Economic Aspects of the Internet : the Rise of the Commercial Foundations of the WebThe article describes the Internet and the crucial conflict in expectations as regards common convictions which emphasize the social view of the Web. Such views are very popular and as a result they bring the great vision of the Internet as a new public space which demands democratic civil rights for example. In this situation inevitably a conflict emerges between this vision and the business which treats the Internet as its natural environment. The article describes the very beginnings of the Internet and the early phase of this conflict, which has existed from the very beginning mostly due to the counterculture of the sixties in USA. The article also describes the commercial sources of the Web which allowed its voluminous progress and the role of the third player in this game – the Government of the USA which has seen the Internet as a chance for potential economic growth. The article also emphasizes the great significance of the macroeconomic environment in the eighties, which also considerably enhanced the development of the Web. The article documents the predominance of the economic aspect of the Internet, which has become a fact already at the beginning of the nineties and describes incidents which confirm this situation, for example the rebellion of Jon Postel in 1998.
Mediation is proving to be an effective way to manage conflicts in aconstructive way. But mediation not only helps to solve specific problems, because its potential encompasses aspects of greater complexity. Thus, mediation helps us to know ourselves better, to better understand others, and to use what we have learned to better manage future conflict situations. In asociety where there is no culture of agreement and where there is no education in the field of emotions, mediation becomes an adequate and effective tool to resolve conflicts in apeaceful and constructive manner. On the other hand, mediation allows the parties to take responsibility for the resolution of their own conflict, to be active agents in the process. The greater the citizens' participation in the different decision making processes, the more democratic asociety will be. That is why, in the restoration of social peace, citizenship should play arole as an active agent, and mediation is asuitable instrument for this purpose because the individuals in conflict find the way to solve it without third party impositions. ; Mediation is proving to be an effective way to manage conflicts in aconstructive way. But mediation not only helps to solve specific problems, because its potential encompasses aspects of greater complexity. Thus, mediation helps us to know ourselves better, to better understand others, and to use what we have learned to better manage future conflict situations. In asociety where there is no culture of agreement and where there is no education in the field of emotions, mediation becomes an adequate and effective tool to resolve conflicts in apeaceful and constructive manner. On the other hand, mediation allows the parties to take responsibility for the resolution of their own conflict, to be active agents in the process. The greater the citizens' participation in the different decision making processes, the more democratic asociety will be. That is why, in the restoration of social peace, citizenship should play arole as an active agent, and mediation is asuitable instrument for this purpose because the individuals in conflict find the way to solve it without third party impositions.
"W książce podjęta jest stale aktualna i ważna problematyka wyznaczania granic społecznych i zróżnicowania świata społecznego, migracji i idącego za tym poczucia odrębności, wyobcowania, ale też budowania wspólnoty pomimo […] doświadczanych w toku codziennego życia różnic". Zawarte w niej teksty posłużą lepszemu rozpoznaniu "fenomenu pogranicza w różnych jego aspektach (językowym, kulturowym, społecznym, politycznym) przez osoby należące do świata nauki oraz przez praktyków społecznych (polityków, działaczy i aktywistów). Poszczególne artykuły mogą być również pomocne w procesie dydaktycznym na różnych szczeblach i kierunkach kształcenia w różnych krajach Europy Środkowej" (z recenzji prof. dr. hab. Lecha Suchomłynowa). ; "The book tackles the continuously topical and important subject matter of the setting of social boundaries and the diversity of the social world, of migration and the associated sense of separateness and alienation but also community building despite [.] the everyday experience of difference". The texts comprising this volume will allow for a better understanding of "the phenomenon of the borderland in its various aspects (linguistic, cultural, societal, political) on the part of members of the scientific community and of social practitioners (politicians and activists). Particular texts might also prove useful in the educational process at different levels and in different fields - and in different Central European countries" (from review by Professor Lech Suchomłynow). ; Redakcja naukowa książki została sfinansowana w ramach programu Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego pod nazwą "Narodowy Program Rozwoju Humanistyki" w latach 2015–2018, nr projektu 1bH 15 0354 83
Exclusion and inclusion in the culturally, economically, and politically deter- mined educational space are one aspect of social life and its many micro-, meso-, eco-, macro-, and chronosystems. This issue is often addressed from theoretical, cognitive, practical, and research angles, which is reflected in scholarly and popular-science pub- lications as well as literary fiction. It is not bound to any particular time or place and it is relevant at all stages of a person's life, from conception to death. It can therefore be assumed that, to a greater or lesser extent, it governs the integral, holistic develop- ment of a human being, and, by the same token, the development of civilization. Moreover, one could argue that as the biological, psychological, social, cultural, and spiritual (religious) exclusion of the human being is more and more mitigated by his/ her participation in creating a living environment in the local, regional, national, and international spaces, we can observe an increasingly higher quality of the functioning of education systems. This is particularly a challenge for schools, which perform the basic functions—educational and preventative, didactic and protective—as defined by the educational law in Poland.
The aim of this paper is to widely discuss the political situation of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and to present the complexity of the relations between the member states of the Council and to describe their regional relationships especially regarding the aspect of rivalry and difficult neighborhood with Iran and cooperation with the United States. A larger part of the article is dedicated to the phenomena of the fundaments of unity between the Gulf states but also the sources of disharmony and disunity that prevent the further deepening and strengthening of intra-Gulf relations which should materialize in the formation of a Gulf Union. The article aspires also to give a forecast of possible scenarios of political and economic development in the GCC region upon the basic economic and social data. This forecast is presented in relation with the challenges that this region is facing.
W 2016 roku mija trzydzieści lat od wybuchu w elektrowni atomowej w Czarnobylu i pięć lat od katastrofy w Fukushimie spowodowanej tsunami i trzęsieniem ziemi. Oba te wydarzenia przypieczętowały obraz energetyki jądrowej jako technologii wysoce ryzykownej, wzbudzającej kontrowersje społeczne i polaryzującej opinię społeczną. Elektrownie atomowe są dziś wręcz symbolem trudnego do przewidzenia i kontrolowania ryzyka technologicznego. Tymczasem w dyskursie prowadzonym przez podmioty i osoby związane z planami budowy pierwszej polskiej elektrowni atomowej dominuje obraz energetyki jądrowej jako bezpiecznego, czystego i taniego źródła energii. Celem artykułu jest przyjrzenie się procesowi konstrukcji tego "dyskursu bezpieczeństwa" z perspektywy koncepcji ram i ramowania dyskursu. Odwołując się do technicznego modelu zarządzania ryzykiem, pokazujemy, w jaki sposób staje się ten model użytecznym narzędziem do neutralizacji znaczenia dotychczasowych katastrof jądrowych, negowania ryzyka, wykluczania społecznych aspektów rozwoju energetyki atomowej i deprecjonowania nietechnicznych sposobów postrzegania ryzyka, prowadząc w konsekwencji do umocnienia technokratycznego modelu podejmowania decyzji. ; This article analyses the process of constructing the 'safety discourse', which is created by persons and institutions representing the Polish Nuclear Energy Programme. To explain the success of presenting nuclear energy as a safe and clean energy source a discourse analysis has been applied. Using the categories of 'frames' and 'framing' it shows how the image nuclear energy has been framed in the Polish discourse, while, at the same time, excluding risk and uncertainties from the public debate. A key role in this process is played by the technical model or risk management, which offers a set of unquestioned assumptions about the nature of risk and technology (such as the quantitative and scientific character of risk, realism and objective mode of existence). Those (pre)assumptions help to explain and neutralize the meaning of incidents in nuclear power plants, such as those on Three Mile island, Chernobyl and Fukushima. They are also used for justifying the hypothesis about the safety of ionizing radiation, for excluding other than the technical aspects of risk and depreciating the social perception and images of risks related to nuclear energy.
The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria. ; The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.
The law on the Polish Charter is an element of a certain process, noticeable in Central and Eastern Europe, the purpose of which is to reinforce and retain contacts of respective states with immigrants, that is the members of the nation that predominates in each state who live abroad. The regulations which the Polish side has introduced in order to simplify border crossing for individuals of Polish origin by introducing special visas and the Polish Charter have stirred a profound political and social discussion in Belarus. Belarussian society does not have its own national identity, and is not sufficiently developed. The western part of Belarus is a multicultural region. This allows the dwellers of this region to declare themselves to be of practically any nationality as need arises. It may be concluded then that the Polish Charters, issued by Polish diplomatic posts, do not reflect the number of the actual members of the Polish minority. The applications for a Polish Charter are frequently triggered by economic aspects and the assessment that it pays to be a Pole. ; The law on the Polish Charter is an element of a certain process, noticeable in Central and Eastern Europe, the purpose of which is to reinforce and retain contacts of respective states with immigrants, that is the members of the nation that predominates in each state who live abroad. The regulations which the Polish side has introduced in order to simplify border crossing for individuals of Polish origin by introducing special visas and the Polish Charter have stirred a profound political and social discussion in Belarus. Belarussian society does not have its own national identity, and is not sufficiently developed. The western part of Belarus is a multicultural region. This allows the dwellers of this region to declare themselves to be of practically any nationality as need arises. It may be concluded then that the Polish Charters, issued by Polish diplomatic posts, do not reflect the number of the actual members of the Polish minority. The applications for a Polish Charter are frequently triggered by economic aspects and the assessment that it pays to be a Pole.
A Hundred Years of the Project Method in PolandThe text presents the development of the project method in Polish education throughout the last century. The project method was introduced into Poland after regaining independence, and it was implemented during the inter-war period (1918–1939) in some schools, both in urban and rural environments. Nevertheless, the method was at that time treated as a pedagogical novelty andexperiment, rather than a natural part of school life. After 1945, education, like other aspects ofsocio-political life, was influenced by the communist propaganda, and the project method, supporting autonomy, democracy and empowerment, was not promoted as a valuable educational approach. After 1989, when progressive trends appeared in Polish schools, the project method gained somepopularity but it was not until 2008 when it was granted national and formal recognition. Then, the new core curriculum was developed, and the project method became an obligatory part of school reality. The revival of the project method was connected with the alarming findings concerning social capital in Poland. In this situation, making students cooperate within projects seemed aremedy for the decreasing social capital. As the author points out, formal introduction of the method does not necessarily mean its effective accomplishment, which should be accompanied by spontaneity and authentic engagement. What is more, as the author shows, after decades of theabsence of this method in Poland, and the lack of the relevant socio-cultural background, teachers might find it difficult to implement a project so as to contribute to the increase of social capital. All these areas need further investigation. Nevertheless, the author hopes that the text will contribute tobetter understanding of contemporary challenges and opportunities related to the implementation of the idea of projects in Polish education. ; A Hundred Years of the Project Method in PolandThe text presents the development of the project method in Polish education throughout the last century. The project method was introduced into Poland after regaining independence, and it was implemented during the inter-war period (1918–1939) in some schools, both in urban and rural environments. Nevertheless, the method was at that time treated as a pedagogical novelty andexperiment, rather than a natural part of school life. After 1945, education, like other aspects of socio-political life, was influenced by the communist propaganda, and the project method, supporting autonomy, democracy and empowerment, was not promoted as a valuable educational approach.After 1989, when progressive trends appeared in Polish schools, the project method gained some popularity but it was not until 2008 when it was granted national and formal recognition. Then, the new core curriculum was developed, and the project method became an obligatory part of school reality. The revival of the project method was connected with the alarming findings concerningsocial capital in Poland. In this situation, making students cooperate within projects seemed a remedy for the decreasing social capital. As the author points out, formal introduction of the method does not necessarily mean its effective accomplishment, which should be accompanied by spontaneity and authentic engagement. What is more, as the author shows, after decades of theabsence of this method in Poland, and the lack of the relevant socio-cultural background, teachers might find it difficult to implement a project so as to contribute to the increase of social capital. All these areas need further investigation. Nevertheless, the author hopes that the text will contribute tobetter understanding of contemporary challenges and opportunities related to the implementation of the idea of projects in Polish education.
In this article, the author's present relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union in the context of competition for influence in the Western Balkans. Particular attention is paid to the intersecting lines of interest and, nevertheless, important aspects of historical participation in intra-regional relations between the two actors. The article addresses both political, social and economic issues, which are the merits of mutual relations both within the Russian Federation – the European Union as well as between the two actors and the countries of the region. ; W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują relacje pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską a Unią Europejską w kontekście rywalizacji o wpływy na obszarze Bałkanów Zachodnich. Szczególną uwagę autorzy zwracają na przecinające się linie interesów i niemniej ważne aspekty historycznej partycypacji w stosunkach wewnątrz regionu obu aktorów. W artykule zarówno poruszono kwestie polityczne, społeczne jak i gospodarcze, które stanowią meritum wzajemnych relacji zarówno na przestrzeni Federacja Rosyjska – Unia Europejska, jak i pomiędzy oboma aktorami a państwami regionu.
W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują relacje pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską a Unią Europejską w kontekście rywalizacji o wpływy na obszarze Bałkanów Zachodnich. Szczególną uwagę autorzy zwracają na przecinające się linie interesów i niemniej ważne aspekty historycznej partycypacji w stosunkach wewnątrz regionu obu aktorów. W artykule zarówno poruszono kwestie polityczne, społeczne jak i gospodarcze, które stanowią meritum wzajemnych relacji zarówno na przestrzeni Federacja Rosyjska – Unia Europejska, jak i pomiędzy oboma aktorami a państwami regionu. ; In this article, the author's present relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union in the context of competition for influence in the Western Balkans. Particular attention is paid to the intersecting lines of interest and, nevertheless, important aspects of historical participation in intra-regional relations between the two actors. The article addresses both political, social and economic issues, which are the merits of mutual relations both within the Russian Federation – the European Union as well as between the two actors and the countries of the region.
Contemporary states are facing major dilemmas of governance. One of them is the effectiveness of governance, which can be judged by the effectiveness of the legislation. Today, governments are making efforts to develop major policy guidelines and ensuring their implementation using all available instruments. The main aim of this article is to analyze certain aspects of the government's involvement in the legislative process and the effectiveness of minority government legislation. The author analyzes the impact of governmental regime on the position of the cabinet in Poland, explains the mechanisms of normative and political influence on the formation of the law and hypothesizes that the functioning of government without a clear majority in parliament makes it difficult, or even impossible to adopt laws bearing great social and political impact on the state. It is noticed that the governmental political base is really crucial when we think about the effectiveness of legislation at all. The assumptions are indirectly confirmed by data on the effectiveness of the legislation of governments in selected years.
The article attempts at juddgement of roots of Polish crises taking the international conditioning into consideration. There are variants of forecasts for the eighties formulated, on the grounds of the observed tendencies in the aspect of evolution of social and economic system and the cooperation with the West. Two regressive "paths" are distinguished which require substantial curbing; of links with the West as well as two progressive ones implying further inflow of accumulation of outside from the West. The variant resting on the assumption of extrapolating main trends of seventies is considered by the author to be the most probable. It involves also the tendency of further structural hybridization without removing the main reasons of inefficiency of the economic system i.e. lack of correct political verification of macroeconomic decisions and lack of mechanism of optimum investment allocation and motivation system. There is also a forecasting variant presented which implies a reduction of social antagonisms by means of the national compromise providing facilities for a transition to the real national State organized according to the rules of inclusive socialism (including a society in the process of exercising political and economic power). These rules should capacitate creation of the new economic model different from the Hungarian and Yugoslavian ones, which in the opinion of the author, do not ensure a correct utilization of external and internal accumulation and are likely to induce crises. Yet, this forecasting variant (labelled the path 4) is considered by the author to be the least probable on account of the adverse structure of social powers and a lack of practical experience. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
China In Africa – An Opportunity Or Neo-Colonialism In The Xxi Century? Selected Aspects Of The Chinese Presence On The ContinentChina's policy towards African countries undergone a significant transformation since the 50's of the XX century, and changed dramatically in the last decade, given the scale of the Middle Kingdom economic engagement on the continent. Africa is nowadays an important source of natural resources and huge market for Chinese products. The same time for non democratic regimes, China eases tensions in the Africa-USA and Africa-EU relations. Chinese aid and investments, are well recognized in Africa, as they are unconditionally realized. Although both parties derive commercial and political benefits from cooperation, Chinese policy is characterized by pragmatism and willingness to achieve their own objectives. If Chinese interests increasingly depend on local leaders' policy, will it be possible to maintain in future decades "non-interference" ability towards African's internal affairs? To which extend Chinese presence benefits in building of political, economic and social governance in Africa, and how far it is a scenario of taking advantage in a "neo-colonial" style?
The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.
