Suchergebnisse

Arktis. Et benhårdt og iskoldt miljø, hvor dyr og planter gennem årtusinder har tilpasset sig ekstreme forhold. Men Arktis er også et sårbart miljø, der i de seneste årtier har undergået store forandringer. Temperaturen er steget markant, og havisen er skrumpet betragteligt. Kan den højarktiske natur følge med sådanne ændringer?I denne bog fortæller 22 danske forskere om mere end 14 års minutiøs overvågning af det højarktiske økosystem i Nordøstgrønland. Med Forskningsstation Zackenberg som faglig og social ramme har forskerne siden 1995 målrettet arbejdet på tværs af videnskabelige fagområder for at kortlægge miljøet i en ca. 30 km2 stor dal og forstå klimaets betydning for det samlede økosystem.Historien om naturen og klimaændringerne i Nordøstgrønland begynder med historien om etableringen af Forskningsstation Zackenberg og driften af stationen. Herefter følger en række artikler, hvor observationerne bliver fremlagt og forklaret. Hvad sker der med jordmiljøet - med permafrost og kulstofomsætning? Hvad spirer i plantedækket og lever i søerne? Og hvordan reagerer trækfugle, rovdyr og byttedyr, når fødekæderne ændrer sig? Dagbogsoptegnelser om forskernes liv og oplevelser fungerer som pauser imellem artiklerne, og bogen afsluttes med et samlet bud på, hvordan fremtidens Arktis kunne komme til at se ud, hvis den globale opvarmning fortsætter.Bogen indledes med et forord af Hans Kongelige Højhed Kronprins Frederik.

COVID-19 sent a wave of pandomania across Nigeria, like in every other country due to health risk that it come with, which was declared pandemic. However, its impact has been felt on all aspect of human endeavour; social economic and political. In Nigeria, the pandemic has affects security governance due to pivoted role assigned security agencies in the enforcement of restriction of movement and lockdown imposed by the federal government of Nigeria. The security agencies involved has not been limited to police but it include both military and paramilitary as the case may be. In the midst of continues spread of diseasesand multiplicity of security agencies, security governance became a serious issues. Through the government adopted a pragmatic approached, the result has been of mix blessing. It is in light of the above that the paper examines security, government in theCOVID-19 pandemic periodusing Nigeria as a case study.

Indonesia's ethics and political decency were torn apart in the case of the Democratic Party's internal conflict. This is due to the existence of an element of the government as a regulator who took over the position of the general chairman of the Democratic Party. News about this internal conflict appeared in various constructions by print mass media, electronic radio, television, and online media. The purpose of this study was to determine the social construction of Suara.com's coverage of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) of the Democratic Party. For this reason, discourse theory and the social construction of reality are used. The research method analyzes text media framing model Zhongdang Pan-Gerald M. Kosicki. The research subject is the Suara.com news portal, while the research object is related to the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress from March 5 to March 31, 2021. The research results from the syntactic structure, Suara.com journalists provide a portion, which does not feature one party and reports publicly about the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress equally from both camps. The script written fully with 5W+1H from both sides is not directed and deserves to be read. Thematic structure, facts are written based on information from both parties. Some are sourced from written statements and analysts from political experts. The rhetorical system, the choice of words or style to emphasize the meaning from both sides, is balanced by the photos shown. Suara.com packaged and framed the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress by not highlighting the Moeldoko and Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY) camps but emphasizing the moral hazard aspect in political behavior. With this construction, Suara.com continues to voice the public interest rather than the interests of the capital owners or their political alliances.

The term "freedom of expression" is quite broad and holistic. It includes, within its ambit, not only the conventional freedom of speech and freedom of media, but also the freedom of thoughts, cultural expression, conscience, and intellectual inquiry. Freedom of expression ensures an individual's right to express his/her views openly within the domain of constitution, which also contains the right to be criticial of the prevailing injustices, illegal, anti-social activities, and incompetence and failure of ¬¬¬the government. All this is with a guarantee of safety and without any apprehension or fear of retaliation. Freedom of expression, in contemporary times, also embraces the right to be informed and seek information by the public, to express opinions, and advocate amendments, including changing the regime without resorting to violent means through peaceful measures available in the public domain, with reasonable restrictions. In the past decade and half, Turkish experience as a transitional democracy presents an interesting case study to explain as to how the state of freedom of expression is causally related to the failure of the EU-driven reform process undertaken by the ruling AKP (Turkish: Adaletve Kalkınma Partisi) since the year 2002, when the party won the Parliamentary elections in Turkey for the first time. The issue about the press freedom and freedom of expression in Turkey has for very long time, attracted a great amount of scholarly attention and provoked extensive debate both inside and outside Turkey. Although Turkey remains one of the rare democracy in the West Asia, a region with strong monarchic and semi-monarchic tradition of government, a series of development in the past years has raised several interrogations about the qualitative and quantitative aspects of democracy in Turkey under the AKP.

Det er en pågående debatt i akademia om hvorvidt og hvordan man kan benytte avskrekkingsteori i cyberdomenet. Avskrekking var originalt en teori utviklet for å unngå konvensjonell eller nukleær krig. I diskusjonen om cybersikkerhet har det blitt påpekt en rekke tekniske problemer med å overføre en teori fra den fysiske verden til cyberdomenet. Vi anerkjenner disse tekniske utfordringene ved avskrekking i cyberdomenet, men i denne artikkelen ønsker vi å belyse et annet aspekt ved avskrekking, nemlig samspillet mellom sosiale og tekniske faktorer ved avskrekking i cyberdomenet. I denne artikkelen vil vi diskutere hvordan avskrekking som strategi i cyberdomenet vil påvirkes av den spesifikke strategiske kulturen i et land. For å belyse argumentet vil vi benytte Kina som en casestudie. Motsetninger mellom kinesisk og «vestlig» strategisk kultur resulterer i konkrete forskjeller i hvordan Kina og vestlige land agerer i cyberdomenet. Ved å benytte fire komponenter av avskrekkingsteori (nektelse, gjengjeldelse, gjensidig avhengighet og normer) ønsker vi å vise hvordan en dyptgående innsikt i en stats sikkerhetspolitikk og strategiske kultur kan anvendes til å skreddersy en mer effektiv avskrekkingsstrategi og styrke evnen til å forhindre uønsket aktivitet.
Abstract in English
There is an ongoing debate in academia about if and how deterrence theory may be used in cyberspace. Deterrence was originally a theory developed for avoiding conventional and nuclear war. In the current discussion on cyber security, there has been pointed out a range of technical problems of transferring a theory about the physical world to cyberspace. We recognize these challenges of deterrence in cyberspace, but in this article we want to shed light on a different aspect of deterrence. That is the interplay between social and technical factors of deterrence in cyberspace. In this article we will discuss how deterrence as a strategy in cyberspace is influenced by the specific strategic culture of a country. We will use China as a case study to showcase our argument. Contrasts between Chinese and "Western" strategic culture results in concrete differences in how Chinese and Western countries act in cyberspace. By utilizing four components of deterrence theory (denial, punishment, entanglement and norms), we will show how an in-depth knowledge of a state's security policy and strategic culture may be used to tailor a more effective deterrence and enforce the capacity of hindering unwanted activity.