Suchergebnisse

Čovjekove spoznaje o zdravlju i bolesti nisu jedinstvene. Načini na koje se zdravlje i bolest shvaćaju izravno su povezani sa stanjem i odnosima u društvu, odnosno ponašanjem osobe i skupine. Sociološka istraživanja zdravlja i bolesti proučavaju društvene čimbenike koji mogu izazvati razne bolesti i nepovoljno utjecati na njihov razvoj i ishod. Istražujući stanje u društvu, nastoji se pronaći takve oblike društvenoga života koji unapređuju zdravlje i sprečavaju nastanak bolesti. Tipično pitanje kojim se sociološka istraživanja zdravlja i bolesti bave jest: kako stil života, spol, dob, rasa, društveno-ekonomske, socio-kulturne i druge razlike među ljudima utječu na kvalitetu zdravlja te na pojavu bolesti i njezin ishod? Osnovni cilj ovih istraživanja jest učiniti te spoznaje pristupačnima svim slojevima stanovništa, bez obzira na društveni položaj. Na taj su se način društvene znanosti, posebice sociologija medicine, etablirale kao akademska disciplina u zapadnim razvijenim državama (SAD-u, Njemačkoj itd.), gdje su se razvile odgovarajuće metode istraživanja koje postižu nedvojbene rezultate o stanju, razvoju i projekcijama društva. U realizaciji socioloških istraživanja zdravlja i bolesti u hrvatskim društvenim znanostima potrebno je afirmirati sociološki teorijsko-metodološki pristup primjeren ekonomskim, kulturnim, pravnim, etičkim i političkim promjenama u Hrvatskoj na pragu XXI. stoljeća. Služeći se bogatim iskustvima sociologije medicine zapadnih zemalja, prije svega SAD-a, hrvatski sociolozi medicine trebaju pratiti stanje zdravlja tranzicijskoga društva u kojemu dominiraju konflikti, diferencijacija, marginalizacija dijela društva i nemezis. Na taj način društvene znanosti pomoći će u spoznaji društva o sebi i potrebnim mjerama u njegovoj izgradnji tijekom složenoga procesa tranzicije, što ima izravan utjecaj na zdravstvene, ali i na općedruštvene ishode. ; There is no idea of sickness and health which would be the same for all people. Different ways of understanding sickness and health are directly ...

The author analyzes the controversial concept of globalization from its technological, political, cultural, economic, & social aspects. He refers to S. Huntington, & also to J. Gray, & uses P. Chatterjee's arguments on nationalist strategy & politics. Jameson concludes that combination, social collective, & global regulation are at the core of all strategically successful responses to the globalization trends. Adapted from the source document.

The author holds that the constitutional theory today is put to the test in three areas. The first is the problem of the relationship between transnational regimes & government institutions. Constitutional/legal theory is faced with the question how the norms concerning transnational regimes can acquire the dignity of legal norms via "constitutionalization." The second challenge is posed by transnational regimes sui generis such as the EU's legal system. The third concerns the process of EU's expansion. For the author, a constitution is both an instrument & a symbol; ie, it is doubly coded. On the one hand, it leans on practice & instrumental implementation, & on the other on the world of representation. There are different types of constitutions. Type one are manifests, largely solely symbolically coded. Type two are the constitutions in the form of contracts, structured more in the form of a legal relationship between discrete actors than a monolithic symbolic corpus. Type three are programmatic or planned constitutions, & they are associated with the rise & fall of socialist societies. They identify the already politically defined developmental goals. And finally, there are the so-called constitutions-cum-laws. These are a result of a regular legislative process that enables people in the capacity of presumed agents of sovereignty to debate constitutions & accept them. The author's opinion is that the transition of Central- & East-European countries is a transition from the simple-coded with the primacy of the symbolic to the double-coded constitutions. This transition is not smooth. The first difficulty lies in "transplanting" constitutional solutions to different social/historical contexts. The second relates to the anticonstitutional mentality that prevails in these societies. Despite everything, the constitutional balance in Central & Eastern Europe is satisfactory on the whole. The constitutions of these countries are interesting because of three symbolic aspects. The first refers to the constitution formation processes in which these societies ceased to be objects of authoritarian rulers. The second aspect regards the search for new forms of identity & unity. The third aspect refers to the attempts to banish tyranny from politics & social life by means of legal chains. 35 References. Z. Dubiel

The author thematizes several aspects of political education. First, he describes the attitude of the two foremost international associations for political science (APSA & IPSA) toward political education & shows how political education, from the perspective of political science, can be perceived in two ways: as a field of application & as a field of scientific interest. He goes on to list the main reasons for the revival of interest in political education in the last 10-15 years that has resulted in the acceptance of political education as an essential component of school systems in most democratic states. The author is particularly interested in the manner in which political education within school systems is institutionalized. Based on insights into existing practices, the author offers a classification with four basic models -- political education by means of a hidden curriculum; as an educational principle; as a segment of the integrated social education; & as a separate subject. Using this classification, the author analyzed the existing models of political education in 26 European states. Results show that the dominant models are the model of the separate subject & the model of the integrated social education. The author thinks that such a choice is the result of the research findings that suggest a greater effectiveness of these two models. 3 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.

Although it cannot be denied that nation-states & their sovereignties still exist as a significant form of identity of the civilian society within the world order, under the influence of new globalization processes -- political, ecological, cultural -- in the last decades of the 20th century, & the urgency of the need to solve new global problems (ecological, genetic, communication, market, multicultural), the issue of new identities has emerged. The world of "complex interdependences" has dramatic implications for sovereignty, autonomy, & responsibility of states & their ability to independently solve the key political problems they are faced with. The new issues brought about by the globalization processes can no longer be based solely on the principles of the white-Western-Christian-male-industrial civilization that has proved lethal in many social, cultural, & political aspects of life, particularly regarding the environment. That is why the initiatives for the recognition of new multicultural identities can be realized only within the global order in which Westerners no longer have a privileged position. Radicalizing these issues, environmentalists conclude that the global ecological policy can no longer be based on the old political boundaries of nation-states, that new political boundaries are needed, based on ecological principles. These boundaries should coincide with the boundaries of ecological systems if development is to be sustained. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to globally expand democracy in order to create new institutions that are going to institutionalize some new forms of political culture, based on the principles of the "green politics," which presupposes respect for all forms of life & avoids a hierarchy of life forms with humankind on the top. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.