Suchergebnisse

Public strategies have been designed in different parts of the world in order to deal with the ageing of the population, repercussions which affect several areas such as individual health and the economies of countries. The type of strategy responds to the social security system of each country, to the cultural patterns of the populations and a determined definition of elderly age and quality of life. In Mexico, the procurement of social security and care in situations of physical or financial vulnerability has primarily been the responsibility of social and familiar networks; the design of public policies should consider these factors which entails attending to the crossings of biographies and events between several generations. This research focused on the narratives of older people in social vulnerability contexts where their thoughts about their life trajectories, the mechanisms used for their survival and their suggestions for governmental intervention in their current situation were collected. The results emphasize two aspects: the importance of exchange through mutual help networks, and work as the most treasured good in order to find a place in those networks as well as to keep control of their lives. ; En diversas partes del mundo se han diseñado estrategias públicas para enfrentar el envejecimiento de las poblaciones, cuyas repercusiones múltiples inciden en varias dimensiones como la salud individual y la economía de los países. El tipo de estrategia responde al sistema de seguridad social de cada país, a los patrones culturales de las poblaciones y determinada definición de la vejez y calidad de vida. En México la provisión de seguridad social y cuidado en situaciones de vulnerabilidad física o económica ha descansado preponderantemente en las redes sociales y de parentesco, por lo que el diseño de políticas públicas debe considerar estos factores, lo que implica atender al cruce de biografías y eventos entre varias generaciones. Esta investigación se enfocó a las narrativas de personas adultas mayores en contextos de vulnerabilidad social desde donde se recabaron sus reflexiones sobre sus trayectorias de vida, los mecanismos utilizados para su supervivencia y sugerencias para la intervención gubernamental en su situación actual. Los resultados enfatizan dos aspectos: la importancia del intercambio a través de las redes de ayuda mutua, el trabajo como el bien más preciado para ubicarse en las redes así como para mantenerse en control de su vida.

Розкрито сутність громадських рухів як результату складної соціальної диференціації суспільства. Проаналізовано еволюцію громадських рухів на території України з середини ХІХ століття до сьогодення. Особливу увагу приділено громадським рухам радянських часів та проблемам і перспективам їх розвитку у незалежній Україні. ; The essence of social movements as a result of complicated social differentiation is considered. The evolution of social movements in Ukraine since the middle of the 19th century till today is analyzed. A special attention is paid to civil movements of the Soviet times and their future in independent Ukraine.The development of political movements is divided into five periods according to the history of Ukraine. The author underlines that civil movements in Ukraine have always engaged different groups of society, not only nobility and bourgeoisie, but also professors, merchants, workers and even peasants. The division of Ukrainian lands between different states was a destructive factor for social self-organization, but political leaders managed to mobilize citizens even within the conditions of wars and repressions. The social movements of the past made possible the existence of Ukrainian nation as an ethnic and political commonwealth.The purpose of the article is to describe the main tendencies of the development of Ukrainian civil movements. The ethnic, economic, religious and political dimensions of movements are considered.The author pays attention to the development of political movements in Ukrainian lands under foreign occupation: Polish, Czech, Hungarian and Romanian. The reaction of the authorities is also analyzed.A special attention is paid to political activity during the Second World War, when Ukrainian citizens organized themselves to defend their lives and civil rights.The information support of social movements is considered. The propaganda policy and mass communication of Ukrainian movements in different times is described.Modern social movements often succeed the Soviet ones. Some of them transform to political parties, like Narodnyi Rukh and Pora. Some movements are free from politics and are formed to defend nature or special groups of citizens. In the article the role of mass media and Internet in modern social activity is underlined. According to the article, civil movements use Internet to multiply their support. The legislative aspects of civil movements` functioning are considered. The author concludes that Ukrainian civil movements have made a great deal in obtaining independence by our country. ; Раскрыта сущность общественных движений как результата сложной социальнойдифференциации общества. Проанализирована эволюция общественных движений на территории Украины с середины ХIX века до наших дней. Особое внимание уделено общественным движениям советских времен и проблемам и перспективам их развития в независимой Украине.

AbstractChinese economic reforms have profoundly changed the scale at which things get done. Much of the existing literature on scale has concentrated on the politics of rescaling from above. Less has been written about rescaling initiatives from below, the focus of this study. It distinguishes three important localisms.Local capitalismstreats capitalism as subordinate to local social and political processes that provide crucial conditions of existence.Local citizenshipsees processes of entitlement and exclusion as accomplished locally rather than through national frameworks.Translocalitydescribes the ways in which claims are made on the loyalties of those possessing capital but residing elsewhere and the promotion of the place through image‐building and physical/social infrastructural enhancements. These three distinct localisms overlap and interact in a variety of ways to shape a new social and spatial order in post‐reform China. A detailed study of the practices of localism in the Dongguan city‐region reveals the ways in which the emergence of capitalism has been dependent on pre‐existing social connections and based on villages and townships. The entitlements of citizenship are polarized between the localhukoupopulation and the migrant workers irrespective of the national definition of social safety net and regardless of the physical presence of the individuals.RésuméEn Chine, les réformes économiques ont profondément modifié l'échelon auquel les choses se font. Les publications traitant de cet aspect se consacrent en général aux politiques de redimensionnement venues des instances supérieures, et abordent plus rarement les initiatives venues d'en bas, objets de cette étude. Cette dernière distingue trois localismes importants:les capitalismes locaux, le capitalisme apparaissant subordonné aux processus sociaux et politiques locaux qui déterminent les conditions d'existence;la citoyenneté localepour qui les processus d'habilitation et d'exclusion s'effectuent au plan local et non en fonction de cadres nationaux;la translocalitéqui décrit comment est sollicitée la loyauté de ceux qui possèdent le capital mais résident ailleurs, et comment des projets de création d'image et d'infrastructure matérielle ou sociale dynamisent la promotion du lieu. Ces trois localismes se chevauchent et interagissent diversement, façonnant un nouvel ordre social et spatial dans la Chine de l'après‐réforme. Une étude détaillée du localisme pratiqué dans la ville de Dongguan fait apparaître les modalités d'un capitalisme émergent, dépendant des liens sociaux existants et basé sur des villages ou municipalités. L'accès à la citoyenneté définit un clivage entre la population locale ayant sonhukouet les travailleurs migrants, indépendamment de la notion nationale de filet de protection sociale ou de la présence physique des individus.

Energy democracy has emerged in the context of the clean energy transition and decentralization as an element of that transition. It has emerged relatively recently in Europe and in the United States and has started to raise a number of questions in the area of social sciences and law. These questions relate to the function and role of sustainable energy democracy, but also to the legal nature of the concept of sustainable energy democracy. This chapter sets out to explore and answer these questions. Sustainable energy democracy has no well-established definition, let alone a legally binding one. It is used in different contexts with different meanings. This chapter investigates the concept of sustainable energy democracy in three steps. First, it deciphers the concept and demonstrates how it rests on these two fundamental aspects, being the decentralized generation of sustainable energy on the one hand and the fair distribution of the burdens and benefits of the energy sector on the other. This is achieved through a review of relevant scientific literature and governmental and non-governmental documents. Second, it explains the role of sustainable energy democracy in law. It argues that energy democracy is a legal objective (as opposed to a principle or a rule) and introduces some legal approaches to demonstrate how the objective of sustainable energy democracy can be translated into specific legal instruments. Third, it provides insights into how this translation into concrete legal instruments has been achieved in practice.

Noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) have become the first cause of morbidity and mortality around the world. These have been targeted by most governments because they are associated with well-known risk factors and modifiable behaviors. Migrants present, as any population subgroup, peculiarities with regard to NCDs and, more relevantly, need specific information on associated risk factors to appropriately target policies and interventions. The country of origin, assimilation process, and many other migrant health aspects well studied in the literature can be related to migrants' health risk factors. In most countries, existing sources of information are not sufficient or should be revised, and new sources of data should be found. Existing survey systems can meet organizational difficulties in changing their questionnaires; moreover, the number of changes in the adopted questionnaire should be limited for the sake of brevity to avoid excessive burden on respondents. Nevertheless, a limited number of additional variables can offer a lot of information on migrant health. Migrant status, country of origin, time of arrival should be included in any survey concerned about migrant health. These, along with information on other Social Determinants of Health and access to health services, can offer fundamental information to better understand migrants' health and its evolution as they live in their host countries. Migrants are often characterized by a better health status, in comparison with the native population, which typically is lost over the years. Public health and health promotion could have a relevant role in modifying, for the better, this evolution, but this action must be supported by timely and reliable information.

A New World is Possible (Un Mundo Ch ixi es posible) is an illuminating manifesto by one of the founders of decolonial theory, Silvia Riveria Cusicanqui. It presents an inventive and urgent cartography of diverse worlds around which a decolonial reality can emerge. Riveria Cusicanqui proposes a bold new model of cultural hybridity driven by the experience of indigenous movements and thought in South America and a crucial intervention into questions of orality and of knowledge in performance, micropolitics and the everyday. For Cusicanqui, the concept of Ch ixi, a term taken from geology and stonemasonry to describe the varying texture and colour of rock, is a figure with which to elaborate an argument about the mixing of cultures that come together but retain distinct aspects. The book makes vivid propositions for many contemporary debates around power, race and the decolonial and offers practicable ways to co-exist without sacrificing difference to the globalized capitalist economy and culture

The rain in the eight villages. Divine jurisdictions and forms of government in Himachal Praă (North India) 1 Daniela Berti/p. 117/Come, the flowers of a garland, the inhabitants of a hār [the territory of a dio] are linked together (Vidyachand Thakur, Kullu, 2001) by crossing the streets of the district of Kullu, in what is now the himalayan State of Himachal Praany, it is possible to perceive a first sign indicating the existence of a subdivision of the territory into divine jurisdictions: the higher the number of vehicles on which glass is written, by means of adhesive letters, the name of the divinity that dominates it, the higher the number of vehicles. The links of village divinties with delimited territories of varying sizes are common to most of the Indian world. In particular, studies carried out in the himalayan regions have highlighted the political, administrative or economic relevance of the cults offered to these divinties. For the Tehri Garhwhal region, in the current state of Uttaranchal, Sax (1991) is known as the processes carried out with the palanchins of the divinties within the territories previously included in the Kingdom 'in practice delete the academic distinction between politics, economics and rituals' (Sax, 1991, p. 203). From a similar perspective, Toffin (1993) considers the Newar Newar Panteon of the Katmandu Valley as 'a total social phenomenon [.] at the same time religious, territorial and political/administrative' (Toffin, 1993, p. 120). This emphasis on the interaction between the different aspects of social life is not without significant theoretical consequences in the field of indianist studies, which have long been influenced (especially in France) by Dumont's general theory (1966) that in Indian society political, economic power and territory, relinked to the empirical sphere, are separated from and subordinate to the ideological sphere of religion. 2 according to the author, not only is the territory in India not 'an important factor of social organisation, being ...

Online engagement in policy deliberation is one of the more complex aspects of open government. Previous research on human facilitation of policy deliberation has focused primarily on the citizens who need facilitation. In this paper we unpack the facilitation practices from the perspective of the moderator. We present an interview study of facilitators in RegulationRoom – an online policy deliberation platform. Our findings reveal that facilitators focus primarily on two broad activities: managing the stream of comments and interacting with comments and commenters – both aimed at obtaining high quality public input into the particular policymaking process. Managing the immediate goals of online policy deliberations, however, might overshadow long-term goals pf public deliberation, i.e. helping individuals develop participatory literacy beyond a single policy engagement. Our contribution is twofold: we unpack the practice of human facilitation in online policy deliberation, and suggest both design and process implications for sustainable growth of civic engagement environments beyond the individual case we analyze.

During the years of political violence in Northern Ireland many looked to schools to contribute to reconciliation. A variety of interventions were attempted throughout those years, but there was little evidence that any had produced systemic change. The peace process provided an opportunity for renewed efforts. This paper outlines the experience of a series of projects on 'shared education', or the establishment of collaborative networks of Protestant, Catholic and integrated schools in which teachers and pupils moved between schools to take classes and share experiences. The paper outlines the genesis of the idea and the research which helped inform the shape of the shared education project. The paper also outlines the corpus of research which has examined various aspects of shared education practice and lays out the emergent model which is helping to inform current government practice in Northern Ireland, and is being adopted in other jurisdictions. The paper concludes by looking at the prospects for real transformation of education in Northern Ireland.

International audience ; Dans un précédent article , j'avais tenté de montrer comment l'usage de la tradition hésiodique avait permis à Solon, dans le poème 36 W., de présenter le caractère paradoxal de son action . Bien qu'appartenant à l'espèce des mortels, le législateur qu'il est leur impose des normes, de l'extérieur, comme le ferait un dieu. Sur le fond, ma lecture reste la même, mais deux éléments à l'époque m'avaient échappé. D'une part, il me paraît nécessaire, surtout après les analyses stimulantes d'Elizabeth Irwin , de revenir de manière plus précise sur le rapport qui peut être établi entre ce poème et les représentations de la tyrannie qu'il paraît suggérer en introduisant une comparaison du poète avec un loup. D'autre part, et ce second aspect va de pair avec le premier, je souhaiterais montrer comment la forme poétique se met ici au service d'un contenu auquel elle est indissociablement liée : sans le choix de l'iambe, la violence d'un propos politiquement inédit ne pourrait s'exprimer.

International audience ; Dans un précédent article , j'avais tenté de montrer comment l'usage de la tradition hésiodique avait permis à Solon, dans le poème 36 W., de présenter le caractère paradoxal de son action . Bien qu'appartenant à l'espèce des mortels, le législateur qu'il est leur impose des normes, de l'extérieur, comme le ferait un dieu. Sur le fond, ma lecture reste la même, mais deux éléments à l'époque m'avaient échappé. D'une part, il me paraît nécessaire, surtout après les analyses stimulantes d'Elizabeth Irwin , de revenir de manière plus précise sur le rapport qui peut être établi entre ce poème et les représentations de la tyrannie qu'il paraît suggérer en introduisant une comparaison du poète avec un loup. D'autre part, et ce second aspect va de pair avec le premier, je souhaiterais montrer comment la forme poétique se met ici au service d'un contenu auquel elle est indissociablement liée : sans le choix de l'iambe, la violence d'un propos politiquement inédit ne pourrait s'exprimer.

The article focuses on gender aspects of globalisation and global restructuring and criticises the masculine bias of mainstream theories of globalisation. It is aimed at adding a global dimension to Czech gender studies. It looks at the way in which globalisation is gendered and based on gender ideologies, and how global restructuring affects and change gender systems. Primarily economic globalisation is addressed, and the changes in the organisation of labour globally are examined. Global production is dependent on cheap women's labour in the factories of multi-national corporations in the global south. The process of rendering labour more flexible and informal is associated with its feminisation. Care work and migration are also becoming feminised on a global scale. The article also analyses domestic work performed in the United States and Western Europe by women migrants from developing countries. All these processes are occurring within the context of neo-liberal policies and the changing role of states amidst a global restructuring, which needs to be examined from a gender perspective.

International audience Depuis trois décennies, la situation des minorités linguistiques, dans nombre de pays, n'a cessé de se dégrader, par bien des aspects, en dépit des bonnes intentions déclarées dans le cadre du libre-échange généralisé et du multilatéralisme – dont le pluralisme linguistique et culturel était censé être l'un des fleurons les plus tangibles. Ainsi, par exemple, dans de nombreuses régions du bloc ex-communiste, il est devenu inévitable de parler de « désaménagement linguistique ». Cette tendance n'est guère compensée par l'explosion d'une myriade d'usages individuels décomplexés des langues minorées ou minoritaires (notamment à travers les nouveaux moyens de communication connectés), qui génèrent certes une forte densité d'échanges multilingues ou bilingues, mais de manière éminemment volatile, qui ne remplace en rien la valorisation du statut et l'élaboration du corpus des langues minoritaires avec une vision à court, moyen et long termes. D'autre part, les aménagements et politiques linguistiques en faveur des langues minoritaires tendent globalement à prendre deux formes, du point de vue de la responsabilité et de l'engagement des Etats-nations : une marchandisation et une politique de façade, qui ne fait que brosser la surface des besoins réels, et une disqualification de facto de la valeur d'usage et de la valeur d'avenir de ces langues, avec, comme lingua franca dominante l'anglais global, redoutable concurrent pour un « bilinguisme d'avenir », ou « un bilinguisme rentable ».Hormis quelques exceptions locales, çà et là, face à ce désinvestissement de fond des Etats-nations, le champ de praxis sociale où les langues minoritaires connaissent un soutien réel s'avère être l'aménagement linguistique "de par en bas" : la valorisation du statut et l'élaboration du corpus par des agents multiples de la société civile, à travers une floraison de maisons d'éditions alternatives, de médias et d'institutions éducatives locales et régionales, en parfaite adaptation avec les conditions de ...

This article aims to propose a reframing of certain aspects of feminist mobilization for equality in the United States of America in the decades of 1960 and 1970, considering some elements of social movements theory and democratic constitutionalism. It analyzes the ways in which the feminist movement's narrative succeeded in permeating in the constitutional culture of the United States, changing through it the meaning of the U.S. Constitution. In doing so, it focuses on the strategies used by legal feminism in constitutional litigation, on the efforts for the sanction of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), and on the interactions between both processes. It addresses the recent revival of the ERA, as well as its text's shortcomings. Finally, based on the analysis carried out in previous sections, it provides some arguments in support of a new alternative to the old ERA. ; El presente trabajo propone una relectura de ciertos aspectos de la movilización feminista por la igualdad en los Estados Unidos de América en las décadas de los años sesenta y setenta, a la luz de elementos de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y del constitucionalismo democrático. Este analiza las formas en las que la narrativa utilizada por el feminismo legal, en su doble estrategia de litigio constitucional y movilización social, ha logrado permear en la cultura constitucional de los Estados Unidos, cambiando a través de ella algunos significados constitucionales. Para ello, se enfoca en las estrategias utilizadas por el feminismo legal en el litigio constitucional y en los esfuerzos por la sanción de la Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), así como en la interacción entre ambos procesos. Asimismo, se analiza el reciente resurgimiento de la ERA y las limitaciones de su texto. Finalmente, se brindan algunos argumentos en torno a la necesidad de una nueva propuesta alternativa y superadora, a la luz de los procesos analizados.

The present article analyzes the state of inter-ethnic relations among the intellectuals of the Hungarian Autonomous Region (in the localities of the current Covasna and Harghita counties). In the beginning, data are presented regarding the ethnic and confessional structure of the communities in the reference period. Then the inter-ethnic relations between Romanian and Hungarian intellectuals are analyzed, differentiated into the main socio-professional categories: political leaders, state officials, teachers, doctors, engineers, priests, etc. The article shows the negative aspects of the inter-ethnic relations between the few Romanian intellectuals left in the area and their Hungarian colleagues, but also moments of "normality". At the same time, the difference between the period 1952–1960, when the districts of Tg. Secuiesc and Sf. Gheorghe belonged to the Hungarian Autonomous Region from 1960 to 1968, when the two districts were part of the Stalin Region and Brașov, respectively.