Suchergebnisse

This contribution to the discussion about Dag Strpic's book Karl Marx and the Political Economy of Modernity focuses on the author's assessment that the weakening of US economic hegemony is questionable, especially with regard to the future prospects of capitalism (and its development), and prefers to speak of a "redesign" thereof. Accordingly, this article analyses in detail three aspects of capitalism redesign: the causal, the contingent and the functional aspects. Regarding causality, the partial redistribution of leading roles in world economy is caused by the introduction of new methods, from industrial and media technology to financial speculations and new wars -- which make profit-making possible. Regarding contingency, the shift in the centre provides opportunity for a small number of countries, such as China, India and Brazil, which are endowed with capitalist "talent" (in the sense of combining the policy of resource mobilization with elements of positive evaluation of labour in the local culture), to climb the ladder of successful development. The functional aspects indicate the favourable effects of the shift in the centre not only for newcomers to the club of the most developed, but also to the USA. The financialization of (primarily American) economy, along with giving over leadership to other industrial powers in many branches of industrial production, and in the rate of economic growth -- i.e. with a "new division of labour" in the centre -- gives to the US some sort of "aristocratic" status in the world of capitalism. Such a status is not incompatible with the cyclic process of capitalism development. Instead of a dialectical leap toward socialism, it rather aspires to a partial restoration of feudalism, as a global order of strong states in the centre and weak or apparent states on the margins. This, however, is not the worst possible ending of modern history. If a much more pronounced decline of US economic power in favour of the newcomers were to occur, this would probably strengthen the brutality of capitalism rather than weaken it. Provided that, in the EU, the trend of further decomposition of the welfare state is stopped, and the indispensable balance between the requirements of economic growth and of social solidarity and general well-being is restored, only a genuine and comprehensive "Europeanization" of the capitalist system could make possible the emergence of a global capitalism with a human face, and probably also of a world state which would provide for a balanced development of all parts of the world. Adapted from the source document.

How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocks of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analysed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modem (epistemological) key (analysed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modem social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modem social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part) law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture -- including politics and economy -- into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action-guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within the limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. Adapted from the source document.

How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocs of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analysed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modern (epistemological) key (analysed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modern social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modern social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part), law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture -- including politics and economy -- into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach, which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. Adapted from the source document.

The paper is about the analysis of the general structure & the coherence of the historical consciousness of young people in five groups of European countries, using the results of the international study Youth and History of 1995. The analysis suggests there are two main patterns of historical thinking & the construction of historicopolitical identity that the author calls the driving force of historical progressivism and the smelting-plant of patriotism. These modernist schemes of thought, grounded in the competing perceptions of the nation, democracy & Europe, make the historical consciousness ambivalent. Regarding the coherence of historical consciousness, it is somewhat lower in the countries of Eastern Europe, which can be explained by the impact of the "neuralgic spot" of the collapse of socialism & the discontinuity in social, political & cultural aspects as expressed in the ideological cleavages of that time. In the postsocialist Central-European countries on the other hand, this coherence is the highest, the fact that the author attributes to the radical shift from the ideology of socialism & the domination of the cleavage traditionalism-Occidentalism. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Contrary to the prevalent criticism of the modern nation-state, the author thinks that it is an institution ethically valid in itself. A nation-state is a political entity in which the boundaries of state & nation coincide. National identity is a source of communitarian solidarity & trust, essential for the formation of a state. The author thinks that the state, as a means of national self-determination can relinquish many of its functions & delegate them to supranational bodies, under the condition that it can regain them. Certain areas, such as social & cultural policy & certain aspects of economic policy, due to their importance for the preservation of the national identity should remain in the hands of the nation-state. In their foreign policy, states ought to respect several basic norms: renouncing the use of force or other forms of pressure, honoring agreements, solidarity in adversity, & reducing the unfair distribution of resources. The author deals with the problem of multinational states & concludes that the separate national groups in principle have a right to secession & the creation of their own state. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj se rad bavi analizom glazbenih preferencija i političkog ponašanja kod studenata na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu. U skladu s navedenim provedeno je istraživanje na studentima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu (N=140). Prvi dio rada obuhvaća teorijski pregled pri čemu se dotiče dosadašnjih istraživanja u sferi glazbenih preferencija te različitih aspekata političkog ponašanja. U drugom dijelu rada provedeno je istraživanje u kojem su se mjerile glazbene preferencije i političko ponašanje mladih. U kontekstu glazbenih preferencija obuhvaćene su sljedeće komponente: učestalost slušanja glazbe, utjecaj slušanja glazbe na život studenata i preferencije prema pojedinom žanru glazbe. Kako bi izmjerili političko ponašanje studenata mjerena je: politička orijentacija studenata, izlaznost na izbore, participacija u strankama, na prosvjedima, potpisivanjima peticija i štrajkovima, učestalost političkog informiranja, podrška demokraciji te je provjeravano znanje o osnovnim političkim pojmovima. Istraživanjem se pokušalo provjeriti postoji li povezanost između tih dvaju faktora. Rezultati istraživanja su pokazali kako su lijevo orijentirani ispitanici manje skloni popularno tradicionalnom glazbenom ukusu te pokazuju veću razinu političke participacije. Također, pokazalo se kako ispitanici u čijim životima glazba ima velik utjecaj, pokazuju manju razinu znanja o politici. ; This paper deals with the analysis of musical preferences and political behaviour among students at the University of Zagreb. In accordance following the aforementioned, a study was conducted on students of the University of Zagreb (N=140). The first part of the paper includes a theoretical overview, touching on previous research in the field of musical preferences and various aspects of political behaviour. In the second part, the research was conducted in which the musical preferences and political behaviour were measured. In the context of the musical components, the following components were included: frequency of the listening to the music, the impact on their ...

Neprofitne organizacije ne osnivaju se sa svrhom stjecanja dobiti. Neprofitne organizacije najviše svojih prihoda ostvaruju putem donacija iz državnog proračuna, proračuna jedinica lokalne i regionalne samouprave, te donacija i članarina. Ključni aspekti neprofitnih organizacija su odgovornost, pouzdanost, iskrenost i otvorenost prema svakoj osobi koja je uložila vrijeme, novac i vjeru u organizaciju. Kako bi neprofitne organizacije pokazale da su odgovorne, pouzdane i transparentne u svom poslovanju nužno je da imaju fer prezentirane financijske izvještaje koji su osnova za provedbu kvalitetne analize. Analizom financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija omogućava se cjelokupna procjena poslovanja, načina financiranja i trošenja sredstava. Analiza financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija uključuje analizu koja je specifična za njihovo poslovanje, a ne stavljanja naglaska na profitabilnost kao kod profitnih organizacija. ; Non-profit organization is not established for the purpose of gaining profit. Non-profit organizations make the most of their incomes through donations from the state budget, local and regional self-government units, and donations and membership fees. The key aspects of nonprofits are accountability, trustworthiness, honesty, and openness to every person who has invested time, money, and faith into the organization. If non-profit organizations want to demonstrate that they are responsible, reliable and transparent in their operations, it is essential that they have fair financial statements that are the basis for conducting quality analysis. Analyzing the financial statements of nonprofits allows for an overall assessment of the business, how it is financed, and the use of funds. Analysis of the financial statements of nonprofit organizations involves analysis that is specific to their business, not emphasizing profitability as with for-profit organizations.

Neprofitne organizacije ne osnivaju se sa svrhom stjecanja dobiti. Neprofitne organizacije najviše svojih prihoda ostvaruju putem donacija iz državnog proračuna, proračuna jedinica lokalne i regionalne samouprave, te donacija i članarina. Ključni aspekti neprofitnih organizacija su odgovornost, pouzdanost, iskrenost i otvorenost prema svakoj osobi koja je uložila vrijeme, novac i vjeru u organizaciju. Kako bi neprofitne organizacije pokazale da su odgovorne, pouzdane i transparentne u svom poslovanju nužno je da imaju fer prezentirane financijske izvještaje koji su osnova za provedbu kvalitetne analize. Analizom financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija omogućava se cjelokupna procjena poslovanja, načina financiranja i trošenja sredstava. Analiza financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija uključuje analizu koja je specifična za njihovo poslovanje, a ne stavljanja naglaska na profitabilnost kao kod profitnih organizacija. ; Non-profit organization is not established for the purpose of gaining profit. Non-profit organizations make the most of their incomes through donations from the state budget, local and regional self-government units, and donations and membership fees. The key aspects of nonprofits are accountability, trustworthiness, honesty, and openness to every person who has invested time, money, and faith into the organization. If non-profit organizations want to demonstrate that they are responsible, reliable and transparent in their operations, it is essential that they have fair financial statements that are the basis for conducting quality analysis. Analyzing the financial statements of nonprofits allows for an overall assessment of the business, how it is financed, and the use of funds. Analysis of the financial statements of nonprofit organizations involves analysis that is specific to their business, not emphasizing profitability as with for-profit organizations.

The author analyzes the future prospects of diplomatic service in the era of globalization. In his analysis, he draws from the German experience & the book Wem dient der auswartige Dienst? The author claims that foreign policy is determined by economic issues so it is pointless to separate the security/political & the economic/political aspects & competences of a government. The same applies to diplomatic corps: they cannot be exempted from economic tasks. Heads of diplomatic offices today have to be partners regarding economic topics when discussing politics & economy of the host country. Concerning the role of nongovernmental organizations, the author thinks that they cannot replace the state & its civil servants. For communicating with them, foreign service needs "generalists" more than "specialists." The key value of the future foreign service includes an overall review of the bilateral relations with the host country; this envisages that diplomats are to retain their central role in the networking of various actors & areas. Besides the legal/consular, economic, cultural & security/political tasks, diplomatic offices regularly maintain contacts & cooperate with the host country in specialized fields such as defense, science, social issues, & agriculture. 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se s povijesno-geografskog aspekta razmatra nastanak, razvoj i slabljenje senjskog parobrodarstva, ključnog elementa ukupnoga socijalnog i gospodarskog napretka Senja na prijelazu iz 19. u 20. stoljeće. Početkom 19. stoljeća senjska luka je bila, zahvaljujući posebnoj gradskoj autonomiji i suvremenoj cestovnoj povezanosti, jedno od najvažnijih pomorskih trgovačkih središta Hrvatskog primorja i Jadrana u cjelini, čiji su stanovnici važni sudionici u brojnim društvenim, gospodarskim i političkim previranjima. Zasigurno je i razvoj parobrodarstva omogućio Senjanima dobar položaj na sve zahtjevnijem ekonomskom tržištu. U radu se analiziraju i važni uzroci slabljenja senjskog gospodarstva koji su u vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije Senj izolirali od do tada prevladavajućih pomorskih i gospodarskih silnica te bitno utjecali na opći socioekonomski život grada. ; The authors of the paper examine the historical and geographical aspects of the emergence, development and decline of Senj's steam-shipping as the crucial element of the overall social and economic progress of Senj at the turn of the 20th century. At the beginning of the 19th century, owing to the special city autonomy and the modern road connections, the Port of Senj was one of the most important maritime trading centres of the Croatian Littoral and the entire Adriatic in general, and its residents were important participants in social, economic and political turmoil of that time. Steam-shipping development has surely provided the residents of Senj a good market position in the times of demanding economic circumstances. The work also analyses important causes of weakening of Senj's economy, which during the period of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia isolated the city from the dominant maritime and economic processes, thus heavily influencing the city's socioeconomic situation.

O razlozima iseljavanja iz Hrvatske do sada se najčešće pisalo s aspekta politike useljavanja u pojedine države, a manje politike iseljavanja iz domovine. Ovim se radom stoga žele pokazati razvojne faze iseljeničkoga režima u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji/Hrvatskoj, što će se pratiti preko angažmana mjerodavnih institucija u Hrvatskoj s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu Komisije za iseljenička pitanja. U analizi će poslužiti fondovi Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva vezani uz institucije (uprava i javne službe), pisma iseljenika za emisiju Radio-televizije Zagreb "Našim građanima u svijetu", kao i anketni upitnici radnika na privremenom radu u Saveznoj Republici Njemačkoj. Na temelju navedenih izvora želi se dokazati da se vlast u socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj brinula o sudbini iseljenika i povratnika, ali i radnih migranata (gastarbajtera), otvarajući prostor za ono što danas nazivamo javno-privatnim partnerstvom u pružanju usluga migrantima. ; The reasons for emigration from Croatia have thus far been analysed mostly from the aspect of immigration policy, but less often from the aspect of the policies of emigration to individual countries. Therefore, it was not even possible to monitor the continuity of Croatian policy towards the emigration, whose connections with previous periods significantly influenced the phases of emigration and return of the population in the socialist period. Precisely for this reason, the aim of this paper is to present a broader picture of the reaction of socialist Yugoslavia/Croatia to the emigration and the return of the population in the period from 1945 to 1970. This was monitored through the reactions of the government and the administrative apparatus (institutions and legislation), with special reference to the involvement of relevant institutions (administrations and public services) in Croatia, which played a key role in organising activities related to emigration and return. Among them, the Commission for Emigrant Issues stood out the most, having one of the more complex roles related to emigration/return observed through its scope, adopting normative acts, and cooperating with other institutions in Croatia (Croatian Heritage Foundation, Radio-Television Zagreb, Institute for Migration, Section of Social Psychology, University of Zagreb). Of particular interest was the cooperation with the last on the development of an emigrant survey, which was the beginning of sociological, economic, and socio-psychological research on the phenomenon of work outside the homeland (or guest worker experience). Based on the analysis, we prove that the government in socialist Croatia cared about the fate of emigrants and returnees by making room for what we now call public-private partnerships in providing services to emigrants—in other words, that emigration policy played an important role in building a welfare state in Yugoslavia/Croatia. Therefore, the approach to the topic was based on works in the field of social policy, while the analysis was made using the funds of the Croatian State Archives related to institutions (administrations and public services), letters from emigrants for the Radio-Television Zagreb show To Our Citizens in the World, and survey questionnaires for temporary workers in the Federal Republic of Germany.

Ciljevi ovog istraživanja su bili utvrditi postoji li među studentima sklonost prema impulzivnoj kupovini te spoznati postoje li razlike u sklonosti s obzirom na različite demografske karakteristike uzorka. Cilj je također bio i proučiti prisutnost različitih stavova prema novcu i utvrditi postoji li razlika u sklonosti prema impulzivnoj kupovini s obzirom na stavove prema novcu. Rezultati dobiveni anketnim istraživanjem su pokazali kako veći dio uzorka ima sklonost prema impulzivnom kupovnom ponašanju, pri čemu je kognitivni aspekt sklonosti prema impulzivnoj kupovini izraženiji. Što se tiče stavova prema novcu, istraživanje je pokazalo kako kod većine ispitanika iz uzorka nisu prisutni proučavani stavovi, pri čemu je najmanja prisutnost zabilježena kod stava prema novcu kao sredstvu moći, a najveća kod stava prema novcu kao sredstvu za rješavanje anksioznosti. Od determinanti impulzivne kupovine, na dobivenim uzorku se nisu pokazale značajnima ni spol ni dohodak, a što se tiče stavova, značajnim se pokazao samo stav prema novcu kao sredstvu za rješavanje anksioznosti, gdje se pokazalo kako će osobe koje su anksioznije kada je novac u pitanju, imati i veću sklonost prema impulzivnom kupovnom ponašanju. Dodatak analizi je pokazao kako su osobe muškog spola sklonije biti anksiozne kada je novac u pitanju u odnosu na osobe ženskog spola, dok se prebivalište nije pokazalo značajnim za prisutnost ovog stava. ; This study's objectives were to determine whether there is a tendency among students towards impulse shopping and to know if there are differences in preferences according to the different demographic characteristics of the sample. The aim was also to study the presence of different attitudes towards money and determine whether there is a difference in preference for impulse buying regarding attitudes towards money. The results obtained by the survey showed that most of the sample had a tendency towards impulsive purchasing behavior, with the cognitive aspect of the tendency towards impulse buying more ...

Ciljevi ovog istraživanja su bili utvrditi postoji li među studentima sklonost prema impulzivnoj kupovini te spoznati postoje li razlike u sklonosti s obzirom na različite demografske karakteristike uzorka. Cilj je također bio i proučiti prisutnost različitih stavova prema novcu i utvrditi postoji li razlika u sklonosti prema impulzivnoj kupovini s obzirom na stavove prema novcu. Rezultati dobiveni anketnim istraživanjem su pokazali kako veći dio uzorka ima sklonost prema impulzivnom kupovnom ponašanju, pri čemu je kognitivni aspekt sklonosti prema impulzivnoj kupovini izraženiji. Što se tiče stavova prema novcu, istraživanje je pokazalo kako kod većine ispitanika iz uzorka nisu prisutni proučavani stavovi, pri čemu je najmanja prisutnost zabilježena kod stava prema novcu kao sredstvu moći, a najveća kod stava prema novcu kao sredstvu za rješavanje anksioznosti. Od determinanti impulzivne kupovine, na dobivenim uzorku se nisu pokazale značajnima ni spol ni dohodak, a što se tiče stavova, značajnim se pokazao samo stav prema novcu kao sredstvu za rješavanje anksioznosti, gdje se pokazalo kako će osobe koje su anksioznije kada je novac u pitanju, imati i veću sklonost prema impulzivnom kupovnom ponašanju. Dodatak analizi je pokazao kako su osobe muškog spola sklonije biti anksiozne kada je novac u pitanju u odnosu na osobe ženskog spola, dok se prebivalište nije pokazalo značajnim za prisutnost ovog stava. ; This study's objectives were to determine whether there is a tendency among students towards impulse shopping and to know if there are differences in preferences according to the different demographic characteristics of the sample. The aim was also to study the presence of different attitudes towards money and determine whether there is a difference in preference for impulse buying regarding attitudes towards money. The results obtained by the survey showed that most of the sample had a tendency towards impulsive purchasing behavior, with the cognitive aspect of the tendency towards impulse buying more ...

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and ...

Uvođenje mjesnih zajednica kao samoupravnih jedinica unutar općine bilo je oblik jačanja društvenoga samoupravljanja i socijalističke izravne demokracije u Jugoslaviji te, prema marksističkoj teoriji, dio procesa odumiranja države. Začetke donosi Ustav iz 1963., no tek Ustavom iz 1974. mjesne su zajednice postale obavezan oblik samoupravnoga organiziranja građana. Zamišljene kao svojevrsne proširene obitelji, umnogome su ovisile o inicijativi odozdo i djelovanju aktivista. Rad donosi teorijske pretpostavke i praktične aspekte aktivističkoga djelovanja u mjesnim zajednicama u raznim dijelovima Jugoslavije, a na temelju analize uspostavljaju se karakteristični tipovi aktivista koji su određeni generacijskim, klasnim i interesnim odnosima. Podaci se ponajviše crpe iz onodobne literature, specijaliziranoga lista Mjesna zajednica i arhivskoga gradiva. ; After the experience with people's committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens' self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens' interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.