Suchergebnisse

"Księga ma charakter szczególny, związany z jubileuszem naukowym Profesora Jarosława Wierzbińskiego - rusycysty, językoznawcy, wieloletniego Dyrektora Instytutu Rusycystyki, Kierownika Zakładu Językoznawstwa. Jest ona wyrazem uznania środowiska naukowego dla osiągnięć Jubilata, którego dorobek obejmuje badania, między innymi, z zakresu lingwistyki tekstu, lingwistyki kulturowej, lingwistyki kognitywnej, semantyki i stylistyki, językowej organizacji tekstu literackiego, funkcjonowania kategorii semantyki leksykalnej, stylu artystycznego, dyskursu politycznego. Autorami poszczególnych rozdziałów są przyjaciele, koledzy i współpracownicy Profesora - rusycyści, poloniści, slawiści, angliści z Wydziału Filologicznego Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego oraz innych ośrodków w kraju i za granicą, którzy tekstami zechcieli wyrazić Jubilatowi swój szacunek, uznanie, sympatię, życzliwość, wdzięczność. W Księdze znalazły się prace językoznawcze, literaturoznawcze i kulturoznawcze. Pomimo różnorodnej problematyki łączy je temat przewodni oraz osoba Adresata, któremu Autorzy dedykowali efekty swoich badań."--

The article discusses the cultural reasons for the radicalization of Western European foreign terrorist fighters (FTF) who migrated to Syria and Iraq after 2011 to fight in the ranks of the Islamic State (ISIS) and other jihadist organizations. Literature review and available research findings led to the conclusion that one of the structural reasons for this mobilization was identity problems and a state of anomie found among some Western European youth from immigrant backgrounds. In addition, mobilization in cyberspace played a major role along with efficient recruitment propaganda on social platforms and instant messaging apps. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest wyjaśnieniu kulturowych przyczyn radykalizacji zachodnieuropejskich zagranicznych bojowników terrorystycznych (foreign terrorist fighters, FTF), którzy po 2011 r. migrowali do Syrii i Iraku, aby walczyć w szeregach Państwa Islamskiego (ISIS) oraz innych organizacji dżihadystycznych. Przegląd literatury i dostępnych wyników badań pozwolił na sformułowanie wniosku, że jedną ze strukturalnych przyczyn tej mobilizacji były problemy z tożsamością oraz stan anomii występujący wśród części zachodnioeuropejskiej młodzieży ze środowisk imigranckich. Ponadto ogromną rolę odgrywała mobilizacja w cyberprzestrzeni i sprawna propaganda rekrutacyjna na platformach społecznościowych i w komunikatorach internetowych.

Today, there is no doubt that the large-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russian troops in February 2022 represents just another phase of the Russo-Ukrainian War that has lasted for nine years. There are many aspects to this confrontation. The consequences of the war will affect the future of the world order. It will include such aspects as security, formation of new political blocs, force interaction of political regimes, the choice of state-building models by the countries, the art of war, the role of civil society, and strengthening of the informational component in the confrontation between states and their alliances. Russia-Iran has already emerged as one such aggressive alliance. In the article, the authors explain the phenomenon of the infodemic and one of its structural elements, the "vaccinodemic". The COVID-19 pandemic became a vivid example of the global clash of actors in international relations that implement conflicting ideologies – democratic or authoritarian rule in the social and political life of their states – and realize such aspects in foreign policy. The authors assert that the current situation in Ukraine, namely, the open military Russian invasion and the further aggravation of the security crisis, primarily in the European region, are only the next phase of an ideological confrontation that could be observed during the response to the COVID-19 pandemic by humanity. Now, this confrontation continues in a more aggressive, conventional format. Manifestations of the infodemic and its unique form, the "vaccinodemic", captured the essence of the global confrontation, which will determine international processes for decades. Namely, Russia's fight between democracy and authoritarianism has acquired neo-totalitarian characteristics. This fight will determine, in addition to other social phenomena, the structure and content of the global information space. It is noted that authoritarian regimes have shown some success in addressing the pandemic, which may aggravate the rivalry between democracy and authoritarianism, as the former will have to prove its effectiveness and long-term advantages.

The COVID-19 pandemic has affected every aspect of social life and the economy. The aim of the article is to present the opinion of growers from the Sandomierz region on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on fruit production, as well as to determine their sense of agency (impact on local and national matters) and to indicate their point of view about public institutions and non-governmental organizations' support for Polish agriculture. The quantitative and qualitative study was conducted during the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. The obtained results indicate that the impact of the pandemic on the fruit growers was not significant. Nevertheless, fruit producers consider the support of public institutions as insufficient, and at the same time formulate high expectations towards them.

The aim of the article is to present the specific nature of research on the issues of national relations in a totalitarian state based on the example of the lands of Central and Eastern Europe under the Soviet occupation from 1939-1941. In order to achieve this, the literature on the subject (in English and Polish) was reviewed as well as the most important methodological problems encountered by researchers. The research program was also outlined, along with a proposal for their conceptualization in the form of signalling the main aspects of the above-mentioned issues, including the specificity of the Soviet occupation of 1939-1941, social and ethnic relations in this area, and the Soviet nationalities policy. Several research methods and postulates were proposed, as well as perspectives and theoretical approaches that could facilitate the study of this complex and controversial subject, e.g., the interdisciplinary nature of research, methods of bottom-up formation of political attitudes of the population (the so-called "bottom-up" method), application of theories of the totalitarian state, and different theories of ethnicity. As a result, an interdisciplinary program of comparative studies of ethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe under Soviet rule (1939-1941) was outlined, taking into account the transnational character of historical processes and the need to conduct micro historic analyses and case studies that would allow capturing of the diversity of ethnic relations and verify the effectiveness of the policy of the central Soviet authorities. The article argues that it seems obvious that the specificity of the analysed problematics can be properly grasped only by consideration it in the historical and theoretical context, adopting a comparative and transnational approach, from a micro-historical as well as everyday-life perspective that highlights the most important social factors which facilitated changes in interethnic relations.

Indonesia's ethics and political decency were torn apart in the case of the Democratic Party's internal conflict. This is due to the existence of an element of the government as a regulator who took over the position of the general chairman of the Democratic Party. News about this internal conflict appeared in various constructions by print mass media, electronic radio, television, and online media. The purpose of this study was to determine the social construction of Suara.com's coverage of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) of the Democratic Party. For this reason, discourse theory and the social construction of reality are used. The research method analyzes text media framing model Zhongdang Pan-Gerald M. Kosicki. The research subject is the Suara.com news portal, while the research object is related to the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress from March 5 to March 31, 2021. The research results from the syntactic structure, Suara.com journalists provide a portion, which does not feature one party and reports publicly about the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress equally from both camps. The script written fully with 5W+1H from both sides is not directed and deserves to be read. Thematic structure, facts are written based on information from both parties. Some are sourced from written statements and analysts from political experts. The rhetorical system, the choice of words or style to emphasize the meaning from both sides, is balanced by the photos shown. Suara.com packaged and framed the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress by not highlighting the Moeldoko and Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY) camps but emphasizing the moral hazard aspect in political behavior. With this construction, Suara.com continues to voice the public interest rather than the interests of the capital owners or their political alliances.

This paper is devoted to the analysis of selected aspects how Ukrainian schools present the historical narrative that covers the post-World War II history of this country – particularly the period of late socialism. My goal was to establish how post-Maidan textbooks presented the times when Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union in its superpower phase. I was especially interested in the current assessment of such phenomena as: post-Stalinist modernization, the movements opposing communist ideology, and the late socialist concept of the Soviet people. The source material was five new textbooks for historical education at high-school level approved for use by the Ukrainian authorities in 2019. The basic research method was discourse analysis: the content of the textbooks were critically evaluated in light of the ongoing political and social situation. Among the theoretical assumptions that were applied in the paper was that the historical narrative has a key importance as a function of the nation-state and as such serves its interests. To conclude the analysis below, it should be emphasized that historical narrative of Ukrainian Schools presents the past of the country in the second half of the 20th century as a general process of gaining independence from the Soviet centre. In the context of Russia's aggression against Ukraine, it should be assumed that the emancipatory nature of the interpretation of Ukraine's national history is now irreversible.

The aim of the article is to analyze the consumer movement as a manifestation of civil society in Poland. The consumer movement in Europe was synthesized and the freedom of association in consumer organizations was indicated as an element of civil society. While implementing the undertaken research problem, were used the important for the field of social sciences research methods and techniques. The basic research method used in the article is the method of dogmatic analysis. It was used to analyze the legal acts regulating the discussed issues. The article also uses the comparative method to compare selected aspects of the activities of consumer organizations in Poland. As a result of the research, it was indicated that the idea of civil society in Poland was implemented through the development of the consumer movement and the right of consumers to associate in consumer organizations. The consumer movement in Poland developed much later than in Western European countries – in the 1980s. It was caused by the unpopularity and the minimization of the need for real consumer protection in the face of the realities of the socio-economic system in force in the People's Republic of Poland. After 1989, despite the existence of relevant legal regulations in this area, the existence of a demand for the creation of consumer organizations (due to the need to protect consumers in the field of health, economic interests, redress, information and education), this did not translate into the multiplicity of these entities.

The term "freedom of expression" is quite broad and holistic. It includes, within its ambit, not only the conventional freedom of speech and freedom of media, but also the freedom of thoughts, cultural expression, conscience, and intellectual inquiry. Freedom of expression ensures an individual's right to express his/her views openly within the domain of constitution, which also contains the right to be criticial of the prevailing injustices, illegal, anti-social activities, and incompetence and failure of ¬¬¬the government. All this is with a guarantee of safety and without any apprehension or fear of retaliation. Freedom of expression, in contemporary times, also embraces the right to be informed and seek information by the public, to express opinions, and advocate amendments, including changing the regime without resorting to violent means through peaceful measures available in the public domain, with reasonable restrictions. In the past decade and half, Turkish experience as a transitional democracy presents an interesting case study to explain as to how the state of freedom of expression is causally related to the failure of the EU-driven reform process undertaken by the ruling AKP (Turkish: Adaletve Kalkınma Partisi) since the year 2002, when the party won the Parliamentary elections in Turkey for the first time. The issue about the press freedom and freedom of expression in Turkey has for very long time, attracted a great amount of scholarly attention and provoked extensive debate both inside and outside Turkey. Although Turkey remains one of the rare democracy in the West Asia, a region with strong monarchic and semi-monarchic tradition of government, a series of development in the past years has raised several interrogations about the qualitative and quantitative aspects of democracy in Turkey under the AKP.

Negotiation is an important aspect of social and economic life. Skilful negotiators can stop wars, achieve a lasting peace, as well as resolve conflicts of various kinds for the benefit of all parties involved. With the onset of the pandemic, the inability of negotiating partners to meet in person, face-to-face, has led businesses and all other economic actors to turn to virtual negotiation applications that can be conducted remotely. The aim of this article is to identify the key success factors of remote negotiations, to show entrepreneurs and other economic actors good practices in this field, as well as to identify those areas in which in-person negotiations differ from virtual ones. The study was of a qualitative nature and consisted of a questionnaire survey carried out on a purposive sample. People for whom negotiation is an important part of their professional life were selected. The main conclusion of the research is that the success factors for remote negotiation are essentially the same as for in-person negotiation, but the latter needs taking more care about technology – both in terms of one's own skills in operating the equipment and in ensuring adequate quality of the infrastructure. ; Negocjacje stanowią ważny aspekt życia społecznego oraz gospodarczego. Wprawnym negocjatorom możemy zawdzięczać koniec wojny albo jej zapobiegnięcie, a także wiele innych korzystnych rozwiązań różnego rodzaju konfliktów. Wraz z początkiem pandemii niemożność spotkania się partnerów negocjacyjnych na żywo, twarzą w twarz, skłoniło przedsiębiorstwa, ale też inne podmioty, do sięgnięcia po aplikacje umożliwiające prowadzenie negocjacji w formule zdalnej, czyli na odległość. Celem artykułu jest zidentyfikowanie kluczowych czynników sukcesu negocjacji zdalnych, by wskazać dobre praktyki w tym zakresie, a także zidentyfikować te obszary, którymi różnią się negocjacje stacjonarne od zdalnych. Przeprowadzone badanie miało charakter jakościowy i polegało na badaniu ankietowym próby celowej. Wybrano do niej osoby, dla których ...