Suchergebnisse

Po načelu samoodločbe imajo ljudstva pravico do suverenosti, ki je razdeljena na notranjo in zunanjo samoodločbo. Notranja samoodločba se kaže v pravici do kulturnega, socialnega in ekonomskega razvoja, medtem ko se zunanja najbolj kaže v pravici do oblikovanja svoje države in do nastopanja v mednarodnopravnem prostoru kot suveren subjekt. Teorijo je v mednarodnih dokumentih po koncu druge svetovne vojne začela razvijati OZN, ki je notranjo samoodločbo priznala vsem ljudstvom, medtem ko je zunanjo omejila na kolonialna ljudstva in pri njihovi definiciji ubrala zelo ozko razlago. Druga polovica 20. stoletja je posledično prinesla nastanek ogromnega števila novih držav, zlasti na afriškem in azijskem kontinentu. Več ali manj se vse centralne vlade soočajo z obstojem skupine ali skupin ljudi, ki imajo drugačne kulturne, jezikovne in socialne značilnosti. Pristop vsake centralne vlade do teh skupin ljudi je različen, vendar je v zadnjih stotih letih možno opaziti, da imajo več posluha za njihove potrebe in priznavanja različnih oblik samoupravljanja. Centralne vlade z njimi sprejemajo mednarodne sporazume, ki se zapišejo v ustavo. Teorija pozna dva različna modela, ki skušata pojasniti sanacijsko pravico do samoodločbe, to je zunajpravne pravice do odcepitve, ki naj bi popravila nepravično stanje. Naloga vzame pod drobnogled sanacijsko pravico do odcepitve avtorja Allena Buchanana. Buchanan namreč priznava pravico ljudstvom, ki so grobo zatirani s strani države, odcepitev pa bi predstavljala sanacijo. Katalonija je že več stoletij del Kraljevine Španije. Po španski ustavi ima status avtonomne regije, na podlagi katere ima določene specifične pravice. Kataloncem je po mednarodnem pravu skoraj nemogoče priznati pravico do zunanje samoodločbe, čemur tudi ni naklonjena španska ustava. Nemiri v zadnjem desetletju nakazujejo, da v Španiji nekaj ni v redu, zato je treba morebitno rešitev poiskati v teorijah, kot je sanacijska pravica do samoodločbe. ; According to the principle of self-determination, peoples have the right to sovereignty, which is divided into internal and external self-determination. Internal self-determination is manifested in the right to cultural, social and economic development, while external self- determination is most evident in the right to form one's country and to act as a sovereign entity in the international legal space. The theory was developed in international documents after the end of World War II by the UN, which recognized internal self-determination for all peoples while restricting external ones to colonial peoples and defining a very narrow interpretation in their definition. The second half of the 20th century, in turn, brought about the emergence of a huge number of new countries, especially in the African and Asian continents. More or less all central governments are confronted with the existence of a group or groups of people with different cultural, linguistic and social characteristics. The approach of each central government to these groups of people is different, but over the last hundred years, it can be observed that they have more of an ear for their needs and for recognizing different forms of self-government. Central governments sign international agreements with them and adopt them into constitution. Theory knows two different constructs that seek to explain the remedial right to self-determination, that is, the unlawful right to secession, which is to remedy an unjust state. The task under scrutiny takes the remedial right to secede Allen Buchanan. Buchanan recognizes the right of people who are severely oppressed by the state, and secession would mean a remedial action. Catalonia has been part of the Kingdom of Spain for centuries. Under the Spanish Constitution, it has the status of an autonomous region, on the basis of which it has specific rights. It is almost impossible for Catalans to recognize the right to external self-determination under international law, which is not favored by the Spanish Constitution. The unrest of the last decade suggests that something is not right in Spain, so any solution must be sought in theories such as the remedial right to self-determination.

Le présent volume, résolument multilingue (français, italien, anglais, espagnol, arbëresh/albanais), tout comme la communauté linguistique étudiée, est à la fois le produit de l'intérêt des coordinateurs de l'ouvrage pour la langue arbëresh (ou albanais d'Italie), et l'aboutissement d'un projet de sociolinguistique sur l'aménagement linguistique ' de par en bas ' (ou bottom-up: par la société civile et le tissu associatif) de cette importante langue minoritaire du sud-est européen, déposé auprès du Conseil Scientifique de l'Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3 à l'automne 2019. Il a pour vocation d'ouvrir des perspectives et des pistes de réflexion future, opposant les processus de pulvérisation et de perdurance du lien socioculturel et de la langue arbëresh, sur son état des choses sociolinguistique et géopolitique, dans son contexte non seulement européen, mais mondial, car cette langue, historiquement transplantée depuis les Balkans vers l'Italie, a connu ces deux derniers siècles une diaspora dans la diaspora par l'émigration. Le cas arbëresh est métonymique d'une situation sociolinguistique historique qui déjoue bien des idées reçues sur les politiques linguistiques et la question des langues minoritaires. Un cas d'école ' à rebours ', que ce volume se propose d'explorer ' de par en bas '

Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.

Šport je z modernizacijo družbe in intenzivnejšo globalizacijo postal visoko organiziran in strukturiran globalni fenomen. Na njegov razvoj so vplivali različni dejavniki, vodenje na globalni ravni pa so prevzele mednarodne športne organizacije, v prvi vrsti Mednarodni olimpijski komite (MOK), okrog katerega se je izoblikoval t. i. reguliran olimpijski sistem. Disciplina Mednarodnih odnosov v primerjavi z ostalimi družbenimi vedami zaostaja pri proučevanju globalnega športa, ki tako ostaja eden manj vidnih in proučevanih vidikov globalnega vladanja. Eden od razlogov za to je tudi odsotnost resne in sistematične teoretske analize. Za zapolnitev te vrzeli je cilj magistrskega dela odgovoriti na vprašanje, kako lahko z uporabo teorij mednarodnih odnosov in analizo olimpijskega sistema z značilnostmi globalnega vladanja razumemo nastanek, obstoj in delovanje globalnega vladanja na področju športa kot enega izmed področij globalnega vladanja. Opredelitev reguliranega olimpijskega sistema kot globalnega vladanja na področju športa omogoča uporabo prevladujočih teorij mednarodnih odnosov (realizma, liberalizma, konstruktivizma, marksističnih teorij) na tem področju. Te v okviru svojih zmožnosti razlagajo in pojasnjujejo delovanje globalnega vladanja na področju športa, skupno pa izpostavijo pomembne elemente in pojave globalnega športnega vladanja. Analiza ponudi razmislek o nadaljnjem teoretičnem raziskovanju tega področja. ; The modernisation of society and intensive globalisation led sport to become a highly organised and structured phenomenon. Its development was influenced by various factors, while management at a global level has been taken over by international sport organisations, primarily by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), around which a regulated Olympic System has developed. In the examination of global sport, as one of the less visible and explored aspects of global governance, the discipline of International Relations falls behind other social sciences. One of the reasons for this is also the absence of a systematic theoretical analysis of this area. In order to fill this gap, this master thesis aims to answer the question: how can the use of the theories of international relations and an analysis of the Olympic System with features of global governance help us understand the emergence, the existence and the functioning of global governance in the field of sport as one of the fields of global governance? The identification of the regulated Olympic System as global governance in the field of sport enables the application of dominant theories of international relations (realism, liberalism, constructivism and Marxist theories) onto this field. The theories, within the limits of their capacities, interpret and explain the functioning of global governance in the field of sport, and, as a set of theories, they highlight the important elements and phenomena of global sport governance. The analysis offers a reflection on the further theoretical exploration of this field.

V Sloveniji se že vrsto let odvijajo razprave o ustanovitvi druge ravni lokalne samouprave, kljub več poskusom in ustavni zahtevi pa zaenkrat še vedno nimamo pokrajin. Regionalna in širša lokalna samouprava sta stalnici v večini držav Evropske unije (EU), eden izmed ključnih in najpomembnejših vidikov vzpostavitve take oblike oblasti pa je prav gotovo skrbna in ciljno naravnana določitev pristojnosti. V osrednjem delu te naloge so predstavljene okvirne ureditve nalog pokrajin v državah EU po naslednjih vsebinskih sklopih: zdravstvo, regionalni razvoj, gospodarstvo in turizem, izobraževanje in kultura ter infrastruktura, varstvo okolja in kmetijstvo. Naloga na kratko predstavi tudi prispevek Sveta Evrope in EU k razvoju lokalne samouprave na tej vmesni ravni, za jasnejše razumevanje pa poskuša jasno določiti tudi ločnico med federalno in unitarno ureditvijo ter regionalno in širšo lokalno samoupravo. Na koncu dodaja pregled stanja v Sloveniji v povezavi z ustanovitvijo pokrajin, določitvijo njihovih pristojnosti, njihovo ureditvijo v ustavi in trenutni predlagani zakonodaji. Ustava Republike Slovenije iz leta 1991 namreč predvideva tri vrste pristojnosti, in sicer naloge širšega lokalnega pomena, zadeve regionalnega pomena in naloge iz državne pristojnosti. Pri tem bomo morali biti pozorni, da pokrajinam ne bomo naložili preveč državnih pristojnosti in jim tako otežili ali celo onemogočili učinkovito opravljanje njihovih izvirnih pristojnosti. Ustrezna določitev pristojnosti je namreč ključnega pomena, pri tem pa nam je lahko v veliko pomoč poznavanje dobrih praks drugih držav, vendar pa se moramo vedno zavedati, da jih je treba razumeti v luči njihove družbene realnosti in ne pričakovati popolne preslikave pri nas. ; In Slovenia, discussion about the establishment of the secondary level of local self-government have been going on for years, but despite numerous attempts and a constitutional order, we still do not have provinces. Regional and local self-government are regularities in the majority of States of the European Union (EU), but one of the crucial and most important aspects of the establishment of such an authority is for sure a careful and goal-oriented determination of competences. In the main part of this thesis, we present framework regulations of the tasks of provinces in EU States by the following content sets: healthcare, regional development, economy and tourism, education and culture, infrastructure, environmental protection and agriculture. The thesis also briefly presents the contribution of the Council of Europe and EU to the development of local self-government at this intermediate level, but for better understanding, it tries to set a clear boundary between the federal and unitary regulation and the regional and wider local self-government. Finally, it adds an overview of the state in Slovenia in relation to the establishment of provinces, the determination of their competences, their regulation in the constitution and current proposed legislation. The 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia namely assumes three types of competences ; tasks of wider local importance, matters of regional importance and tasks within the State competence. In this manner, we will have to be careful to not assign to many State competences to provinces and thus complicate or even prevent provinces from effectively execute their original competences. Appropriate determination of competences is namely crucial and in this matter knowledge about good practices of other States can be of great help to us, but we have to be always aware that we have to understand them in the light of their social reality and not expect their perfect reflection in our case.

Prisotnost institucionalne paranoje je lahko za institucijo resen problem. Nezaupanje, dvomi in strahovi med člani lahko pripeljejo do manjše zavzetosti, motiviranosti, uspešnosti in tudi do odhoda zaposlenih, našteto posledično vpliva na samo delovanje institucije. Zato je pomembno, da se ob zaznanih znakih prisotnosti omenjene problematike pravočasno ukrepa. Z magistrskim delom smo želeli seznaniti s sprožilci institucionalne paranoje ter z njenimi učinki in posledicami. Raziskovalni del je bil opravljen s pomočjo anketnega vprašalnika, na podlagi katerega smo pridobili rezultate raziskave. Pri tem so sodelovali zaposleni iz izbranih institucij, natančneje so to Upravne enote, Centri za socialno delo, zdravstveni domovi in Pošta Slovenije. Cilj raziskave je bil ugotoviti prisotnost institucionalne paranoje, vidik podrejenih in nadrejenih glede sprožilcev institucionalne paranoje, njen vpliv na zavzetost zaposlenih v izbranih institucijah in namero zapuščanja institucije. Rezultati analize raziskave kažejo v večini, da ta ni prisotna. Vendar ne smemo zanemariti določenega števila zaposlenih, ki so nasprotnega mnenja. Ugotavljamo, da so se pri zaposlenih z vlogo nadrejenega in podrejenega, ko so odgovarjali z vidika podrejenega, povprečne ocene odgovorov ujemale z odgovori podrejenih. Ko zaposleni z obema vlogama odgovarjajo z vidika nadrejenih, se njihova mnenja ujemajo z mnenji nadrejenih. Lahko predvidevamo, da so se anketiranci z obema vlogama v instituciji resnično vživeli v tisto vlogo, ki je bila v navodilih zahtevana od njih. S preučevanjem problematike institucionalne paranoje smo želeli prispevati določen prispevek, ker je izraz razmeroma neznan, saj o obravnavani problematiki ni veliko zapisanega. Prav tako pričakujemo, da bodo ugotovitve pripomogle k višji stopnji informiranosti o sami problematiki tako znotraj izbranih institucij kot pri strokovni javnosti. ; The presence of institutional paranoia can be a serious problem for an institution. Distrust, doubts and fears among members can lead to less commitment, motivation, and success and even to the employees leaving their jobs, which in turn affects the functioning of the institution. Therefore, it is important to take timely action when signs of the presence of the mentioned problem are detected. In the master's thesis, the triggers of institutional paranoia and its effects and consequences are presented. The research part was performed with the help of a questionnaire, on the basis of which we obtained the results of the research. Employees from selected institutions took part in this research (administrative units, social services, health centres and Pošta Slovenije (the Post of Slovenia)). The aim of the research was to determine the presence of institutional paranoia, the aspect of subordinates and superiors regarding the triggers of institutional paranoia, its impact on employee engagement in selected institutions and the intention to leave the institution. Mostly, the results of the analysis of the research show that it is not present. However, we must not neglect a certain number of employees who disagree. We find that in employees with the role of superior and subordinate, when answering from the point of view of the subordinate, the average ratings of the answers were emphasized by the answers of the subordinates. When employees with both roles answer from the perspective of superiors, their opinions are emphasized by the opinions of superiors. We can assume that the respondents with both roles in the institution really got used to the role that was required of them in the instructions. By studying the issue of institutional paranoia, we wanted to make a certain contribution because the term is relatively unknown, as there is not much written about the issue. We also expect that the findings will contribute to a higher level of information about the issue itself, both within selected institutions and among the professional public.