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Ho Man-sze. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [83]-[86]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of Tables ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Political versus Apolitical Youth --- p.1 ; Colonial Background of HK --- p.3 ; Political Aspirations of HK Youth --- p.4 ; Youth Studies in Political Participation --- p.7 ; Research Questions --- p.8 ; Significance of the Study --- p.10 ; Outline of the Thesis --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.16 ; Habermasian Public Sphere --- p.16 ; Basic Principles of Public Sphere by Jurgen Habermas --- p.17 ; The Potential Public Sphere for HK Youth --- p.19 ; The Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth --- p.25 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methodology --- p.33 ; Questionnaire Survey: HK Youth Values 2002 --- p.33 ; The Political Attitude of HK Youth --- p.34 ; In-depth Interviews --- p.37 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Data Analyses --- p.41 ; Existence of Political Discussions --- p.41 ; A Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth? --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Discussions and Conclusions --- p.73 ; Social and Political Discussions Found --- p.73 ; The Possible Arena of Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.74 ; Domination within a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.75 ; Co-existence of Dominant and Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.76 ; Interactions with the Wider Publics --- p.77 ; Contributing the Democratic Development of HK --- p.78 ; "Broadening the Definition of ""Subaltern""" --- p.79 ; Summary --- p.81

本文是關於泰國導演阿比查邦·魏拉希沙可在2000 年至2010 年間作品的整體性研究,包括電影、短片和錄影裝置等不同形式。我們將討論阿比查邦的現代主義電影風格如何回應當下泰國的社會政治現實和歷史處境,並產生其文化政治效應。同時,我們也試圖借此重申和強調電影的美學研究在把握作品形式與外在歷史社會條件上的融貫性和理論重要性,尤其是在以時間為現代思想和經驗的內在線索這點上。 ; 首先我們將阿比查邦置於世界電影史和泰國電影史交匯的座標之下,然後從個三方面考察他如何將泰國的"非同步"、複調節奏的社會現實納入對"非順時性時間"探索(與戰後現代主義電影的譜系一致)的美學風格中。第一個方面,是他在早期作品中關於"講故事"形式的實驗,據此他發展出一種新的敘事性,打破傳統敘事中統一的"敘述時間",而替代以一種"居中性"的"時差"效應;同時發展出對分離的聲畫關係的各種新嘗試。第二個方面,是他中期作品中對感性經驗的重塑,包括引入異質化多元的時延、非個人知覺和情感模式。第三個方面,是貫穿電影長片和錄影裝置作品的"分叉"結構(或二分結構)。通過這一結構,他引入對時間性三維(過去現在未來)的靜態綜合和重新分配,即,將編年歷史的順時時間內攝於各種元素差異與重複建立起的超歷史(或非歷史)的時間分化;無論是過去還是當下的事件,都被體驗為一種對先在的純粹的事件如同儀式一般的召喚。這正是阿比查邦式的非歷史性的時間觀念和神話式敘述機制。同時,每一個方面都包含了阿比查邦在相應的作品中處理回應的泰國社會現實問題,將在論文中詳細展開。 ; This dissertation has three ambitions. The first is to provide an interpretation of the works by Apichatpong Weerasethakul in the 2000s as an auteur study, including feature films, experimental shorts, and video installations, which requires a new vision for film criticism for the compelling mode of filmmaking practice. The second is to discuss the social-political function of the modernist cinema in a contemporary society with specific historical trajectory of modernity, by investigating how Apichatpong's works relate/respond to Thai historical-social-politic circumstance. The third is to make an argument for the theoretical importance of aesthetics study of cinema in the light of the concern for time that is intrinsic to both thought and being and underlies modern experience. ; By locating Apichatpong in the junction of global and local cinema with historical contextualization, this study will unfold around how Apichatpong registers the polyrhythm of the "non-synchronicity" of contemporary Thai reality on his artistic innovative of the non-chronological temporality in three main parts. The first is the "storytelling device" which creates a new narrativity by transforming the "diegetic time" into a pure "time-lag" or "in-between" with an experiment of the disparity of sound and image. The second is a reconfiguration of the sensible, which consists of heterogeneity of ...

by Chun Wai (May) Chan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [147-149]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.1-3 ; The Historical Event ; Intersection of History and Biography ; Contemporary Emigration ; Literature Review --- p.4-15 ; Conceptual and Theoretical Issues ; "Types of Contemporary HK Emigrants, Emigration Strategies, & Emigration Adjustments" ; "Rationales for Emigration, Return Emigration, and Settlement" ; Politically Driven vs. Economically Driven Emigration ; Middle Class Emigration vs. Working Class Emigration ; The Meaning of the Contemporary Wave of Emigration ; Research Method --- p.16-20 ; Research Aim ; Framework of Analysis ; Subject of Study ; Research Design ; Conducting the Interview ; Data Analysis ; Chapter Organization --- p.21-21 ; Chapter 1- The Setting ; Chapter 2- The Search ; Chapter 3- The Transition ; Chapter 4- The Split ; Chapter 5- The Scale ; Chapter 6- The Meaning of the Contemporary Wave of Emigration from Hong Kong ; Chapter Chapter 1- --- The Setting --- p.22-26 ; Chapter 1.1 --- History of Emigration ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Contemporary Period ; Chapter 1.2A --- Transformations in Hong Kong ; Chapter 1.2B --- Immigration Policies of Overseas Destination Countries ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Timeframe ; Chapter Chapter 2- --- The Search --- p.27-48 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Forward ; Chapter 2.2 --- Motivations for Emigration ; Chapter 2.2A --- Overseas Educational Opportunities ; Chapter 2.2B --- Overseas Living Environment ; Chapter 2.2C --- Political Transition (97) ; Chapter 2.3 --- 1997: Divergent Focus ; Chapter 2.3A --- Shadow Past ; Chapter 2.3B --- Ambiguous Future ; Chapter 2.4 --- Non-Conventional Cases ; Chapter 2.5 --- Recapitulation ; Chapter Chapter 3- --- The Transition --- p.49-74 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Forward ; Chapter 3.2 --- Economic and Social Transitions ; Chapter 3.2A --- Economic ; Chapter 3.2A. 1 --- Employment/ Career Adjustments ; Chapter 3.2A. 1. a --- Experience and ...

Yick, Man Kin. ; "August 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [193]-212). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Abstract in English --- p.iii ; Abstract in Chinese --- p.v ; Acknowledgement --- p.vii ; Contents --- p.x ; Abbreviations --- p.xiii ; "Lists of Tables, figures and graph" --- p.xv ; Chapter Section 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Purpose of the study --- p.4 ; Chapter Section 2 --- Historical development of social welfare sector and YWCA --- p.5 ; Conceptualizing NGOs --- p.5 ; Early colonial period to WWII: Formation of charity organization under minimal welfare provision of the government --- p.7 ; Post-WWII to 1960s: Government in need of SSOs for relief work and against communism --- p.9 ; 1960s to 1990s: Expansion of social welfare and state incorporation of SSOs --- p.10 ; From the 1990s: Towards a contractual relationship between SSOs and government in uncertain times --- p.12 ; YWCA has followed the footsteps of social service sector --- p.16 ; Chapter Section 3 --- Conceptualizing legitimacy repair --- p.18 ; Why legitimacy? --- p.18 ; Conceptualizing and defining legitimacy --- p.20 ; Typology of legitimacy --- p.22 ; Measurements of legitimacy --- p.25 ; Legitimacy repair --- p.25 ; Stakeholder and stakeholder politics --- p.28 ; Chapter Section 4 --- Analytical framework --- p.32 ; Determinants of degree of consistency of legitimacy repair strategies --- p.32 ; Chapter Section 5 --- Methodology --- p.35 ; A longitudinal single case study --- p.35 ; A qualitative research --- p.36 ; Why TO YWCA? --- p.36 ; Research method --- p.37 ; Field roles and field relations --- p.39 ; Informant selection --- p.40 ; A note on the role of media --- p.41 ; Ethical issues in this study --- p.42 ; Chapter Section 6 --- The setting: Tai 0 --- p.43 ; The administrative-political setting --- p.48 ; Local associations in Tai O --- p.51 ; Chapter Section 7 --- Legitimacy challenge on YWCA during 1988 District ...

by Chan Wai Yin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 165-171). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.iii ; List of tables --- p.viii ; List of abbreviations --- p.ix ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; The Research Case --- p.2 ; The Puzzle --- p.4 ; Methodology --- p.6 ; Outline of the Thesis --- p.8 ; Chapter 2 --- Intergenerational Non-investment-inducing Public Goods and the State --- p.11 ; National and Cultural pride as an Intergenerational Non-investment- inducing Public Good --- p.11 ; The Nature of the State --- p.19 ; Good State --- p.20 ; """Neutral"" State" --- p.22 ; Bad State --- p.24 ; Chapter 3 --- China as an Entrepreneurial State --- p.33 ; State Administration in China --- p.33 ; Central-local Fiscal Relations from a Historical Perspective --- p.41 ; Fragmented State Perspective --- p.45 ; Entrepreneurial State Perspective --- p.47 ; Public Choice's Critiques --- p.58 ; China as an Entrepreneurial State: Revised --- p.66 ; Chapter 4 --- Archaeological Protection in China --- p.68 ; Archaeological Protection in Democratic Countries --- p.68 ; National Laws and Regulations of Archaeological Protection in China --- p.75 ; Difficulties Encountered in Archaeological Protection --- p.87 ; Chapter 5 --- Preservation of the Relics of the Nanyue Kingdom in Guangzhou --- p.94 ; The City of Guangzhou --- p.94 ; Regulations on the Protection of the Cultural Relics in the Guangdong Province and Guangzhou --- p.96 ; Archaeological Protection in Guangzhou --- p.99 ; The Preservation of the Royal Relics of the Nanyue Kingdom --- p.101 ; Chapter 6 --- The Political Logic of Preserving Cultural Legacy --- p.118 ; Identifying the Individual Actor: Mayors of Guangzhou --- p.119 ; Chinese Officials as a Political Actor --- p.121 ; Establishing a Modern Civil Service --- p.122 ; A Performance-based Civil Service --- p.126 ; The Political Logic of Preservation of Cultural Legacy in Guangzhou --- p.133 ...

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

本研究以一个曾经在文革中施暴的红卫兵──李乾的生命传记为个案,以布迪厄的社会实践理论为理论框架,探讨主体参与文革与记忆、反思文革的实践,以及对文革意义的理解,进而理解一系列红卫兵实践(尤其是暴力实践)的逻辑。不同于已有文革研究的精英史和社会史路径,本研究试图发展一种传记取向的文革研究路径,分析个体生命经验与其所处社会情境,红卫兵的惯习与其所处的场域的复杂关系,由此更深刻地理解文革以及无产阶级专政的政治文化。 ; 首先,本研究聚焦这些红卫兵文革初期对文革的认知、情感机制与行动策略,指出其实践如何受制于无产阶级专政场域与惯习的作用,如何再生产无产阶级专政的政治文化,即再生产无产阶级专政的象征秩序、权力技术、话语方式与组织机制,如何再生产文革"武斗"的直接暴力与"文斗"的话语暴力。并且,本研究试图说明早期"造反者"的"造反"动力来自其与老红卫兵在革命资格竞争中的"相对剥夺感";这种"造反"并不是为了反抗主流的象征秩序,而是努力争取自身在这套象征秩序中的优势位置和资本。 ; 其次,本研究探讨主体生命经验中关键性的暴力事件──"一二.五"事件的实际发生过程,分析"一二.五"事件中这些红卫兵对暴力的认知与情感,以及暴力如何被合法化及赋权,其中的专政对象──"流氓"是如何被建构与想象的,由此揭示特定的政治文化脉络中主体的贱斥动力以及这一暴力实践的逻辑。红卫兵暴力惯习的形塑,不仅受制于文革的革命场域的作用,更受制于建国以来历时性的无产阶级专政场域的作用;同时,这一惯习的运作又在维持和再生产无产阶级专政的政治文化。 ; 此外,本研究探讨主体在"一二.五"事件后,如何在一系列社会互动的过程中,逐步实现了意识的转化和主体性变迁,如何从符号中介的生命经验中引入新的认知与情感机制重新理解"一二.五"事件、文革以及无产阶级专政的政治文化。这种批判性的反思实践与主体所处行动场域中的社会位置以及所能接收的多元的、异质性的符号资源密切相关,可以形塑主体惯习的转化,生产新的社会实践以及相应社会关系的改变。 ; 最后,本研究试图将当下民间文革记忆与反思实践置于文革与后文革、毛时代与后毛时代的连续性与转型的关系之中,指出为民间记忆与反思实践赋权的政治文化意义。这一反记忆实践不仅打捞普通人被遗忘的、被边缘化的文革记忆,也介入对历史与现实的批判,积极争取个体对历史的话语权,与对现实政治、文化的参与权。 ; Taking the life biography of a former Red Guard Li Qian who committed violence during the Cultural Revolution (CR) as a case, this research employs Pierre Bourdieu's theory of social practice to explore the Red Guards' participatory, mnemonic and reflective practices during the CR, as well as their understanding of the CR, with the aim of further understanding the logics of the Red Guards' practices (especially their violent practices). Different from the traditional approaches of political history and social history, this study attempts to develop a biography approach to study the CR. It analyzes the complex relations between individuals' life experiences and their social contexts, between the Red Guards' habitus and the specific field, to understand the political culture of the CR and the Proletarian Dictatorship. ; First, this study focuses on the Red Guards' cognitive and emotional mechanism and action strategy during the early days of the CR. It investigates how their practices are subject to the conditioning of the field and ...

本文從技術的政治經濟學視角,觀察中國上世紀七十年代末八十年代的廣播電視大學運動,主要采用文獻分析的方法,試圖去回答,爲什麽電大教育會從單位辦學制、個人自學制、學校辦學制這三種模式存走向單一的學校辦學體制?在電大運動所歸屬的更大的高教去國家化運動當中,爲什麽社會自治主義、新自由主義與電大教育接合失敗,而國家主義却成功了?爲了回答這些或具體或抽象的問題,本文在前人研究的基礎上提出了「新發展主義」的概念作爲分析工具,指出「效率範式」是七十年代末八十年代新發展主義的主要再現形式,它有追求「生産效率優先」和「成本效率」的兩個方面。在「發展主義範式轉移」的語境下,電大運動是國家以「技術動員」的方式徵用社會經濟資本實現人力資本積累的表現。通過使用新發展主義的「集中性-去集中性」這一對框架性工具,本文指出了社會自治主義表現爲「兩種效率衝突」以及「教育低效」的「反效率」,以及新自由主義表現爲「配置低效」的「反效率」,而與之相比,國家主義反倒因爲教育專業主義和機會平等政治的追求,而與新發展主義的效率追求形成了一致性。新發展主義與社會自治主義、新自由主義和國家主義在這一時期的「接合」與「接合失敗」,是單位辦學制與個人自學制的衰落,以及「公立非公費」的「學校辦學制」日漸崛起的原因。此外,本文從「新發展主義」出發,還提出了「改革辯證法」的認識論,作爲從「改革之交」理解共産中國的一種嘗試。 ; From the perspective of political economy of technology, this research aims to analyze the Chinese Broadcasting and Television University Movement(TVUM) , and to answer two sets of questions: 1) During the TVUM in late 1970s and 1980s, why did the "university-organized learning" model rise? Why did the "danwei-organized learning" model and the "self-learning" model decline simultaneously? 2) Why was the TVUM articulated with Statism successfully? Why did the articulation of the TVUM with Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism fail ? Documentary analysis is the main research method. In order to answer the questions above, this research constructs the efficiency-oriented model to illustrate and explain Chinese economic development in late 1979s and 1980s. In the context of the paradigm shift of developmentalism, the TVUM took it as the main purpose to promote the accumulation of human capital. In contrast with the "anti-efficiency" of Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism, this research identifies that Statism unexpectedly presents its consistency with the effenciency-oriented model by combining the professionalism of education and equal-opportunity politics. The rise and the declination in the TVUM are attributed to the success and the failure of articulation with the efficenecy-oriented model respectively. Moreover, this research preliminarily constructs "the dialectics of the reform" as the perspective of interpreting Communist ...

Shi, Xiaoxin. ; "August 2010." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-169). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract (English) --- p.iv ; Abstract (Chinese) --- p.iiiv ; Acknowledements --- p.iv ; List of Tables --- p.ix ; List of Figures --- p.x ; Abbreviations --- p.xii ; "Terms in English, Chinese, and Chinese pinyin" --- p.xi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- SEA and its practice in China --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research objectives --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research questions --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Significance of this research --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Structure of the thesis --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- SEA and Its Chinese Context --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The definition of SEA --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The two schools of SEA theory --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- EIA-based SEA --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Policy-oriented SEA --- p.112 ; Chapter 2.4 --- SEA in the Chinese context --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.4.1 --- Institutional context: administrative structure and governmental organs --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.4.2 --- "Planning system context: urban SEPs, basic classification, and attributes" --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.4.3 --- Historical context: from EIA to SEA --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.4.4 --- "Regulatory context: a ""grey area"" for urban SEPs" --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Summary --- p.30 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methodology and Design --- p.31 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.31 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Inquiry process as a social practice --- p.31 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Framing the research --- p.33 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- "Starting from the tangible top of an ""iceberg""" --- p.33 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- Establishing criteria for evaluation --- p.35 ; Chapter 3.3.3 --- Research Framework --- p.36 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Literature review: summarizing key elements of good SEAs of urban SEPs --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.5 --- Research instruments --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.5.1 --- Literature review --- ...

Xia Xiang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-102). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract (in English) --- p.i-iii ; Abstract (in Chinese) --- p.iv-v ; Acknowledgement --- p.vi-vii ; List of Figures --- p.xii ; List of Tables --- p.xiii ; Abbreviations --- p.xiv ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-7 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The Rationale of the Study --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Scope of the Study --- p.1-2 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The Objectives of the Study --- p.2-3 ; Chapter 1.4 --- The Methodology of the Study --- p.3-4 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Significance and Limitations of the Study --- p.4-6 ; Chapter 1.6 --- The Organization of the Study --- p.6-7 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.8-29 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Theory of Corporatism and Its Criticism --- p.8-11 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Definition of Corporatism and Two Different Types --- p.8-10 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Some Critiques on Corporatism --- p.10-11 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Theory of Civil Society and Its Criticism --- p.12-17 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Definition of Civil Society --- p.12-14 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Some Critiques on Civil Society --- p.14-17 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Applicability of Corporatism/Civil Society to China --- p.17-25 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Discussions on Corporatism --- p.17-19 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Discussions on Civil Society --- p.19-22 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Social Organizations: both corporatist and civil society features? --- p.22-25 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Studies on the Private Business Associations in China --- p.25-29 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Federation of Industry and Commerce --- p.30-54 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The All China Federation of Industry and Commerce --- p.30-35 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Establishment and Objectives --- p.30-31 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Functions of the A CFIC --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.1.3 --- "Organization, Staffing and Budget" --- p.32-34 ; Chapter 3.1.4 --- "Structure, Local Chapters and Membership" --- p.34-35 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Shanghai Federation of ...

這項研究探討信息科技在中國的技術政治。研究試圖書寫電子計算機作為一種新的電子信息科技在中國早期設置過程的技術政治社會史,並在理論層面上尝试构建一個拓展了的「技術、社會、與勞動」的進路。源於冷戰的地緣政治結構,不像韓國、台灣、或香港等其他亞洲國家和地區 ,在1980年代改革開放以前,中國大陸的計算機工業已經經歷了近30年(1955-1984)連續且激進的獨立發展。特別需要指出的是,中國社會主義時代的計算機發展不僅僅是爲了滿足冷戰中的國防需要和技術民族主義意識形態下社會動員的需要,同時高度嵌入了有關階級政治和技術哲學的社會主義「社會實驗」當中。而隨著文革群眾運動的終結和中國的「改革開放」,鄧小平為首的國家決策層爲了回應來自外部的壓力和來自社會主義內部的危機,用實用主義的技術發展觀取代了社會主義的技術民主實踐。1984年,隨著阿尔文.托夫勒(Alvin Toffler)的《第三次浪潮》(The Third Wave)風靡中國大陸,革命中國的計算機工業和技術政策逐步被隨新自由主義全球化而來的「信息社會」和「矽谷模式」所取代。 ; 作為一個技術和文化的雙重物件,電子計算機及其衍生科技(臺式計算機、筆記本電腦、智慧手機、平板電腦等)是理解當代資本主義生產、消費、與勞動關係的指標性科技。然而在社會主義中國的革命現代化進程中,它卻曾經一度拐入了一條另類的發展路徑。中國的信息化(informationalization)或曰計算機化(computerization)過程中的技術路線鬥爭和轉型是如何發生的,這一進程與中國「從毛到鄧」的獨特現代化道路之間是怎樣的關係?時至今日,批判的傳播研究對這段歷史依然所知甚少。本文試圖重訪這個歷史轉折,探查計算機在中國的早期技術政治史。通過追蹤關鍵的歷史事件、人物、思潮、和政策,論文試圖探尋冷戰架構下東西方技術政治之間的交鋒,如何在被計算機仲介的生產與勞動關係中顯影。從這個「閃回」中得到的知識,有助我們將對今日中國信息產業和信息勞動的理解,重新納入中國革命現代性的潮起潮落之中。 ; This paper traces the political and social history for the installation process of digital technology in China, in order to shed light on the ways in which computer interacted with the transformation of Chinese socialism. Due to geopolitical structure of the Cold War, unlike other East Asian countries, before 1980s China had developed its independent computer industry for more than 30 years. This development was not just under the rubric of techno-nationalism, which mainly helps to fulfill military and national defense aims, but also embedded into proletariat political debates. Maoist China developed a dialectical approach to technology, in which the most powerful productive power is the revolutionary proletariat class per se, not the machine or technology. So the process of socialist technology development, like the process of socialist culture and arts development is also a dialectical process, which must follow mass line to not just develop productive force, but also transform production relations and create socialist subjectivity. Instead, the post-Mao leadership under Deng Xiaoping responded to external Cold War pressures and the profound internal crises of ...

中国的私营企业主支持民主吗?此研究发现整体上他们拥有民主价值观念,但是他们认为民主在中国不可行,所以他们选择维持现状。通过分析一份全国性问卷调查数据,本文指出中国的私营企业主比其他的中产阶级和劳动阶层更加可能支持民主价值观念,在控制了相关的政治性,区域性和基本的个人特征的影响之后,这样的差异依然存在。用结构化方程模型分析一份针对 2071 位私营企业主的问卷调查数据进一步表明私营企业主的民主价值观念并不受他们与政府的政治联系的影响。和政府有各种联系的私营企业主并没有比其他企业主更加保守。然而通过与他们的深度访谈,文章发现拥有民主价值观念的私营企业家同时也支持政府。他们认为民主在中国并不可行,至少在目前这个阶段。因此,他们倾向于选择维持现状。 ; Do private entrepreneurs in China support democracy? This study shows that in general, private entrepreneurs find democracy desirable, but their concern with the feasibility of democracy predisposes them toward maintaining the status quo. Drawing on a national survey, this research indicates that Chinese private entrepreneurs are more likely to have democratic values than the non-entrepreneurial middle class and working class, controlling the effects of relevant political, regional and demographic factors. An analysis of a survey data on 2071 private entrepreneurs further shows that politically embedded entrepreneurs are not significantly less likely to endorse democratic values than non-politically embedded entrepreneurs. In-depth interviews suggest that private entrepreneurs who have democratic values tend to argue that democracy is infeasible in China, at least in the near future. In real life, they adopt a pro-government stance in their economic, social and political activities. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Jin, Shuai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 48-51). ; Abstracts also in Chinese.

本論文選取畫家符羅飛(1897-1971)進行研究,旨在通過文字及圖像史料復原這一被視作"歷史失蹤者的藝術家個案,並將其放在20 世紀中國藝術與革命互動關係的語境中進行考察。文章依據時序及符羅飛活動地點與内容的變化,分爲五個章節,結合文獻考據、視覺分析及藝術社會學等研究方法,分別探討他於20 世紀20 至60 年代在上海、意大利、香港及華南等地的藝術創作與社會活動,並著重觀察這位以藝術積極投入社會革命、且擁有明確政治信仰的畫家及其代表的群體,是如何通過主動轉變藝術面貌,從而與20 世紀中國社會的大變動連成一體。本文認爲:符羅飛於抗戰期間攜傾向古典寫實的那不勒斯畫派畫風及自創的水墨寫生歸國,但其藝術救國活動最初並未達至理想效果;直到40 年代中期才在通過不斷地寫生、辦展,逐漸吸收國統區漫畫與木刻中流行的德國表現主義元素,脫胎出具有強烈視覺刺激和道德感召力、又符合中共革命訴求的代表性藝術面貌,在特定的政治人群中得到廣泛承認,在此過程中輿論因素的影響不可忽視;同時,他的彩墨實驗等游離於政治目標之外的藝術活動打破了"革命畫家"的刻板印象;而他在政權鼎革後因未能適應高度一元化的藝壇新秩序而湮沒於混亂時世的最終命運,又折射出五四以來自由知識分子傳統與中共黨文化之間不可調和的矛盾。 ; This thesis is a monographic study on the artist Fu Luofei (1897-1971), aiming to reconstruct his life and art with textual and visual historical materials, with focus on the interaction between art and revolution in the twentieth-century China. The five chapters of this thesis examine Fu's artistic and social activities in Shanghai, Italy, Hong Kong and South China from the 1920s to 1960s chronologically, and mainly investigate how this artist, who had definite political belief and was willing to devote his art to social revolution, involved in and acted on the transformation of Chinese society in the twentieth century through continuously transforming his artistic styles. ; As this study demonstrates, Fu brought back from Italy the representational painting style of the Neapolitan School and the achievement of his ink experiment in the late 1930s. However, his attempt on "saving the nation by art" did not succeed until mid-1940s. At that time, Fu established his signature style by absorbing the visual elements of German Expressionist paintings, one of the prevailing styles for cartoons and woodcut prints in the Kuomintang ruled areas. His signature style, which was strong in visual stimulation as well as in moral and emotional appeal, was developed through unceasing exchanges with the leftist critics and echoed with the political demand of the Chinese Communist Party. Meanwhile, as is rarely known, Fu also painted in the form of traditional guohua (Chinese national painting), ...

司徒國健. ; 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999. ; 參考文獻 (leaves 324-342). ; 附中英文摘要. ; Situ Guojian. ; Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)-- Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. ; Can kao wen xian (leaves 324-342). ; Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. ; 序說 --- p.1-11 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 硏究緣起 --- p.1 ; Chapter 0.1.1 --- 硏究範圍 ; Chapter 0.1.2 --- 硏究緣起 ; Chapter 0.1.3 --- 學術意義與硏究價値 ; Chapter 第貳節、 --- 硏究資料簡介 --- p.6 ; Chapter 第參節、 --- 本文結構 --- p.8 ; 上篇 ; Chapter 第一章 --- 引論 --- p.12-37 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 晚明學術思想與文學思潮 --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.1.1 --- 晚明學術思想與文學思潮之遞變 ; Chapter 1.1.2 --- 東林講學與經世文論 ; Chapter 1.1.3 --- 文人集團與明季黨社之特質 ; Chapter 第貳節、 --- 明淸之際經世思潮及「經世」詩說 --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- 經世之學與文學經世 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- 陳子龍經世之學與「經世」詩說 ; Chapter 第參節、 --- 明代詩學與陳子龍詩說 --- p.24 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- 明代詩壇與文學復古思潮 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- 陳子龍不執囿於詩法 ; Chapter 第肆節、 --- 幾社文學與陳子龍「經世」詩說 --- p.29 ; Chapter 1.4.1 --- 幾社詩風 ; Chapter 1.4.2 --- 幾社文風與「縱橫家」、「詩教」與「經世」詩說 ; Chapter 第伍節、 --- 《皇明詩選》與陳子龍詩說 --- p.33 ; Chapter 第陸節、 --- 結語 --- p.36 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 陳子龍生平、「經世」思想 與詩學源流 --- p.38-59 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 陳子龍生平簡介 --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- 傳略 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- 陳子龍之殉節 ; Chapter 第貳節、 --- 陳子龍經世思想 --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- 陳子龍經世思想源流說略 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- 陳子龍文學思想 ; Chapter 第參節、 --- 陳子龍詩學源流考述 --- p.47 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- 陳子龍詩學地位及評價 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- 辨陳子龍「繼『明七子』模擬」 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- 陳子龍與艾南英「婁江之辯」考 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- 陳子龍兼備眾體 ; Chapter 第肆節、 --- 陳子龍之交遊與其詩學淵源 --- p.56 ; Chapter 第伍節、 --- 結語 --- p.58 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 陳子龍「經世」詩說 與明季黨社之淵源 --- p.60-82 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 幾社之質性及與東林、復社之淵源 --- p.60 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- 綜說 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- 明末文社之議政性質 ; Chapter 第貳節、 --- 幾社之「古學」與「復古」 --- p.65 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- 明代「古學」槪說 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- 明季「古學」與幾社、復社之「復古」 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- 幾社之復興「絶學」與「尊經復古」之文學觀 ; Chapter 第參節、 --- 幾社之名義與陳子龍文學「復古」 之淵源 --- p.74 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- 幾社名義與《易》學經世 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- 陳子龍「文學復古」與《易》之「變」 ; Chapter 第肆節、 --- 結語 --- p.81 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 陳子龍「經世」詩說之特質 --- p.83-129 ; Chapter 第壹節、 --- 「經世」詩說之名義 --- p.83 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- 釋名義 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- 「經世」詩說與淸初經世詩風 ; Chapter 第貳節、 ...

在全球基金總部要求擴大公民社會參與度的背景下,2006年4月,非政府組織聯合發起運動,反對中國全球基金國家協調委員會秘書處組織的兩名民間社會代表的選舉,要求增加參與權和改善選舉程式。本研究採用質性研究方法,對這場由非政府組織發起的政策倡導運動的發生原因、運動發起方的構成與真實力量、運動參與方在期間的互動過程與策略運用以及運動所能達成的成果展開分析,為社會運動理論在中國的適用與變化提供實證研究基礎上的探索,對非政府組織在中國環境下謀求組織發展及拓寬政治參與空間提出建議。 ; 本研究回顧了中國愛滋病問題的背景與現狀、西方社會運動研究理論體系與相關研究成果以及中國抗爭政治研究,採用動員結構與政治機會結構為核心的分析框架,發現: ; (1)在西方社會運動理論研究中沒有重要地位的傘狀組織關係在在CCM選舉運動動員結構中扮演了關鍵角色,增加了運動發起方的整體力量與合法性來源,並呈現出多層級傘狀組織結構。 ; (2)CCM選舉運動聯盟距離臨時性、適當制度化和去中心化的目標尚有距離,正在向理想的外部動員結構轉化,目前呈現出非政府組織聯盟與多層級傘狀組織相結合的動員結構。 ; (3)中國目前宏觀政治環境中存在倡導型運動的生存空間。通過一系列的策略選擇與運用,運動發起方可以發掘、詮釋、擴大政治機會,不斷營造運動發展空間,尤其是對國際因素的敏銳把握與利用,成功將運動不斷推進。 ; (4)政治機會結構四要素並不是平行發揮作用。在國家鎮壓能力基本穩定維持不變的情況下,政治體制內同盟者的存在對政治管道和政治精英體制穩定性發揮主導作用,進而對運動進程和結果帶來深遠影響。 ; 本研究提出了目前CCM選舉運動的動員結構特徵,以及運動發起方在對政治機會把握、利用過程中的優點與缺陷,並提議加入跨界拓展作為考察外部動員結構的分析視角,在政治機會結構四要素的分析中整合國際因素的影響,最後提出對非政府組織發展,國際項目管理和相關政策的建議。 ; Since Global Fund claimed for expanding public participation in civil society, in the April of 2006 NGOs made allies to launch a movement against the election organized by CCM Secretariat, requiring adding the right of participation and improving election procedures. With qualitative research method, this paper analyzes the reason, process and result including interactions and strategies among participants of this advocacy movement organized by NGOs, providing evidence-based study for employment and adaptation of the social movement theory in China; and makes suggestions for NGOs to expand organization development and political participation in the context of China. ; This study adopts mobilization structure and political opportunity structure in the theory of social movement as core theoretical framework based on reviewing the background and status quo of AIDS issue in China, the theory and relevant studies of social movement as well as studies on China contentious politics. Findings are as follows: ; 1.Umbrella organizations, which are of less emphasis in the western studies of social movement, play a key role in CCM election movement mobilization. It increases organizers' overall strength and legitimacy and ...