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本文以1860至1911年間外國旅華攝影師在中國的攝影作品為研究對象,致力於討論中國「舊照活化」文化現象中同一批照片在19世紀末20世紀初的西方與20世紀90年代以降的當代中國這兩個不同的社會語境和時段中的具體運用方式,以考察照片、歷史敘述、民族國家政治意識形態之間的關係,試圖在「雙時軌」的對比結構中為晚清攝影研究打開新的探討空間。 ; 論文主體部分圍繞著「國家」、「民族」和「革命」這三個當代晚清攝影運用中的關鍵概念展開,分析攝影作品內部的話語變化,以及與這種變化息息相關的「主體性」與文化政治問題。第二章以晚清旅華攝影師代表約翰·湯姆遜的中國成像為討論對象,在比較1874年在英國出版、湯姆遜自主編纂的附圖遊記《中國與中國人影像》與2009年由中國官方出版界重新選編的《晚清碎影》的基礎上,具體呈現不同的主體在「想像晚清中國」和「呈現晚清中國」上的差別。第三章繞著當代晚清相冊中的「民族」選題而展開,探討「少數民族」與「中華民族」的表現方式及其缺陷。第四章著重討論「辛亥革命」在當代晚清相冊中的表現方法,以《壹玖壹壹:從鴉片戰爭到軍閥混戰的百年影像史》為例,分析照片集如何在一個通俗歷史的框架下處理「辛亥革命」這一歷史節點。在此基礎上,結論部分總結了舊照活化文化現象下「國家」與「歷史敘述」的同構關係,並以「視覺」為中心,分析了以攝影為材料的歷史敘述如何建構「民族-國家」視野下的身份認同。 ; The China's early photographs have enjoyed a drastic revival of attentions in the recent decades. An important category of these photos are those taken by Westerners during the late Qing China. This thesis aims to investigate these subjects from a cultural historical perspective, the photos are thus considered as a form of representation instead of visual history materials, and a comparative approach was employed to discuss the complex relationship among photo image, imperialism, history narrating under the political structure of nation-state and China's contemporary social reality. ; Photographs which were taken by the Westerners during the late Qing China emerged in the age of European capitalism and imperialist expansion. After the year 1860, China was defeated by the British-French Alliance in the Second Opium War and the Qing government was forced to open up to the treat and culture of the west. This change attracted Westerners of different occupations, including commercial photographers, explorers and journalists, to photograph various geographical and social aspects that are of their interests. The kinds of photographed subjects they chose and the kinds of commentaries they made vividly reflected how they understand China from the imperialism point of view. ; A hundred years later, these late Qing photos become an important part of the "old photo revival" wave raised in the 1990s China. Much different from the time ...

This study explores a significant and little studied aspect of the pioneering doctrinal work of the Fajia tradition, the Book of Lord Shang 商君書 (ca. 260 B.C. -‐233 B.C.): its system of rewards. In contrast with previous scholarship that has questioned the existence of a coherent Legalist political vision and even its idea of law fa 法 or that has focused strictly on penalty, this study considers Fajia law and discipline not only viable categories for analysis, but also important conceptual products of the intensely competitive, bellicose political climate of the Warring States period. The central concern is with the character fa 法 in Fajia texts. Beginning with an analysis of the Book of Lord Shang's system of rewards, the study then examines how the use of the character fa 法 in this text distinguished itself from earlier usages and, hence, represents an important distinctly shared characteristic across Fajia texts generally. This shows that the Fajia system of rewards includes an important pedagogical aspect that requires the ruler's subjects to develop themselves for the sake of state development. Therefore, this study also evaluates the pedagogical value of Fajia rewards based on social scientific research on organismic learning. This pedagogical aspect of Fajia governance, the study argues, is the means through which the Fajia notion of law reinforces its cultural ideals of the state. ; 本文企圖考察在商君書(ca. 260 B.C. ‐ 233 B.C.)重要之一的方面:賞賜。以前的研究已經質疑連貫法家的政治思想,甚至其法律觀念鮮明特點的存在,或集中於嚴格刑罰的方面。可是這項研究認為法家的法律紀律的方面不只是可行的類別分析,還有法治觀念是戰國時期的競爭激烈,好戰的政治氣候的重要概念產品。最重要關注的是"法"字的意義在法家的文本。在開始本文分析商君書的獎勵系統。然後它探討如何在商君書中使用的"法"字,從早期的用途區分,以及它如何代表所有"法家"文本之間的一個重要的明顯特徵的共享。這表明,"法家"獎勵的系統包括一個重要的教學方面。它需要統治者的臣民來發展自己,為了國家的發展。因此,本文基於社會科學研究機體學習評估"法家"獎勵系統的教學價值。其實上,法家政治思想有這種教學方面的證明是強化了國家的文化理想的手段。 ; King, Brandon Russell. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 415-424). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 11, October, 2016). ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

第三次民主化浪潮及其所代表的世界性民主化转型使得许多人相信民主不仅具有其本身的价值,而且有助于提高大众的福利水平。不少学者曾研究过民主制度与社会福利产出之间的关系。然而,在解释两者关系时并未得到一致性的结论。在很多情况下,民主制国家在改善人类发展指标和提高福利水平方面并没得到社会所期待的结果,而且经常被非民主制国家所超越。政治制度如何影响社会福利表现?民主化和社会福利发展之间是否存在取舍矛盾?如果这种取舍矛盾存在,如何将民主化的社会代价减到最小? ; 本研究试图加深我们对政治制度性质与社会福利产出水平之间关系的理解。为此,本文以维度路径分析政治制度的不同维度如何影响政府采取不同类型的政策选择。本文的核心问题是:民主制的哪些方面有利于/不利于哪种公共政策的实现?民主的不同维度能够促进/抑制哪些政策?竞争性选举和公众参与形成本研究的两个自变量维度。本研究应变量的两个维度是两种政府回应性:政府对公民基本需求(basic needs)的回应,即代表了社会福利表现的改进,以及政府对公民要求(wants and demands)的回应,即代表了满足群体所呼吁的而非客观上对其有利的政策福利。两者在概念上有所不同。本文首先在理论上分析自变量和应变量不同维度之间的关系,继而引用实证科学的定量和定性基本方法来检验所建立的理论关系。 ; 本研究证明,并非所有的导致回应要求(wants)的民主属性也有助于使政府回应基本需求(basic needs)。公众要求和公众客观需求作为公共政策所回应的目标具有不同的特征。从委托-代理理论框架来看,回应公众基本需求的政策需要政府采取不同于在回应主观要求时所采取的措施。由于这些不同点,在两个民主维度(政治竞争和公众参与)当中,只有后者对基本需求有积极影响,而前者往往会阻碍以回应基本需求为目的的政策。在政治竞争压力之下,追求选票最大化的政治家更倾向于采取回应社会现有要求的短期措施,且往往以忽视客观需求为代价。因此,为了避免民主化的高成本,需要促进民主的参与维度,且同时要缓解其竞争维度的激烈性。 ; The shift towards democracy globally under the "third wave" of democratization has stirred the conviction that democracy is not only a good thing in itself but also a promoter of general welfare. A considerable amount of research has been conducted to explore the effects of democracy on social outcomes. However, unequivocal conclusions regarding democracy's impact on health, education, life expectancy and other aspects of human well-being have not been achieved. Many democracies do not perform as good as they are expected to and are often outperformed by non-democratic regimes. Questions appear: How does political regime affect social performance? Is there a trade-off between democratization, on the one hand, and social development, on the other? If there is, how should democratization be carried out so as not to inhibit human well-being? ; This dissertation attempts to enhance our understanding of the impact of political regime on social outcomes by applying a dimensional approach. Instead of asking whether democracy is good or bad, it asks: which dimensions of political regime are good for which kinds of outcomes? What kinds of policies are promoted and what ...

本論文從兩個方面研究了1996年美國福利制度改革對單身母親的影響。首先,本文研究了在SSI和AFDC/TANF兩個政府福利計劃之間是否存在替代效應。其次,本文研究了福利制度改革是否令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化(沒有參與工作亦沒有領取政府福利),以及研究她們的長期生活情況。利用美國三個具代表性的調查數據庫, difference-in-difference分析以及logistic回歸分析方法,本文有以下四點結論:(一)SSI和AFDC計劃之間並不存在替代效應;(二)對AFDC/TANF計劃實行五年的領取期限令到部分單身母親變得邊緣化;(三)在年福利改革之後,被邊緣化的單身母親在食物消費上並沒有發生太大的變化;(四)被邊緣化的單身母親傾向將她們多餘的時間分配在個人娛樂方面而不是在家務和照顧小孩上面。雖然年的福利改革成功地減少了領取/計劃的人數,但政策制定者仍需注意改革令到更多的單身母親變得邊緣化,同時應制定相關政策來幫助她們。 ; This paper studies the effect of the 1996 welfare reform on single mothers, focusing on two important aspects. First, it examines the existence of programme substitution between SSI and former AFDC/TANF recipients after the reform. Second, it examines the prevalence of single mothers who were disconnected from government assistance and the job market since the reform and evaluates their long-term well-being. Using three major nationally representative surveys, difference-in-difference analysis, and logistic regression models, I arrive at four main findings. First, I find no evidence of a programme substitution effect between AFDC/TANF and SSI. Second, the five-year time limit policy is suggested as being responsible for part of the increase in the disconnected rate among single mothers. Third, disconnected single mothers did not face a food insecurity problem after welfare reform. Fourth, disconnected single mothers allocate much more time to personal entertainment than to productive activities such as housework and child care. While the 1996 welfare reform has succeeded in reducing AFDC/TANF caseloads, policy makers should pay attention to its effects on the disconnectedness of single mothers and help such women leave their disconnected status. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Hoi, Kam Un. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-62). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 摘要 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- The AFDC Programme and the 1996 Welfare ...

围龙屋是客家人聚族而居的传统建筑,集中分布于广东东北部。它蕴含一套独特的空间构造和象征体系,体现了客家人的社会结构和性别观念。空间作为一项技术,在物质领域和精神领域上划分了两性的界限,并维护着性别关系结构。集体化时期国家对围龙屋进行了全面性改造,女性抓住机会获取村落公共空间的话语权,并在今天成为宗教活动的主导。改革开放之后,经济改革促使当地人搬出围龙屋住进新式楼房,家庭关系也随之改变。 ; 本文以梅州一座围龙屋为研究对象,以客家妇女的日常生活实践为核心主题,通过分析围龙屋聚落的历史脉络、空间构造及其社会意义的转变,探讨空间生产过程中女性个体、国家力量和传统文化观念之间的互动与角力,从而理解中国建国后的社会、政治、经济变迁。国家通过改造围龙屋来达成管制目的,客家女性在国家话语下发挥能动性获取更多的生存空间,同时也受到传统文化观念的约束。今天,国家力量借助市场经济以非正式的方式渗透农村,彻底改变了家庭权力结构,并使传统文化滋生出新的表现形式。 ; The weilong houses serve as the dwelling places for the Hakka people in Northeast Guangdong. Each weilong house contains elaborate spatial arrangements and a symbolic system that embodies the social order and gender relations of the Hakka. Space draws the boundaries between men and women in both the material and spiritual spheres, maintaining the gender structure of the Hakka society. During the collectivization period when the state reorganized the weilong house, women seized the opportunity to gain power for the control of village public space, and later they became religious leaders, even to the present. The economic reforms since 1978 have induced the villagers to leave the weilong house and move into new double-storey buildings, changing the family relations in the household. ; This research is a study of a weilong house in Meizhou, with focus on the daily practices of Hakka women. Taking into account of the history of the weilong house, its spatial structure and the changes in its social meanings, I seek to explore the production and reproduction of space in relation to women, tradition and the state, leading to a deeper understanding of the social-economic and political changes since 1949. The state achieved its rule through the re-arrangement of space, and the Hakka women use their agency to gain more living space under the state discourse, despite being constrained by traditional culture. Today, through market forces, state power has permeated all aspects of village life, transforming the power structure of the family thoroughly and enabling traditional culture to express in new ...

Ting-Yat Chui. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 93-95). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter (I) --- JOHN RAWLS´ة POLITICAL LIBERALISM --- p.4 ; Chapter 1. --- Why political liberalism? --- p.4 ; Chapter A. --- Reasonable Pluralism --- p.4 ; Chapter B. --- Stable for the Right Reasons --- p.7 ; Chapter 2. --- What is political liberalism? --- p.9 ; Chapter A. --- The aim of PL --- p.9 ; Chapter B. --- Two stages of the exposition --- p.11 ; Chapter a. --- The first stage of the exposition --- p.11 ; Chapter i. --- The political conception of justice --- p.11 ; Chapter ii. --- Political constructivism --- p.14 ; Chapter b. --- The second stage of the exposition --- p.15 ; Chapter i. --- The reasonable overlapping consensus --- p.15 ; Chapter ii. --- Public reason --- p.20 ; Chapter C. --- Liberal Principle of Legitimacy --- p.21 ; Chapter (II) --- WHY NOT POLITICAL LIBERALISM --- p.24 ; Chapter 1. --- The reasonable overlapping consensus? --- p.24 ; Chapter 2. --- Why should the citizens endorse the political conception of justice? --- p.28 ; Chapter A. --- Being reasonable? --- p.29 ; Chapter B. --- Prevailing ideas? --- p.34 ; Chapter 3. --- Why can the citizens endorse the political conception of justice? --- p.40 ; Chapter A. --- Why can't the burdens of judgment cause the disagreement on the political conception of justice? --- p.41 ; Chapter B. --- Is political conception of justice really political? --- p.47 ; Chapter a. --- The affirmation of the burdens of judgment --- p.47 ; Chapter b. --- The fundamental liberal idea of person --- p.49 ; Chapter C. --- Political virtue? --- p.59 ; Chapter a. --- The reasons for the stableness of a well-ordered society --- p.59 ; Chapter b. --- It is impossible for all reasonable citizens to respect political virtues in the political aspect --- p.61 ; Chapter i. --- The aim of social cooperation --- p.61 ; Chapter ii. --- It is impossible to privatize the good --- p.65 ...

本論文旨在通過以合一運動視角詮釋香港基督教史,輔以八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議之個案,分析香港基督教在建構香港身份認同過程的參與與貢獻,以說明香港基督教為香港社會的重要成員,香港基督教史研究亦為幫助我們了解香港歷史不可忽視的重要領域。 ; 本研究說明基督教與香港社會、政治、經濟及地理等因素的互相摩擦與接觸,使基督教在香港歷史發展上,進入一個既交錯又融匯的混雜局面,並期望通過歷史研究,發掘普世教會合一運動的基督教傳統與本土香港基督教相遇的過程,從而綜述其中的變化與香港基督教教會本土化的獨特經驗。 ; 本文以八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議為個案進行研究。該個案承繼了香港社會及教會在六、七十年代的種種發展,又延伸了香港社會及教會在九十年代甚至二十一世紀的各項討論,實有承先啟後的重要作用。並且,該個案其中的歷史變化及特點,均深刻地反映了香港對國際社會與中國的回應,饒有研究價值。二十世紀八十年代,香港社會急劇轉變。1984年中英聯合聲明草簽,九七主權轉移問題隨即成為香港人的核心討論。香港人心主權誰屬還是一個不確定的疑問。 八十年代的香港,無論在政治、經濟以及社會等方面,都進入空前特殊的時代。本研究即以香港基督教協進會所主辦的八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議作為一個瞭解八十年代初香港教會的窗口。 ; 在1980年11月17-20日,約有120位教會代表參加「八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議」,除了會員教會和機構派員參加外,還有天主教及福音派教會和團體的代表參與,顯示該會議促進合一的努力和特性。各工作小組就每一項宣教議程進行商討及思考,然後提出建議,以供各教會參考之用。五項議程為向低薪市民傳福音、向學生傳福音、對國內基督徒關懷、對公共政策釐訂的參予及對市民心態的影響。由於1984年中英聯合聲明簽署,九七問題的迫近,協進會突破十年一次舉行香港教會諮詢會議的常規,提前在該會三十二週年的紀念日,即1986年1月19至22日舉行「八十年代中期香港教會使命諮詢會議」,不單視為八十年代諮詢會議的延續和檢討,更是對九七問題的急切回應,可見諮詢會議為香港教會和香港社會、政治、經濟合一的媒介之一。通過以上的會議,我們從香港教會普世合一運動的高峰、福音派和主流派的合作和了解、與殖民政府和中國關係的改變,以及教會對公共事務的實際參與等方面,來刻畫八十年代初香港教會與社會的面貌,從而說明教會普世運動在香港發展的獨特性,以及香港在回應國際與中國之際的本土社會變化。 ; 最後,本研究從殖民、中國人、基督徒以及香港人等四個身份,說明香港基督教在建構香港身份認同過程中的角色與意義,以論證香港基督教在香港社會為不可或缺的部份,而香港基督教歷史研究亦是香港研究中不容忽視的部份。 ; The thesis of my research is to articulate the crucial role of Christianity in the development of Hong Kong society through the reinterpretation of the history of Hong Kong Christianity in the ecumenical perspective. ; Hong Kong church is an impetus for the sustainable development of Hong Kong society. The guiding principles of the ecumenical theology are one of the facilitators for the church to react with the political, economic and social development of Hong Kong. In my research, I will scrutinize the special ecumenical way of thinking. From that knowledge and sense of right and wrong, the church accelerated a lot of critical and significant decisions all the way through the history of Hong Kong. Prominently, it is a brand new perspective to study the role of church in Hong Kong history. There is no other work had been done on the history of Hong Kong Christianity in the ecumenical perspective. I ...

本研究聚焦2009年到2013年,中國廣州的一場圍繞垃圾處理展開的社會運動。運動最初是當地居民動員起來反對市政府垃圾焚燒項目的鄰避抗爭。勝利後,運動領袖成立了一個環保組織,和政府從對抗走向合作,力圖推动焚燒技術以外的替代性垃圾治理方案。不過,儘管政府和環保者致力於解決垃圾,垃圾問題在消費社會中始終無法消除。本研究試圖理解後社會主義中國的綠色治理和環保行動之間的對抗與合作。 ; 首先,我分析當代中國高速城市化和消費社會急速發展所帶來的垃圾危機。然后,我檢視圍繞垃圾焚燒技術的主要爭議,並描繪廣州居民是如何針對政府計劃中的垃圾焚燒項目做出抗爭的。我指出,他們結合地方性知識和科學話語,將自己建構為"常民專家",對全球性的焚燒科技的"地方適用性"作出成功挑战。接下來,我提供一個民族誌,追溯抗議成功后運動的歷史軌跡。我注意到,通過成立一個環保組織"EC",反焚運動走向合法化、組織化和制度化,抗爭被體制吸納,轉變為參與協助國家環境治理的運動。最後,我描繪EC與广州政府聯手推動的垃圾分類運動。指出,國家在此運動中的尷尬身份、以利潤為導向的回收市場影響、理想化的垃圾分類知識與普通民眾的知識存在斷裂,都使得推動垃圾分類異常艱難。 ; 通過展示運動變遷與國家治理轉型相互交織的辯證关系,本研究挑戰了國家與社會的二元對立,指出在國家在治理轉型過程中不斷收編反抗的行動和話語,而於此同時反焚者又在不斷生產新的另類知識做出挑戰。此外,本研究還貢獻於對廢棄物的理解,將廢棄物視為是一個動態的範疇,國家、市場、科學技術、普通消費者、環保行動者等多個行動者共同生產、競爭、建構其意義。還有,本研究對於科技知識的普遍性的探討,對科學技術研究領域做出了貢獻。 ; This is a study on social movements that focused on waste treatment in Guangzhou, China from 2009-2013. The campaign began as a NIMBY (Not-In-My-Backyard) movement that mobilized community residents to protest against municipal government's proposed incineration projects. After its success, the movement leaders changed their dissident role to form an environmental protection NGO, collaborating with the state to explore alternative waste treatment solutions other than incineration. However, despite of the politicians and activists' attempt to eliminate waste, waste continues to exist in tandem of our consumption spree. I endeavor to understand the contradiction as well as collusion between green governance and environmental activisms in post-socialist China. ; Firstly, I analyze the garbage crisis caused by the rapid urbanization and the dramatic growth of consumer society in contemporary China. Then I examine a few major technological controversies of waste incineration and depict how the activists protest against the pro-incineration government. I argue that through deploying local knowledge, the activists, as "lay experts", successfully challenged the "local appropriateness" of the global technology of incineration. Next, I provide an in-depth ethnography of the transformation of this campaign after its ...

現有的媒體-抗爭互動機制研究,其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體-抗爭互動現象,這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件,探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時,形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點,以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具,來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 ; 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程,同時試圖建構出媒體-運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭,以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談,以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛,並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 ; 本文的主要貢獻,是通過考察威權語境中的媒體-運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先,媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題,由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次,在運動的架構過程中,抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略,具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛,並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後,新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制,使得抗爭事件停留於報端,令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念,將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 ; 以上發現表明,媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者,其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件,雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭,使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇,由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 ; Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. ; Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media ...

本文是第一部專以清初陶學為研究對象的論文,擬從文人的情懷、詩學的演變、詩歌的用意、意象的運用、注本的闡釋等多角度概述清初陶學的全貌。在方法上,筆者除分析當時文人對陶淵明的評論外,還選取了清初四十家身份不同的文人,比較他們詩作中運用的陶淵明典故,探討他們對「陶淵明形象」的塑造與取捨,並以歷史背景為線索,梳理陶淵明意象在清初文人心目中地位的差異與其變化。 ; 基於上述的研究,筆者認為以往學術界把清初陶學只理解為「忠憤」的表現是不夠全面的,尤其是清初關於陶淵明的討論,除了遺民文人有熱烈的參與外,非遺民文人亦有相當數量的研究,而且他們之間還存在着不少的交流,互相回應。正因如此,清初和陶風氣盛極一時,並且出現了一種嶄新、「反其致」的和陶現象--〈反乞食〉詩。 ; 這種借用陶淵明的意象互相交流與回應,更多反映在詩歌方面。清初文人借讀陶、評陶、和陶等方法抒發他們於易代間的鬱悶。這種詩歌世界,重現了陶淵明筆下的桃源,在這裏,他們「不知有漢,無論魏晉」,思想上可以暫時脫離現實的痛苦,悠然人間。這也使得清初《陶集》評注本的編撰,一改南宋以來十卷本的「全集」形式,而偏重於四卷本,只收錄詩作的體制。 ; The author intends to discuss the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing Dynasty from the aspects such as the emotions of poets, the changes of poetics, the intentions of poetries, the poetic imageries and the differences of the editions. And, it is the first work focusing solely on the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing Dynasty. Regarding the research methods, this dissertation not only studies the critiques through the existed methods, but also analyses the existed materials in a different manner. By comparing the literary allusions of Tao Yuanming's life of 40 scholars lived in Early Qing who had different social background, the thesis discusses how these people constructed the images of Tao Yuanming and how they selected from Tao's qualities. The thesis also tries to sort out the different attitudes of Tao among scholars of Early Qing and its changes with regard to the historical context. ; Based on the research, the author finds out that the existed understanding of the reception of Tao Yuanming in the Early Qing, which focuses on the leftover citizen's aspect, and which portrays Tao image as a rebellion was largely incomplete. Apart from the vigorous discussions regarding the images of Tao among the leftover citizen, the non-leftover citizen also discussed Tao with great enthusiasm. Under this circumstance, a new form of He Tao Shi(和陶詩) "poems written to match Tao's , was found in opposite mode in order to response to those leftover citizen. ; By appropriation of Tao's images in their communication and ...

貧窮既是一種客觀況,又是一種主觀心感受。既有的研究很少關注老年人自身關於貧窮的經驗,特別是缺乏華人社會背景下貧窮老人主觀經驗的研究。本研究試圖從個體的層面考察貧窮對於中國城市老人多重面向的負面影響,以及他們如何回應這些負面影響,在此基礎上為改善與貧窮老人有關的社會政策提出適切的建議。 ; 基於這一研究目的,本研究從批判老年學和抗逆力的理論視角出發,採取建構主義範式和生命故事的研究取向,以中國北京的城市貧窮老人為例,選取17位城市貧窮老人為研究物件,深入研究中國城市貧窮老人的各種壓力,以及抗逆力的內外保護性因素回應這些壓力的機制及其所起到的作用。 ; 研究發現,中國城市貧窮老人面臨經濟壓力、疾病與老化的壓力、逆反哺與照顧配偶的壓力,以及貧窮恥感的壓力。貧窮在城市老人的主觀經驗裡意味著多重壓力的相迭,這從主觀經驗的角度揭示了中國城市貧窮老人的多重弱勢。 ; 作為抗逆力外在保護性因素的社會支持,它的實現機制因其類型的不同而相異。代際支持對提升抗逆力的作用受到代際團結和代際張力的共同影響;其他非正式支持對提升抗逆力的作用受到互惠關係的影響;社會政策的支持對提升抗逆力的作用受到人情倫理的雙重性和代群差異的影響。這些機制共同決定了貧窮老人的非正式支援日趨弱化,而社會政策和專業服務提供的正式支援有待加強。 ; 作為貧窮老人抗逆力的內在保護性因素,工具性策略由獨立性的要求所驅動,意義創造遵循追尋自我價值和重構貧窮經驗這兩條路徑。意義創造在貧窮老人的內在保護性因素中發揮著更為根本性的作用。內外保護性因素的比較有助於我們識別城市貧窮老人中更脆弱的次群體。 ; 基於這一研究發現,本研究在原有研究框架的基礎上,補充了貧窮老人的多重壓力和保護性因素的實現機制,擴展了貧窮老人抗逆力研究的研究框架。文章的最後提出了社會政策的具體建議。 ; Poverty is both an objective condition and a kind of subjective psychological feeling. However, existing studies pay little attention to older people's own experience of poverty, especially lacking of studies on subjective experience of the aged poor in the Chinese context. This research attempts to explore from the individual level, the multi-dimensional negative effects of poverty on the aged poor in urban China and how they respond to these impacts. On this basis, appropriate social policies were proposed to improve the living conditions of the aged poor. ; Taking the constructivist position and life story approach, this study was conducted from the perspectives of resilience theory and critical gerontology and used the urban aged poor in Beijing, China as an example. Seventeen urban aged poor were selected as the sample for in-depth interview and their multiple stresses, and the mechanisms of internal and external protective factors of resilience in response to their stresses and their functions were investigated. ; Research findings show that China's urban aged poor suffer stresses from economic pressure, diseases and aging, taking care of their spouses, inverse nurturing, and shamefulness of poverty. Poverty means a combination of multiple stresses in ...