The text outlines the evolution as well as the coincidence of the two notions of Representation & of Participation in their political aspects. The argumentation starts with an historical & political excursus of the receipt of the concept of <>, positively shared/acknowledged only in the Modern Age. Also concerning Representation, the paper follows its historical developments in order to underline the differences among the ideas of fiduciary representation, task & sociological representations. Starting from the relationships between the forms of political representation & "bottom-up" participation, the topic of quality of democracy emerges. By the way, if representation processes exclude the idea of direct participation, new ways of expressions are opened to citizens with expansion of the right to vote & social & political associations. The reason why people want to participate to political life can be highlighted by stressing two concepts of participation, the instrumental & the symbolic ones. Since in this context the parties (above all the mass-ones) set up a clasp between society & its institutions, they are called to answer to the instances of accountability & responsiveness which nowadays represent a topic point in the "democracies of disaffection.". References. Adapted from the source document.
Redefining territoriality is a crucial aspect of the changing nature of public policies in a multi-level, 'post-national' polity. New forms of territoriality in spatial development policies can be thus seen as a key analytical dimension of change in the state's role & rationales in defining public policies. The article addresses emergent practices of territorial governance in a perspective of inquiry on state change, with particular reference to western European countries. The changing nexus between territoriality & the state is addressed according to a 'governance approach' that privileges a policy-driven interpretation of change, & builds on a theoretical framework largely alternative to traditional 'state-centered' approaches. Reference goes to new conceptualizations of socio-spatial structuration processes in the social sciences & to critical reassessments of related geographical concepts in political economy & geography. Particular attention goes to the notion of 'scale', & to 'rescaling' -- i.e. the redefinition of the geographical scales of state regulation & governance -- as a key dimension of state restructuring processes. In this perspective, state-theoretical regulationist approaches are discussed that emphasize the scalar dimension of state restructuring as a key response to the changing position of the state as a site of regulation in a context of inter- & trans-nationalization. References. Adapted from the source document.
Egypt is the only country of the Arab world which is located between two continents (Africa & Asia). Its geographical position & its demographic size as well lead Egypt to playa traditionally relevant geo-political & socio-economic role both in the Arab world & in the Mediterranean Basin. The objective of this study is to review the extent & the pace of fertility transition (& its policy implications) involving the country. The moderate diffusion of a spread education, the urbanization of only some areas mainly located in the Northern part of the country, the still limited female participation in the labor market, are all aspects that have influenced the Egyptian stagnant fertility decline. All these factors, together with the slow secularization of innovative reproductive behaviors, analyzed at the micro level as determinants of the propensity to have the third child in Egypt, seem to discriminate women's reproductive choices significantly. Our findings reveal, in fact, that despite Egypt's advanced stage of fertility transition, strong differences across the population strata still persist in the country. The demographic, cultural & socio-economic evolution seems, indeed, to be a phenomenon still quite differentiated among the social subgroups. Therefore, possible policies adopted by the Government, should necessarily involve a reduction of the existing inequalities among the segments of the population. References. Adapted from the source document.
A common assumption in political studies is that the fundamental artificiality of current African boundaries -- that were inherited from the colonial period -- is a main reason of their intrinsic weakness. This assumption needs to be reviewed and reassessed critically. A fair number of African borders have histories much more complex than the simple results of European colonial enterprise. On the contrary, the delimitations of colonial borders were very often deeply influenced by dynamics which developed on the spot and relied to aspects of inter-African relations that went back in time. All this makes these borders well recognizable and recognized by the people they are meant to separate. The current boundary between Ghana and the Ivory Coast was established during the two final decades of the 19th century as a frontier between British and French territories. However, when considered in a long term historical perspective, the process which led to the definition of colonial territorial jurisdictions was but a follow up of two centuries of competition for hegemony by different local power centers. However the definition of the colonial border marked a turning point. It was a lengthy process which lasted several years and was negotiated on the ground in a context of underlying or open conflict between African actors. This type of African agency interacted with vested interests and strategies of the European powers, contributing to a large extent to consolidate a new balance, whose most visible seal was the colonial border which was finally agreed upon. In the process fundamental identities were re-interpreted and re-defined, setting the background for the 20th century social and political landscape of the region. International boundaries are a crucial marker of post-colonial African citizenship, which was created by independence as a territorial citizenship. Current trends in minimizing the role of international boundaries vis-a-vis other forms of internal and regional boundaries can have dangerous implications in putting at stake formal and substantial rights. Adapted from the source document.