Suchergebnisse

Dirk Schinkel ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 2007.23782

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα Ελληνικά. ; In the years 1830-1860 the formation of the newly established Greek State was based theoretically and practically on the political views of 19th century European liberalism. In accordance to the liberal beliefs, the Greek state political power was based on a small section of the adult male population. This section disposed additional economic and cultural qualifications compared to the rest of the population of the country. It is worthnoting that only to the above mentioned section of the population the state recognized full civil and political rights. In this context the term eligible citizens is used to describe those social strata which held the above mentioned special qualifications. In view of these qualifications the eligible citizens could not only exercise their electoral rights but they could be also elected or appointed as political, magisterial or administrative officials. Within the framework of the historical study of social stratification in the Greek society, during the period 1830-1860, it is worth concentrating on the analysis of historical sources relevant to the eligible citizens. These sources should supply information about the economic and cultural characteristics of these citizens. Based on this type of approach we present in this study the catalogues of candidate jurymen in the period 1849-1861 concentrating on the analysis of the year 1860. These catalogues constitute an important source of information about the characteristics of the eligible citizens. The candidate jurymen catalogues, for the year 1860, include information regarding the value of estate property, income, profession, age and place of inhabitancy for 8.337 adult men. These men amount to the 3.4% of the over 25 years old male population of the country in 1860. The quantitative analysis of the above mentioned catalogues led to the following general conclusions: In 1860 the greatest percentage of the eligible citizens derived from the middle social strata of property owners and income earners. These strata included mainly land owners, wealthy farmers and merchants. But there was also a much smaller section of social strata of wealthy men who possessed a relatively large amount of estate property and income of the country. The sharp economic inequality observed among the eligible citizens of the country permits the assumption that there was also among them a sharp social inequality. According to this we propose the continuation of the research with a more detailled study. This study will examine particular aspects of economic and social inequalities between the lower, the middle and the higher social strata. The same study will also examine in detail the regional aspect of these inequalities.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Kostas E. Lambrinos, Nobles and Cittadini in the Community of Venetian Sitia. Social Fermentations and Rearrangements (late sixteenth-seventeenth century) This study highlights the community of upper social class in Sitia, a small town in eastern Crete, in the late period of the Venetian dominion. Using new evidence from the State Archives of Venice, the article examines unknown aspects of the topic, such as the social identity of the community council (the so-called consiglio della comunità), the political functions and the evolution of this body, its internal social rearrangements and its particularities by comparison with the community dynamics in the other Cretan towns. The archival data indicate that this socio-political organ played a central role in local public life, but had a secondary position within the Venetian political system. Regarding its social composition, the community originally consisted of nobles-feudatories, according to the model of strict social organization in the island under Venetian rule. However, multiple factors of crucial importance, such as the small number of nobles in Sitia, the inadequate fortification of the town and the increasing financial needs of this region, had a catalytic effect on the local social fabric and, consequently, on the structure of the community: in the early seventeenth century it lost its aristocratic profile and acquired characteristics, which differentiate it from the other community entities of Crete. This decisive evolution occurred with the social advancement of the cittadini. Τhis intermediate social group acquired, with the consent of the Venetian authorities, the right to participate in the community in order to meet government targets in this politically sensitive area of the island. Hereinafter the cittadini had an increasingly strong presence in the community processes, gained more social power and enjoyed privileges previously monopolized by the aristocracy.

Parks, avenues, squares, open spaces & other green areas are established spatial categories & something that can always be seen in all urban centers, also in Maribor. Different ways of life are reflected in green areas because it is about the public spaces for socializing, recreation & relaxation. These are the spaces offered by the city to its residents for the very activities mentioned before. And since ethnology primarily deals with a way of life by which the contemporary & past forms & contents of the social & cultural life are characterized, the ethnological aspect of dealing with the green areas is specific & of key importance to an overall understanding of them. Both differences & similarities between the City Park & the Slomsek Square (ie., between the two different types of green areas in the City of Maribor) are telling their part of the story of the city in the same relevant way. Adapted from the source document.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Vasso Théodorou, Approches interprétatives de la philanthropie. Du contrôle social à la réciprocité Cet article s'intéresse à suivre les déplacements théoriques de l'histoire sociale des trente dernières années en ce qui concerne l'interprétation du mouvement philanthropique. Dans une perspective comparative, on essaie de mettre en évidence les catégories analytiques utilisées au sein des traditions britannique, française et grecque, afin d'approcher les divers aspects de la pratique, les differentiations et les nuances qui s'inscrivent dans le contexte de l'évolution de chaque tradition intellectuelle. Puisque le phénomène de la philanthropie a été considéré comme un champ privilégié pour l'étude des relations sociales au cours du 19ème siècle, et surtout celle du processus d'insertion des couches inférieures aux valeurs bourgeoises pendant la période de l'industrialisation, la notion du contrôle social a présidé dans la plupart des travaux publiés dans les années '70 et '80. L'influence de M. Foucault a été évidente sur la tentative de compréhension du geste généreux dans le contexte de la normalisation des comportements des indigents jugés dangereux, tandis que la consolidation du capital social par le biais de la donation a trouvé un excellent champ d'investigation en sociologie. Dans ce cadre, on a tenté de faire le lien entre la participation philanthropique des milieux bourgeois et leur ascention au pouvoir politique, les rythmes d'accroissement des villes et la genèse des inquiétudes provenant des groupes marginaux, enfin les initiatives des femmes et leur émancipation. Or, l'enrichissement de la bibliographie tant française que britannique des années '90, et raffinement des outils analytiques empruntés aux autres sciences sociales, ont amené au réfléchissement sur les significations, la durée et le contenu de la pratique. D'ailleurs, la problématique des acteurs sociaux, militant pour la diminution du phénomène de l'exclusion sociale et l'émergence du mouvement volontariste actuel, ont sans doute influencé les tentatives interprétatives de l'action philanthropique du 19ème siècle, changeant leur orientation vers un contexte plus humanitaire. La contestation du contrôle social en tant que cadre d'interprétation exclusive de la philanthropie, a donné sa place à des approches qui prennent en considération le sens propre du mot: l'altruisme et la réciprocité. L'ouverture du dialogue à des outils théoriques des disciplines voisines, surtout ceux de la sociologie et de l'anthropologie, ont amené à la redéfinition du domaine de la philanthropie en tant que système de rapports matériels et culturels tenant en compte tant les structures intellectuelles de la période étudiée que les stratégies des acteurs sociaux.

Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes». ; Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes».

Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Damilakou, The image of the gaucho in the argentine society (1830- 1940): ideological uses and historiographie approaches This article attempts to show the different images of the gaucho, symbol of the argentine pampa, that predominated the local society as long as to associate them to the different interpretations of the historical past and the process of construction of the argentine national identity. This process required contacts, confrontations and interchanges among different social groups and sectors, such as the lower classes, the intellectual and political elites, the marginal rural element and the new coming immigrants. The construction of the gaucho's image was a long process, extended from the first half of the 19th century until the peronist years. From the «heroic son of the earth» who stood up the Spanish conquerors during the Revolution of 1810, he became the «barbarian of the desert» through the discourse of the illuminated elite that, during the second half of the 19th century, undertook the national organization of the country, its fast modernization and the creation of «obedient citizens». During the same period, the popular culture provided a different aspect of the gaucho, especially through the figures of Martin Fierro and Juan Moreira: the gaucho now became the center of a large cultural phenomenon that was picturing the rural way of life, codified common experience and expectations and became a form of resistance to the process of modernization. Later, in the 1910s, the image of the «obedient» Martin Fierro was adopted by the cultural nationalism of the period and used as the symbol of the argentine national identity and as the incarnation of the argentine essence and soul. At last, the leftwing forces adopted the gaucho as the symbol of the oppressed social groups, whereas the nationalist movements of the 1930s used his image in order to support their revisioned interpretations about the national historical past.

Zbornik povzetkov predstavlja recenzirane prispevke, ki so bili predstavljeni na tretji nacionalni konferenci Varnost v lokalnih skupnostih v Novem mestu v novembru 2017. Glavna tema konference povzema glavne ugotovitve raziskave Varnost v lokalnih skupnostih, ki je bila opravljena v 24 slovenskih krajih spomladi 2017 v okviru raziskovalnega projekta Varnost v lokalnih skupnostih. Glavni cilj prispevkov je predlaganje uporabnih rešitev za bolj učinkovito zagotavljanje varnosti v lokalnih skupnostih (manjših, srednjih in večjih občinah) v Sloveniji. Prispevki v zborniku se osredotočajo na različne vidike varnosti v lokalnih skupnostih in sicer zaznavanje varnosti in virov ogrožanja v lokalnih skupnostih (zaznavanje kriminalitete, virov ogrožanja, varnosti v urbanih soseskah, prisotnosti policije in socialne kohezije) ; pričakovanja, uspešnost in učinkovitost zagotavljanja varnosti (zaznavanje in uspešnost policijskega dela v skupnosti, zaznavanje nalog vojske, migracij in občutek ogroženosti uporabnikov kibernetskega prostora) ter prakse zagotavljanja varnosti v lokalnih skupnostih (pooblastila občin, dobre prakse reševanja konkretnih varnostnih problemov na območju Policijske uprave Novo mesto in Murska Sobota in zaznavanje zagotavljanja varnosti v lokalnih skupnostih skozi različne deležnike). ; The conference proceedings present peer reviewed papers presented at the third national conference on local safety and security in Slovenia in November 2017. A lead topic of the conference summarizes results of research on safety perceptions, which was done in 24 local communities in the spring in 2017. The main aim of the papers is proposing solutions for more efficient assurance of safety/security in local communities (smaller, middle and larger municipalities) in Slovenia. The papers in the proceedings discuss various aspects of safety and security in local communities, such as perception of safety/security and risks in local communities (perception of crime, sources of threats, safety in urban areas, police presence, and social cohesion) ; expectations and effectiveness of ensuring safety and security (perception and effectiveness of community policing, perception of the tasks of armed forces, migration, and perception of threats in cyber space) ; and practices of ensuring safety and security in local communities (legal regulation of municipalities, good practices of solving safety issues in the area of Police directorate Novo mesto and Murska Sobota, and perception of ensuring local safety and security through the perspective of different stakeholders).

Li Shangyin (813–858), one of the most respected, mysterious, ambiguous and provocative of Chinese poets, lived during the late Tang period, when the glorious Tang dynasty was beginning to decline. It was a time of social riots, political division and painful general insecurity. Li Shangyin is famous as a highly original and committed poet who developed a unique style full of vague allusions and unusual images derived from the literary past (the traditional canon, myths and legends) as well as from nature and personal experience. The second important feature of his poetry is a mysteriousness which finally leads to ambiguity. Ambiguity plays an essential role in most of his renowned poems, and he uses it to superbly connect present and past, reality and fantasy, and history and mythology. Thus, ambiguity and obscurity, respectively, often engender different interpretations among Chinese critics. These interpretations reflect the poems' imaginative qualities, hypotheses and contradictions. Since each interpretive direction emphasizes but a single aspect of the poet's character, it is more fitting to understand his ambiguous poems in symbolic terms. Such understanding entails that the meaning of the poem is not limited to one interpretation; rather, the poem's poetic landscape opens itself up to various interpretations.Li Shangyin is actually most popular for his melancholic love poetry that reveals his ambiguous attitude to love. In this poetry, love is shrouded in a secret message. On the one hand, we can sense his moral disapproval of a secret but hopeless love; on the other, we can sense his passion. This leads to a paradox: the pleasing temptations of an illicit romance also exact a high price. In these love poems Li investigates various aspects of the worlds of passion which stoke in him feelings of rapture, satisfaction, joy and hope as well as feelings of doubt, frustration, despair and even thoughts of death. ; Li Shangyin (813–858), eden najbolj občudovanih, skrivnostnih, dvoumnih in provokativnih kitajskih pesnikov, je živel v poznem Tangu (9. stoletje), v obdobju zatona nekdaj veličastne dinastije Tang, ki so ga zaznamovali družbeni nemiri, politična razklanost in mučna vsesplošna negotovost. Slovi kot nadvse izviren in angažiran pesnik, ki je razvil svojski slog, nabit z nejasnimi, težko razumljivimi aluzijami in nenavadnimi podobami, ki jih je črpal iz literarne preteklosti, tj. iz tradicionalnega kanona, mitov in legend, ter iz narave in lastnih izkušenj. Druga značilnost njegove poezije je skrivnostnost, ki nazadnje vodi v dvoumnost. Ta igra osrednjo vlogo v večini njegovih pesmi. V njih mojstrsko povezuje sedanjost s preteklostjo, resnično z namišljenim in zgodovinsko z mitološkim. In prav ta dvoumnost oz. nejasnost pogosto poraja njihove različne, na domišljiji, domnevah in protislovjih temelječe interpretacije posameznih razlagalcev. Ker vsaka poudarja zgolj eno plat pesnikovega značaja, je bolj primerno tisto razumevanje Lijevih dvoumnih pesmi, ki temelji na simbolni ravni, ko pesem sočasno pomeni več kot le eno stvar oz. ko razširi in odpre svojo pomensko pokrajino različnim razlagam.Li Shangyin je pravzaprav najbolj znan po svoji melanholični ljubezenski poeziji, ki razkriva njegov dvoumen odnos do ljubezni, zavit v skrivno sporočilo. Na eni strani je mogoče čutiti njegovo moralno neodobravanje skrivne, vroče, a brezupne ljubezni, na drugi pa njegovo strastno poželenje, kar vodi v medsebojno napetost obeh nasprotnih vidikov, v paradoks. To pomeni, da privlačnost prepovedane ljubezni zahteva visoko ceno. To so pesmi, v katerih Li proučuje različne plati svetov strasti, ki sprožajo v njem tako občutke ljubezenske vzhičenosti, zadovoljstva, radosti in upanja kot tudi občutke dvoma, razočaranja, obupa in celo misli na smrt.

Šport je z modernizacijo družbe in intenzivnejšo globalizacijo postal visoko organiziran in strukturiran globalni fenomen. Na njegov razvoj so vplivali različni dejavniki, vodenje na globalni ravni pa so prevzele mednarodne športne organizacije, v prvi vrsti Mednarodni olimpijski komite (MOK), okrog katerega se je izoblikoval t. i. reguliran olimpijski sistem. Disciplina Mednarodnih odnosov v primerjavi z ostalimi družbenimi vedami zaostaja pri proučevanju globalnega športa, ki tako ostaja eden manj vidnih in proučevanih vidikov globalnega vladanja. Eden od razlogov za to je tudi odsotnost resne in sistematične teoretske analize. Za zapolnitev te vrzeli je cilj magistrskega dela odgovoriti na vprašanje, kako lahko z uporabo teorij mednarodnih odnosov in analizo olimpijskega sistema z značilnostmi globalnega vladanja razumemo nastanek, obstoj in delovanje globalnega vladanja na področju športa kot enega izmed področij globalnega vladanja. Opredelitev reguliranega olimpijskega sistema kot globalnega vladanja na področju športa omogoča uporabo prevladujočih teorij mednarodnih odnosov (realizma, liberalizma, konstruktivizma, marksističnih teorij) na tem področju. Te v okviru svojih zmožnosti razlagajo in pojasnjujejo delovanje globalnega vladanja na področju športa, skupno pa izpostavijo pomembne elemente in pojave globalnega športnega vladanja. Analiza ponudi razmislek o nadaljnjem teoretičnem raziskovanju tega področja. ; The modernisation of society and intensive globalisation led sport to become a highly organised and structured phenomenon. Its development was influenced by various factors, while management at a global level has been taken over by international sport organisations, primarily by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), around which a regulated Olympic System has developed. In the examination of global sport, as one of the less visible and explored aspects of global governance, the discipline of International Relations falls behind other social sciences. One of the reasons for this is also the absence of a systematic theoretical analysis of this area. In order to fill this gap, this master thesis aims to answer the question: how can the use of the theories of international relations and an analysis of the Olympic System with features of global governance help us understand the emergence, the existence and the functioning of global governance in the field of sport as one of the fields of global governance? The identification of the regulated Olympic System as global governance in the field of sport enables the application of dominant theories of international relations (realism, liberalism, constructivism and Marxist theories) onto this field. The theories, within the limits of their capacities, interpret and explain the functioning of global governance in the field of sport, and, as a set of theories, they highlight the important elements and phenomena of global sport governance. The analysis offers a reflection on the further theoretical exploration of this field.

Magistrsko delo v ospredje postavlja razvojno tematiko, ki predstavlja enega izmed najpomembnejših področij Organizacije združenih narodov. Zametki oblikovanja organizacije segajo že v čas druge svetovne vojne, ustanovljena pa je bila po koncu vojne z namenom ohranjati mir in varnost v svetu. Čeprav je organizacija najbolj prepoznavna po mirovnih operacijah, pa največji delež sredstev nameni ekonomskemu in socialnemu razvoju. Razvojna desetletja, ki jih je organizacija postopno oblikovala in uresničevala, so prinesla velik premik v razumevanju koncepta razvoja (od strogo ekonomskega do multidisciplinarnega). Ta desetletja so nasledili Milenijski razvojni cilji. Bili so prvi merljivi cilji – s kazalniki je bilo mogoče meriti in ocenjevati njihov napredek. Leta 2015 so jih nasledili Cilji trajnostnega razvoja. Ne razvojna desetletja ne Milenijski razvojni cilji niso uspeli v celoti uresničiti zastavljenih ciljev. Vzroki za to so različni, magistrsko delo pa ponuja še dodaten vidik razumevanja delovanja Organizacije združenih narodov in njene nezmožnosti uresničevanja zastavljenih ciljev. Izmerjeno elektromagnetno polje organizacije pokaže, da organizacija zaradi nepretočnosti energij ni zmožna delovati skladno z zastavljenimi načeli in cilji, zapisanimi v Ustanovni listini. Ta problem pa je mogoče rešiti le s transformacijo zavesti ljudi in s srčno (ne le razumsko) zavezanostjo k uresničevanju ciljev. ; The Master's thesis focuses on the topic of development which represents one of the most important areas of the United Nations. The organization was formally established after the Second World War with the aim to preserve peace and security in the world, but its conception had already began during the war. Although the organization is best known for peacekeeping operations, it devotes the largest share of resources to economic and social development. The development decades, that the organization gradually developed and realised, were a major contribution to the understanding of the concept of development (from a strictly economic to multidisciplinary). These decades were followed by the Millennium Development Goals. They were the first measurable goals – with the help of indicators it was possible to measure and assess their progress. In 2015 they were replaced by the Sustainable Development Goals. Neither the development decades nor the Millennium Development Goals were able to fully realize the set goals. There are various reasons for this, but this Master's thesis offers an additional aspect of understanding the functioning of the United Nations and its inability to meet the set goals. The measured electromagnetic field of the organization shows that it is unable to function in accordance with the principles and goals written in the Charter due to a lack of energy flow. This problem can only be solved by transforming the people's consciousness and by a heartful (not only rational) commitment to the attainment of goals.

V Sloveniji se že vrsto let odvijajo razprave o ustanovitvi druge ravni lokalne samouprave, kljub več poskusom in ustavni zahtevi pa zaenkrat še vedno nimamo pokrajin. Regionalna in širša lokalna samouprava sta stalnici v večini držav Evropske unije (EU), eden izmed ključnih in najpomembnejših vidikov vzpostavitve take oblike oblasti pa je prav gotovo skrbna in ciljno naravnana določitev pristojnosti. V osrednjem delu te naloge so predstavljene okvirne ureditve nalog pokrajin v državah EU po naslednjih vsebinskih sklopih: zdravstvo, regionalni razvoj, gospodarstvo in turizem, izobraževanje in kultura ter infrastruktura, varstvo okolja in kmetijstvo. Naloga na kratko predstavi tudi prispevek Sveta Evrope in EU k razvoju lokalne samouprave na tej vmesni ravni, za jasnejše razumevanje pa poskuša jasno določiti tudi ločnico med federalno in unitarno ureditvijo ter regionalno in širšo lokalno samoupravo. Na koncu dodaja pregled stanja v Sloveniji v povezavi z ustanovitvijo pokrajin, določitvijo njihovih pristojnosti, njihovo ureditvijo v ustavi in trenutni predlagani zakonodaji. Ustava Republike Slovenije iz leta 1991 namreč predvideva tri vrste pristojnosti, in sicer naloge širšega lokalnega pomena, zadeve regionalnega pomena in naloge iz državne pristojnosti. Pri tem bomo morali biti pozorni, da pokrajinam ne bomo naložili preveč državnih pristojnosti in jim tako otežili ali celo onemogočili učinkovito opravljanje njihovih izvirnih pristojnosti. Ustrezna določitev pristojnosti je namreč ključnega pomena, pri tem pa nam je lahko v veliko pomoč poznavanje dobrih praks drugih držav, vendar pa se moramo vedno zavedati, da jih je treba razumeti v luči njihove družbene realnosti in ne pričakovati popolne preslikave pri nas. ; In Slovenia, discussion about the establishment of the secondary level of local self-government have been going on for years, but despite numerous attempts and a constitutional order, we still do not have provinces. Regional and local self-government are regularities in the majority of States of the European Union (EU), but one of the crucial and most important aspects of the establishment of such an authority is for sure a careful and goal-oriented determination of competences. In the main part of this thesis, we present framework regulations of the tasks of provinces in EU States by the following content sets: healthcare, regional development, economy and tourism, education and culture, infrastructure, environmental protection and agriculture. The thesis also briefly presents the contribution of the Council of Europe and EU to the development of local self-government at this intermediate level, but for better understanding, it tries to set a clear boundary between the federal and unitary regulation and the regional and wider local self-government. Finally, it adds an overview of the state in Slovenia in relation to the establishment of provinces, the determination of their competences, their regulation in the constitution and current proposed legislation. The 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia namely assumes three types of competences ; tasks of wider local importance, matters of regional importance and tasks within the State competence. In this manner, we will have to be careful to not assign to many State competences to provinces and thus complicate or even prevent provinces from effectively execute their original competences. Appropriate determination of competences is namely crucial and in this matter knowledge about good practices of other States can be of great help to us, but we have to be always aware that we have to understand them in the light of their social reality and not expect their perfect reflection in our case.

Prisotnost institucionalne paranoje je lahko za institucijo resen problem. Nezaupanje, dvomi in strahovi med člani lahko pripeljejo do manjše zavzetosti, motiviranosti, uspešnosti in tudi do odhoda zaposlenih, našteto posledično vpliva na samo delovanje institucije. Zato je pomembno, da se ob zaznanih znakih prisotnosti omenjene problematike pravočasno ukrepa. Z magistrskim delom smo želeli seznaniti s sprožilci institucionalne paranoje ter z njenimi učinki in posledicami. Raziskovalni del je bil opravljen s pomočjo anketnega vprašalnika, na podlagi katerega smo pridobili rezultate raziskave. Pri tem so sodelovali zaposleni iz izbranih institucij, natančneje so to Upravne enote, Centri za socialno delo, zdravstveni domovi in Pošta Slovenije. Cilj raziskave je bil ugotoviti prisotnost institucionalne paranoje, vidik podrejenih in nadrejenih glede sprožilcev institucionalne paranoje, njen vpliv na zavzetost zaposlenih v izbranih institucijah in namero zapuščanja institucije. Rezultati analize raziskave kažejo v večini, da ta ni prisotna. Vendar ne smemo zanemariti določenega števila zaposlenih, ki so nasprotnega mnenja. Ugotavljamo, da so se pri zaposlenih z vlogo nadrejenega in podrejenega, ko so odgovarjali z vidika podrejenega, povprečne ocene odgovorov ujemale z odgovori podrejenih. Ko zaposleni z obema vlogama odgovarjajo z vidika nadrejenih, se njihova mnenja ujemajo z mnenji nadrejenih. Lahko predvidevamo, da so se anketiranci z obema vlogama v instituciji resnično vživeli v tisto vlogo, ki je bila v navodilih zahtevana od njih. S preučevanjem problematike institucionalne paranoje smo želeli prispevati določen prispevek, ker je izraz razmeroma neznan, saj o obravnavani problematiki ni veliko zapisanega. Prav tako pričakujemo, da bodo ugotovitve pripomogle k višji stopnji informiranosti o sami problematiki tako znotraj izbranih institucij kot pri strokovni javnosti. ; The presence of institutional paranoia can be a serious problem for an institution. Distrust, doubts and fears among members can lead to less commitment, motivation, and success and even to the employees leaving their jobs, which in turn affects the functioning of the institution. Therefore, it is important to take timely action when signs of the presence of the mentioned problem are detected. In the master's thesis, the triggers of institutional paranoia and its effects and consequences are presented. The research part was performed with the help of a questionnaire, on the basis of which we obtained the results of the research. Employees from selected institutions took part in this research (administrative units, social services, health centres and Pošta Slovenije (the Post of Slovenia)). The aim of the research was to determine the presence of institutional paranoia, the aspect of subordinates and superiors regarding the triggers of institutional paranoia, its impact on employee engagement in selected institutions and the intention to leave the institution. Mostly, the results of the analysis of the research show that it is not present. However, we must not neglect a certain number of employees who disagree. We find that in employees with the role of superior and subordinate, when answering from the point of view of the subordinate, the average ratings of the answers were emphasized by the answers of the subordinates. When employees with both roles answer from the perspective of superiors, their opinions are emphasized by the opinions of superiors. We can assume that the respondents with both roles in the institution really got used to the role that was required of them in the instructions. By studying the issue of institutional paranoia, we wanted to make a certain contribution because the term is relatively unknown, as there is not much written about the issue. We also expect that the findings will contribute to a higher level of information about the issue itself, both within selected institutions and among the professional public.