Suchergebnisse

The 43rd UID conference, held in Genova, takes up the theme of 'Dialogues' as practice and debate on many fundamental topics in our social life, especially in these complex and not yet resolved times. The city of Genova offers the opportunity to ponder on the value of comparison and on the possibilities for the community, naturally focused on the aspects that concern us, as professors, researchers, disseminators of knowledge, or on all the possibile meanings of the discipline of representation and its dialogue with 'others', which we have broadly catalogued in three macro areas: History, Semiotics, Science / Technology. Therefore, "dialogue" as a profitable exchange based on a common language, without which it is impossible to comprehend and understand one another; and the graphic sign that connotes the conference is the precise transcription of this concept: the title 'translated' into signs, derived from the visual alphabet designed for the visual identity of the UID since 2017. There are many topics which refer to three macro sessions: - Witnessing (signs and history) - Communicating (signs and semiotics) - Experimenting (signs and sciences) Thanks to the different points of view, an exceptional resource of our disciplinary area, we want to try to outline the prevailing theoretical-operational synergies, the collaborative lines of an instrumental nature, the recent updates of the repertoires of images that attest and nourish the relations among representation, history, semiotics, sciences.

One of the fundamental aspects of the contemporary educational research is the question the inclusive school referred in particular to the inclusion of the students with disabilities and the role of digital teaching to promote inclusion. This is a complex question which requires analysis, new experiments and, above all, new scientific hybridizations to deeply understand the phenomena. Tis issue is fundamental for an hypothesis which analyzes a better social justice in the democracy. In this article we will try to connect the relationship between inclusive school, digital teaching and Artificial Intelligence. Advances in Artificial Intelligence could represent the birth of a new inclusive educational paradigm for schools. ; Uno degli aspetti fondamentali della ricerca educativa contemporanea è la questione della scuola inclusiva con particolare riferimento alla inclusione degli studenti con disabilità e al ruolo della didattica digitale per favorire l'inclusione. È un tema, questo, particolarmente complesso che necessita sempre di approfondimenti, di nuove sperimentazioni e soprattutto di nuove ibridazioni scientifiche che siano d'aiuto alla comprensione profonda dei fenomeni. Questo tema è fondamentale per una ipotesi che analizzi una migliore giustizia sociale della democrazia. In questo articolo si cercherà di mettere in connessione il rapporto tra scuola inclusiva, didattica digitale e Intelligenza Artificiale. I progressi dell'Intelligenza Artificiale potrebbero rappresentare per la scuola la nascita di un nuovo paradigma educativo inclusivo.

Mediante una rassegna sintetica di studi e ricerche, il capitolo propone spunti per l'analisi di un particolare aspetto del sistema italiano di prima e seconda accoglienza di rifugiati e richiedenti asilo: gli operatori e le operatrici dei servizi. Gli studi sulla violenza di prossimità subita da migranti, principalmente di genere femminile, in transito nei centri per rifugiati e richiedenti asilo e sulla presa in carico da parte dei servizi sociosanitari segnalano criticità: alcune di esse concernono aspetti strutturali del sistema di accoglienza (normativa di riferimento), altre ineriscono ai criteri discrezionali propri dei centri. La carenza sia di figure competenti sia di uniformità e coordinamento tra i vari attori e servizi coinvolti produce maggiori conseguenze negative nei casi accertati di violenza e di disagio mentale. Anche in Italia, da ormai ben più di un decennio, sui temi legati all'accoglienza (e al respingimento), al transito, all'integrazione di rifugiati e richiedenti asilo si è animato e strutturato un ampio filone di studi, sia disciplinari sia inter- e transdisciplinari, al cui interno le questioni poste intorno a operatori e operatrici (ruoli e identità professionali, competenze, dilemmi etici tra mandato istituzionale e mandato professionale, discrezionalità rispetto alle cornici normative e politiche, background e formazione) rivestono un rilievo significativo dal punto di vista di un'appropriata e realistica analisi delle politiche di regolazione e gestione delle migrazioni. La seconda sezione del capitolo presenta un sintetico quadro delle fasi di costruzione del sistema italiano di accoglienza; la terza sezione si concentra sugli operatori nei servizi dell'accoglienza; nella quarta viene presentato e discusso il contributo delle ricerche etnografiche sui servizi e gli operatori di accoglienza. ; Through a concise review of studies and research, the chapter offers insights into a particular aspect of the Italian system of first and second reception of refugees and asylum seekers: ...

È possibile rinunciare alla pena come inflizione di una sofferenza? Ed è possibile garantire la tenuta dell'ordine in una democrazia senza un costante richiamo alla "forza di legge"? In un percorso che lega la penalità alla forza necessaria alla preservazione dell'or- dine e che tocca tanto l'aspetto simbolico-sacrificale della pena quanto la sua rile- vanza nell'attività di ordinamento della società, s'intende discutere delle condizioni di praticabilità di una giustizia che rinunci alla forza del castigo come elemento imprescindibile per istituire la società. Is it possible to give up punishment as infliction of suffering? And is it possible to guarantee the maintenance of order in a democracy without constant reference to the "force of law"? In a path that links the penalty to the force necessary to preserve order and that touches as much on the symbolic-sacrificial aspect of punishment as on its relevance in the activity of social ordering, this paper will discuss the coercive nature of punishment and its function in maintaining order. The aim is to outline some conditions in order to think about justice beyond the force of punishment as an essential element for establishing society. Parole chiave / Keywords: pena, vendetta, forza, ordinamento, giustizia / punishment, vengeance, force, ordering, justice.

The province of Cabo Delgado, in the extreme north of Mozambique, is experiencing a difficult situation of armed conflict linked to the presence of an "Islamist" insurgency launched by the group known as al-Shabaab. The essay reconstructs and analyses the main topics and the most relevant axes of this complex political and social process, by examining in particular: origins and characteristics of the group, the ways in which it was formed, the main reasons underlying the phenomenon, placing them within the socio-economic context of the region. Finally, it discusses some aspects related to military responses to the rebellion, including the role of some international actors. ; The province of Cabo Delgado, in the extreme north of Mozambique, is experiencing a difficult situation of armed conflict linked to the presence of an "Islamist" insurgency launched by the group known as al-Shabaab. The essay reconstructs and analyses the main topics and the most relevant axes of this complex political and social process, by examining in particular: origins and characteristics of the group, the ways in which it was formed, the main reasons underlying the phenomenon, placing them within the socio-economic context of the region. Finally, it discusses some aspects related to military responses to the rebellion, including the role of some international actors.

The history of the Italian Communist Party (Pci) in Sardinia, from its foundation in 1921 to its dissolution in 1991, has not yet been written. The thesis aims to fill this gap, while adding a new aspect: its intertwining with the history of the French Communist Party (Pcf) in Corsica. The study, structured in three periods corresponding to the great historical ruptures (1920-1943; 1944-1962; 1963-1991), focuses on three aspects: territorial implantation, electoral history and island identity. The first part is characterized by the weakness of the two political organizations. The Resistance marked a turning point, especially for the Corsican Party, which was at its militant and electoral peak between 1945 and 1947, but which, from 1947 onwards, began its decline. The decline was due to the consequences of the Cold War, the emigration of the party's cadres, the Party's agenda on decolonization and particularly because of the war in Algeria. The erosion stabilized after 1958, with the participation of Corsican communists in the main revendication movements.The Italian Communist Party in Sardinia increased its influence following the choice of an autonomist political line in 1947. The Sardinian Communist Party, led by the regional secretary Velio Spano (1947-1957), then by Renzo Laconi (1957-1963), reached its membership peak in 1954.From the 1960s onwards, the two islands went through a phase characterized by urbanization, depopulation of the inland, a rapid demographic growth and uneven economic development, based on intensive agriculture and mass tourism in Corsica, and on the creation of industrial poles in the petrochemical sector in Sardinia. During this phase (1962-1991), the Corsican Communist Party maintained its influence through the municipal establishment in the red bastions of the island. From 1959 to 2001, there was a communist mayor in Sartène, while in Bastia, from 1968 to 2014, the communists occupied the seat of the first deputy mayor with a mayor belonging to the Radical party. At the same time ...

The history of the Italian Communist Party (Pci) in Sardinia, from its foundation in 1921 to its dissolution in 1991, has not yet been written. The thesis aims to fill this gap, while adding a new aspect: its intertwining with the history of the French Communist Party (Pcf) in Corsica. The study, structured in three periods corresponding to the great historical ruptures (1920-1943; 1944-1962; 1963-1991), focuses on three aspects: territorial implantation, electoral history and island identity. The first part is characterized by the weakness of the two political organizations. The Resistance marked a turning point, especially for the Corsican Party, which was at its militant and electoral peak between 1945 and 1947, but which, from 1947 onwards, began its decline. The decline was due to the consequences of the Cold War, the emigration of the party's cadres, the Party's agenda on decolonization and particularly because of the war in Algeria. The erosion stabilized after 1958, with the participation of Corsican communists in the main revendication movements.The Italian Communist Party in Sardinia increased its influence following the choice of an autonomist political line in 1947. The Sardinian Communist Party, led by the regional secretary Velio Spano (1947-1957), then by Renzo Laconi (1957-1963), reached its membership peak in 1954.From the 1960s onwards, the two islands went through a phase characterized by urbanization, depopulation of the inland, a rapid demographic growth and uneven economic development, based on intensive agriculture and mass tourism in Corsica, and on the creation of industrial poles in the petrochemical sector in Sardinia. During this phase (1962-1991), the Corsican Communist Party maintained its influence through the municipal establishment in the red bastions of the island. From 1959 to 2001, there was a communist mayor in Sartène, while in Bastia, from 1968 to 2014, the communists occupied the seat of the first deputy mayor with a mayor belonging to the Radical party. At the same time ...

This volume was developed within the framework of the teaching course of Urban Sociology in which seminar activities had been planned to respond to a significant teaching demand: to show students the polyhedral nature of studies and research located within the discipline. At the same time, it was intended to highlight the common heuristic option, going beyond the first impression of a magmatic accumulation of research strands. By involving young researchers, the seminar activity thus was designed not to focus on a specific research topic to be explored in depth during the various scheduled classes but to draw attention to the explanatory value of the territorial dimension in understanding a multiplicity of social phenomena, even where this was not immediately evident and often not adequately recognized. The researches outlined in the volume have the merit of focusing on spatial and territorial aspects of the different social forms studied, contributing to the spatialization of sociological theory. In this reading, the territory emerges not just as a mere background and container for a set of social processes but a dimension socially structured by the forces in play and, at the same time, structuring them.

The theme of solidarity between European Union (EU) member states lies at the heart of the European integration process itself, in the context of an ongoing tension between the renunciation of national sovereignty, driven by a drive for cooperation, and the maintenance of prerogatives of strategic interest to states. In fact, the EU was born from the decision of its members to pool selected aspects of their sovereignty, in a process whose evolution is expressed both in the choice of community policies and in the availability and methods of financing those policies. These are two sides of the same coin, that of the Community budget, which is the operational instrument that supports and accompanies the major steps in the EU's evolutionary process. Indeed, since the 1980s, the Community budget has represented the instrument capable of holding together on the one hand the process of economic liberalisation and on the other the objective of social integration between countries that had different starting conditions. However, cooperation and solidarity are aspects that need to be strengthened today, albeit in new dimensions. The financial crisis has brought about a new acceleration in the coordination of national fiscal policies, without, however, generating the missing piece to European economic policy, namely an autonomous fiscal capacity, endowed with taxation power, on which a full fiscal union would be based.

Umberto Gori has often focused on the subject of peace, seen as the primary objective of Political Science, analysing the challenges that peacebuilding processes have to face in an international context undergoing profound change, and with aspects that could be described as dystopic. We will explore these dynamics by drawing inspiration from the way in which Ivan Illich dealt with the theme of the forced medicalisation of society, a theme that presents many points of contact with the intention of imposing a distorted version of the concept of peace, where a model of peaceful coexistence is proposed, which does not arise from the development of stable harmonious relations between mutually free and independent subjects, but from an absence of conflict produced by dehumanising forms of social conditioning.

The unpublished archive collection of despatches by Agostino Pinelli, Genoese resident minister at the papal court provides invaluable first-hand material for the study of the 1656-57 plague in Rome. The Genoese diplomat covered several aspects attaching to the crisis, including the widening of social inequality, the rise in crime, scientific disputes among physicians, good practices in plague control, and the personal role of pope Alexander VII Chigi. At the peak of the epidemic, Pinelli duly monitored the mortality and morbidity data, relating to his government the figures of the deceased, infected, and suspect cases from the three plague hospitals in Rome. From the cultural angle, Pinelli stands for a sceptical patriciate, unlikely to explain the infection away as negative astral influence or a conspiracy of plague spreaders, and conversely most attentive to its effects on trade and to policies of prevention.

A central theme of social pedagogy, socio-political commitment is one of the fundamental issues when it comes to democracy and participation. The social dimension of education does not neglect issues of a political nature, the ancient relationship between pedagogy and politics, a dialogue that in our time holds various and many other aspects within from the economy to work, from sustainability to the strong contrast between wide- learning and educational poverty. The school, as a training ground for democracy and participation, is a place for the exercise of humanity. A context in which to grasp the possibility of carrying out participation exercises throughout the entire training course, through community educational work that develops from the particular (the school context) to the general (the life context). In the perspective of a real participatory democracy, a new frontier and ultimate goal of education in politics. ; Tema centrale della pedagogia sociale, l'impegno sociopolitico rappresenta una delle questioni fondanti quando si parla di democrazia e di partecipazione. La dimensione sociale dell'educazione non tralascia questioni di natura politica, l'antico rapporto tra pedagogia e politica, un dialogo che nel nostro tempo tiene dentro diversi e molteplici altri aspetti: dall'economia al lavoro, dalla sostenibilità al contrasto forte tra wide-learning e povertà educative. La scuola, come palestra di democrazia e di partecipazione, è luogo di esercizio di umanità. Un contesto in cui cogliere la possibilità di realizzare lungo l'intero percorso formativo esercizi di partecipazione, attraverso un lavoro educativo di comunità che si sviluppa dal particolare (il contesto scuola) al generale (il contesto di vita). Nella prospettiva di una democrazia partecipativa reale, nuova frontiera e fine ultimo dell'educazione alla politica.

"Pourquoi gravait-on des textes en grec dans les provinces latinophones de l'Empire romain ? L'ouvrage collectif Pratiques du grec dans l'épigraphie de l'Occident répond à cette question en cernant la spécificité d'une documentation qui n'a bénéficié d'aucune synthèse récente. Dans le cadre de cette enquête, deux aspects essentiels sont traités par les contributeurs : le premier concerne la contextualisation de cette documentation, en insistant sur la nature de ces textes et les agents de leur diffusion ; le second concerne la nature de ce phénomène, le grec pouvant être un indice de la présence d'hellénophones loin de leur patrie ou encore un marqueur de distinction sociale et culturelle. En résumé, le grec épigraphique en Occident peut être abordé à la fois comme une strate particulière au milieu des autres langues attestées épigraphiquement dans un monde majoritairement latinophone et comme une langue impériale, qui témoigne autant de pratiques administratives ou techniques que savantes."

La liberalizzazione del commercio internazionale può promuovere la crescita economica e le opportunità di lavoro sia nei Paesi in via di viluppo sia nelle economie industrializzate. Peraltro, non tutti gli Stati hanno beneficiato in uguale misura di tale liberalizzazione e, in generale, della globalizzazione delle relazioni economiche internazionali. Di conseguenza, questi fenomeni e gli accordi commerciali di stampo liberista che li hanno favoriti continuano a essere oggetto di un acceso dibattito. In tale contesto, uno degli aspetti più controversi è la mancanza di una protezione adeguata dei diritti dei lavoratori nell'ambito dei suddetti accordi. Partendo dall'attuale mancanza di regole specifiche nel quadro giuridico multilaterale degli scambi, l'autore analizza le cosiddette "clausole sociali" contenute negli accordi di libero scambio bilaterali e regionali di nuova generazione, con particolare riferimento ai trattati conclusi dall'Unione europea (UE). Dall'analisi emerge che tali clausole non garantiscono ancora una sufficiente protezione ai lavoratori e che, pertanto, esse andrebbero modificate. ; The liberalization of international trade can foster economic growth and employment opportunities both in developing countries and in advanced economies. However, States have not all benefited equally from trade liberalization and, in general, from international economic relations globalization. As a consequence, these phenomena and the liberalist trade agreements that have favoured them continue to be highly disputed. In this context, one of the most debated aspects is the lack of an adequate protection of workers' rights under these agreements. Departing from the current lack of specific rules in the multilateral trade legal framework, the author analyzes the so-called "social clauses" included in the new generation bilateral and regional free trade agreements (FTAs), with a special focus on the European Union (EU) FTAs. From this analysis emerges that these clauses do not still guarantee a sufficient protection to workers and therefore they should be modified.

In this work there is an analysis based on historical inauthentic Information Operations (IOs) detected by Twitter and removed from the social, used as a ground truth, to study patterns of inauthentic and harmful coordination and to compare them with a dataset of Twitter messages recovered using the Twitter APIs and based on the most used hashtags in the selected IOs. These can be considered authentic and harmless, because surely they don't come from users involved in the campaign, banned by Twitter. From the archive, the selected IOs come from Honduras and United Arab Emirates (UAE), which used different information strategies. The first was focused only on political aspects and is based on retweets; the second concerned both political and religious contents and exploited classic conversations. First of all highly coordinated communities (HCCs) are extracted from the whole datasets, composed by the union of authentic and inauthentic tweets, to analyze indexes and behaviours and to see if communities of banned users are isolated from the others. Then, some classifiers are applied to each single user of the datasets. The final purpose is to try to predict through supervised machine learning if users are involved in an inauthentic information operation or not, with high precision score.