hipoteza. Provedeno istraživanje otkriva da je klaster zemalja s relativno "manjom" ozbiljnošću COVID-19 zdravstvenih posljedica zabilježio višu prosječnu stopu rasta BDP-a u usporedbi s klasterima zemalja koje su pretrpjele teže posljedice, i obratno. Dobiveni rezultati koji upućuju na povezanost veličine negativnih zdravstvenih i gospodarskih posljedica COVID-19 pandemije mogu poslužiti kao dodatna potpora kreatorima politike u donošenju odluka usmjerenih na ublažavanje posljedica pandemije i suzbijanje krize. ; Starting from the fact that the rapid spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus and the implementation of social distancing strategies have dramatically affected all aspects of human lives at global, national, and micro levels, this paper focuses on examining the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the economic performance of selected European countries. To perceive and understand this impact, the authors applied a complex research ...

Demokracija kao pučka vladavina, od svojega nastanka i praktičke provedbe u antičkoj Grčkoj, pa do suvremenog etabliranja kao sakrosanktnog neupitnog svjetskog poretka, vazda je praćena i osmišljavana filozofijskom raščlambom i promišljanjem u djelima najvećih socijalnih i političkih filozofa, od Platona i Aristotela, preko Lockea, Rousseaua, Montesquieua, Tocquevillea, Kanta, Hegela i Milla, do Deweyja i Rawlsa, što Pavo Barišić u svojoj knjizi Ideal vladavine puka. Uvod u filozofiju demokracije sustavno i pregledno dokumentira i kritički razglaba. Uz osvrt na njegova promišljanja razvoja demokracije od antike do suvremenosti, u ovome se prilogu razmatraju razni njezini aspekti i dimenzije u kritičkom dijalogu s filozofima i ostalim teoreticima demokracije, od Platona i Aristotela, do Deweyja, Lippmanna, Poppera, Wintersa i Scholtea – s posebnim naglaskom na perspektive razvoja demokracije u epohi suvremene globalizacije. ; Since its genesis and practical implementation in the ancient Greece, up to its contemporary confirmation as a sacrosanct unquestionable world order, democracy as the rule of the people has always been conceived by philosophical analysis and reflection in the works of the most significant social and political philosophers, from Plato and Aristotle, through Locke, Rousseau, Montesquieu, Tocqueville, Kant, Hegel and Mill, to Dewey and Rawls. This general content of Pavo Barišić's book The Ideal of the Rule of the People: Introduction to the Philosophy of Democracy is in its pages systematically and comprehensively documented and critically discoursed. Reflecting to his consideration of the development of democracy from antiquity to modernity, this paper discusses its various aspects and dimensions, together with the critical dialogue with philosophers and other theoreticians of democracy, from Plato and Aristotle to Dewey, Lippmann, Popper, Winters and Scholte, particularly focusing on the prospects of the development of democracy in the age of contemporary globalization.

Ovaj rad bavi se istraživanjem industrijske politike Europske Unije. U radu se iznosi teorijski aspekt industrijske politike, odnosno, različite definicije industrijske politike raznih autora, alati i instrumenti, kao argumenti za i protiv industrijske politike. Zatim se opisuju razvojne faze industrijske politike Europske Unije, a detaljnije se obrađuje industrijska politika Europske Unije od vremena Lisabonske agende. Daje se pregled industrijske performanse Europske Unije i nekih zemalja članica i usporedba s Japanom i Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Detaljno se opisuje industrijska politika u okviru strategije Europa 2020, prioriteti, inicijative, komunikacije, kao i trenutni izazovi vezani uz modernizaciju industrije. Također, iznose se programi, instrumenti i politike koje izravno i neizravno doprinose industrijskoj politici Europske Unije. Nadalje, prikazuje se način vođenja moderne industrijske politike Savezne Republike Njemačke. Cilj istraživanja jest sintetizirati znanje o industrijskoj politici Europske Unije i prikazati trenutne inicijative i programe industrijske politike na razini Europske Unije i Savezne Republike Njemačke koji doprinose gospodarskom rastu i razvoju. Svrha istraživanja jest u konačnici ukazati na značaj i ulogu industrijske politike Europske Unije u promicanju konkurentnosti industrije i samog gospodarstva. ; This paper deals with the research of the European Union's industrial policy. The paper presents the theoretical aspects of industrial policy, different definitions of industrial policy from various authors, tools and instruments, as arguments for and against industrial policy. Then, the development phases of the European Union's industrial policy are described and the European Union industrial policy since the Lisbon Agenda is more elaborated. An overview of the European Union's performance and some of member states is given, and a comparison with Japan and the United States of America. A detailed description of industrial policy within the Europe 2020 strategy is given, as ...