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The development of a strict methodology of observation & analysis in soc sci has always met with resistance. In the current debate on this topic in the US, 2 positions can be distinguished. There are the 'theorists,' who find their inspiration in the work of recent philosophers such as H. Marcuse & J.-P. Sartre; they rate the formation of a pol'al theory as a 1st priority. Then there are the 'behaviorists,' whose first care is for sci'fic method. This contrast is reviewed on the basis of the document, "Political Science at Berkeley, An Invitation to a Discussion," which was published anonymously by a group of students. The criticism of these students can be summarized under the headings 'commitment' & 'relevance.' As far as commitment is concerned, the critics reproach the behaviorists for not taking stands in important contemporary moral issues, & for identifying with the status quo. It is argued here that what leads to acceptance of & identification with the existing pol'al order is not behaviorist methodology as such, but rather the mood of the behaviorists. As far as 'relevance' is concerned, the critics are impatient with the futile detail analysis & data collecting of the behaviorists. The behaviorists' use of a strict methodology of explanation by generalization leads to a reduction of the scope of analysis. Then only the 'easy' aspects ('easy' to quantify, 'easy' to collect, etc) are analyzed, & discontinuous developments are neglected. The argument presented here is that the lack of a dynamic theory of the pol'al process is an impediment indeed for pol'al sci, but that, again, behaviorism as such cannot be accused of being 'conservative' or 'conformistic': the refutation of race theories, for example, was rather a radical undertaking. It is concluded that for the time being it is not necessary to lay other bounds on pol'al sci than those that follow from the claims of rational debate & intellectual honesty. HA.

Every social problem is hierarchically structured. To elucidate the importance of this hierarchical aspect for solving social problems, the concepts of problem domain & context are introduced. For each problem, its defining instance, its definition, & its experience may be individual or collective. Subjective & objective components of problems can be distinguished. Each problem situation leads to the formation of a field of power involving various problem-defining instances, each with its particular problem definition & problem experience. Problems cannot be solved without taking into account each of the forces in this field of power. 1 Table, 2 Figures. Modified Author Summary.

The amalgamation of Belgian municipalities was intended to enhance the resolution of civic problems. Although it would require more dedication, deeper understanding, a readiness to listen, & preliminary research on the part of the managers, the merged communities could have better facilities because they were centralized. However, the resulting hierarchy & bureaucracy have made flexible management more difficult, & some citizens focus on the negative rather than positive aspects of the consolidation. The global impression is that the consolidation has been better for the small municipalities than the large ones, especially those of 50,000+ inhabitants, who feel that the understanding & resolution of their problems has become more complicated. This situation is viewed with particular regard for the services offered by Belgium's public centers for social welfare (OCMW). Modified HA.

The bad reputation in the social sciences of social Darwinian theories is one of the main hindrances to paying attention to ethology, the biological study of behavior. Although developments in this area of research suggest interesting implications for political science, so far, very few political scientists have dealt with these matters. First, the biological way of thinking about behavior is introduced. The object & method of ethology are dealt with, & attention is paid to the problems of function, causation, & history of behavior of animal & man. The neo-Darwinian theory of evolution, which is fundamental to ethology & to the main argument presented here, is summarized. It is concluded that morphology & behavior are both evolutionary organisms. Next, man is considered in the perspective of evolution. The belief in a rigid distinction between nature & nurture is discussed. The modern biological view that the human capacity for making culture is genetically coded is accepted. In a second part, some aspects of this biological view of behavior, relevant to political science, are discussed. From a comparison of definitions in ethology & political science, it appears that social behavior is the most important problem in both disciplines. Social scientists usually study behavior as an autonomous subject while biologists integrate their vision of behavior in the larger context of evolution. There is a fundamental similarity between ethological concepts of social behavior & some recently developed conceptions of political behavior. It is argued that relinquishing the more traditional focus of political science on state-oriented or group-centered action is an important condition.

Noting that problems with social exclusion are increasingly related to unemployment, ethnic factors, & urban crime in Belgium, the applicability of the primarily British & US concept of the underclass is examined. Definitions of the concept are discussed, arguing that some are too vague to clearly circumscribe a sociologically relevant group, & others possess a moral undertone that renders their explanatory power minimal. Although the term cannot be applied straightforwardly to the Belgian situation, three recurrent aspects of its definitions are explored: economic marginality, deviant values regarding work & family, & criminal behavior. It is found that economic marginality in Belgium is not as stable as in the UK & US, & relevant values & behavior are not specifically associated with or restricted to economically marginal groups. However, the expression of conflict in terms of ethnicity is recognized. It is concluded that, although Belgium's problems can be viewed in a framework of underclass formation processes, no definable underclass exists. Adapted from the source document.

Findings are presented from a survey of political scientists (N = 221) who graduated from 6 Dutch Us in 1984-1986. It is shown that their unemployment rates are lower than for social scientists in general. The labor market is weakest in international relations, & strongest in public policy & in methodology. Growth in employment since 1974 occurred primarily in the private sector. Training is appropriately related to practical skills required for jobs for the 16.5% of graduates who were hired in jobs specifically meant for political scientists. Opinions of Rs about good & bad aspects of their U training are also noted. 10 Tables. Modified HA

Sociological research concerning three Catholic "pillar" organizations (the Catholic school system, the Christian hospitals, & the Catholic U) indicates that secularization is not followed by "depillarization" or weakening of the Catholic pillars. It is suggested that there is a process of secularization within the Catholic organizations, with as main components the development of a sociocultural Christianity (a secular surrogate for church religion) & professionalization by which Christian organizations ensure job security & social advancement for its loyal members. Thanks to its informal ties with the Christian pillar organizations, the Parti Social Chretien (Christian Democrat Party) acts on both components by stressing the specific identity & defining the interests of the pillar organizations. This explanation reveals some major aspects of the ties between Catholics (in the sociological sense) & their party, a bond that is certainly not affected by the secularization process. Modified HA.

Main political events of 1999 in Flanders (Belgium) are discussed. Following a description of the formalities, notably budget control issues, leading up to the June 13 elections, the results of the elections & the formation of the new Flemish parliament are described. Although the Christian democratic party CVP emerged as the largest party, it forfeited its governing rights; instead, a socialist/environmentalist coalition consisting of VLD, SP, Agalev, & VU-ID was formed. The development of budgetary agreements is summarized, & main elements of discussions & agreements in the following policy fields are addressed: economy & labor, infrastructure, environment, welfare, education, media, & state reformation. Since the Flemish parliament, established in 1995, is a relatively new institution, organizational & structural aspects of its departments are highlighted & explained, & the developmental processes of each department & office are emphasized. S. Paul

The relation between political scientists and the media is fragile; from both sides opportunism can have a major influence. Both political scientists as well as politicians should thus reflect on the role both parties can and want to assume. The symposium presents 2 contributions coming from both sides, offering analysis and insight. The first article by Dave Sinardet discusses important aspects of the role political scientists can play in the media. He states that it is the responsibility of social scientists to participate in the public debate and to adjust form, style and use of language of the media in order to shape a public opinion. The second article by the editor of a Belgium newspaper incites political scientists to closer examine their wishes and aspirations regarding their role in the media. O. van Zijl

After the sharp conflicts between the government & the medical unions in 1964, concerning health insurance reform involving an `agreement system' for medical fees & repayments by the health insurance funds--a form of bargaining economy has developed in Belgian health care, with sick funds & medical unions as the major parties. This 'Pax Medica' appears to be threatened by a series of financially motivated government measures aimed at reducing the medical associations' professional autonomy & dominance. The historical context, the parties involved, & the development of this conflict are discussed. A striking analogy with the 1964 conflict is pointed out, particularly regarding union strategy. The present state of affairs does not suggest a threat to the 'Pax Medica,' but rather a stabilization of the established power relationship between government, sick funds, & medical unions, which will respect the rules of democratic compromise. Such a conflictual situation helps in making various aspects of the overall situation more perceptible. The scene is dominated by two groups of organizations: medical unions & the sick funds. They function on the background of _a market economy that is accepted by both. Hence, fundamental social changes in the area of medicine are unlikely. Modified HA.