Suchergebnisse

Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie zagadnień związanych z trudami życia codziennego mieszkańców Torunia w okresie przemian politycznych związanych z zakończeniem pierwszej wojny światowej i przejściem miasta i regionu pod władzę niepodległego państwa polskiego. Zarówno czas wielkiej wojny, jak i wyczekiwanie na włączenie w granice RP były dla mieszkańców Torunia okresem wyrzeczeń i doświadczania braków artykułów pierwszej potrzeby. Zawirowania polityczne nie sprzyjały zadowalającej aprowizacji, co pośrednio odbijało się na kondycji zdrowotnej i nastrojach społecznych torunian. Miasto było też wówczas jednym z głównych punktów przerzutu uchodźców wojennych. Oczekiwane przez Polaków włączenie do wolnej Rzeczypospolitej nie od razu przyniosło upragniony dobrobyt, uwikłana w konflikt na wschodzie oraz wyniszczona wojną Polska nie była w stanie go zapewnić. W początkach 1920 r. to Toruń, mimo wielu deficytów i braków materiałowych, stał się miejscem obfitości dla przybyszy zza dawnego kordo-nu. Czas przejściowy między zakończeniem wojny a unifikacją w ramach odrodzonej RP stał się też okresem przyspieszonych przemian społeczność lokalnej miasta. Znaczącemu przekształceniu uległa jego struktura narodowościowa, bezrobocie stało się poważnym problemem dla władz lokalnych, nastąpił wzrost przestępczości kryminalnej i zjawisk patologicznych (np. prosty-tucji), w sposób wyraźny uwidocznił się proces emancypacji kobiet. ; Ziel des Artikels ist es, die Phänomene zu erläutern, die mit den Schwierigkeiten des Alltagslebens der Bewohner von Thorn zur Zeit der politischen Veränderungen am Ende des 1. Weltkriegs und während des Übergangs von Stadt und Region unter die Herrschaft des unabhängigen polnischen Staats einhergingen. Sowohl die Zeit des großen Kriegs als auch das Warten auf den Einbezug in die Grenzen der polnischen Republik waren für die Einwohner von Thorn eine Zeit der Entbehrungen und der Erfahrungen mit dem Fehlen von Artikeln des Grundbedarfs. Die politischen Turbulenzen waren für eine zufriedenstellende Lebensmittelversorgung nicht günstig, was sich mittelbar auf den Gesundheitszustand und die Stimmung der Thorner auswirkte. Die Stadt war damals auch einer der Hauptpunkte für den Transport von Kriegsflüchtlingen. Der von den Polen erwartete Anschluss an die freie Republik brachte nicht sofort den ersehnten Wohlstand; das in einen Krieg im Osten verwickelte und vom Krieg zerstörte Polen konnte ihn nicht gewährleisten. Anfang 1920 wurde Thorn trotz vieler Defizite und materieller Mängel zu einem Ort des Überflusses für Ankömmlinge aus den anderen früheren Teilungsgebieten. Die Übergangszeit zwischen dem Ende des Kriegs und der Vereinigung im Rahmen der wiedererstandenen polnischen Republik wurde auch zu einer Zeit der beschleunigten Veränderungen in der Gesellschaft der Stadt. Einer bedeutenden Umgestaltung unterlag ihre nationale Struktur, die Arbeitslosigkeit wurde zu einem ernsten Problem für die lokalen Behörden, es wuchsen die Kriminalität und pathologische Phänomene (z. B. Prostitution), der Prozess der Emanzipation der Frauen war deutlich erkennbar. ; The aim of the article is to present the issues related to the daily hardships experienced by inhabitants of Toruń during the period of political changes related to the end of the First World War and the transition of the city and the region under the rule of the independent Polish state. For inhabitants of Toruń both the time of the Great War and the period prior to Toruń's incorporation into the Republic of Poland was a period of sacrifices and caused them to experience shortages of basic necessities. Political turmoil did not favor satisfactory provisioning, which indirectly affected the health condition and social moods of Toruń's residents. At that time, the city was also one of the main transfer points for war refugees. The incorporation of the city into free Poland, awaited by Poles, did not immediately bring the desired prosperity, as Poland was entangled in the conflict in the east and devastated by the war. At the beginning of 1920 Toruń, despite many material deficits and shortages, became a desirable place for newcomers from behind the former cordon. The transition time between the end of the war and the unification within the reborn Polish state also became a period of accelerated changes in the local community. Its national structure changed significantly, unemployment became a serious problem for the local authorities, and there was an increase in the number of criminal offences and pathological phenomena (e.g. prostitution); what is more, the process of women's emancipation clearly became apparent.

Szukając nowych rozwiązań dla starych problemów, zwraca się uwagę na takie znaczące dla dobrego funkcjonowania współczesnego społeczeństwa kwestie jak sieci powiązań międzyludzkich, zaufanie czy normy. Pojęcie kapitału społecznego jest używane już od kilku dekad do opisu i wyjaśniania fenomenu zmian w sferze społeczno-politycznej i gospodarczej, zaistniałych w wyniku transformacji społeczno-ekonomicznej. Odnosi się ono również do sfery działań obejmujących m.in. budowanie partnerskich i demokratycznych relacji we wspólnotach lokalnych, w których kapitał społeczny stanowi podstawę trwałych sieci społecznego zaangażowania zaufania i wzajemności. Celem prezentowanego artykułu jest próba przedstawienia korzyści wynikających z posiadania przez wspólnotę lokalną zasobów kapitału społecznego, jak również wskazanie jego pozytywnego oddziaływania na bezpieczeństwo publiczne. ; When looking for new solutions to the old social problems, people pay attention to important issues for the good functioning of today's society, including interpersonal relations, trust, or standards. The term "social capital" has been used for several decades to describe and explain social and political as well as economic changes that took place as a result of the social and economic transformation. It also refers to activities including, among others, the creation of partnerships and democratic relations in local communities in which the social capital forms a basis of permanent networks of social involvement, trust, and mutuality. The purpose of this article is to present the benefits of the local community arising from social capital resources and their positive impact on public safety.

When looking for new solutions to the old social problems, people pay attention to important issues for the good functioning of today's society, including interpersonal relations, trust, or standards. The term "social capital" has been used for several decades to describe and explain social and political as well as economic changes that took place as a result of the social and economic transformation. It also refers to activities including, among others, the creation of partnerships and democratic relations in local communities in which the social capital forms a basis of permanent networks of social involvement, trust, and mutuality. The purpose of this article is to present the benefits of the local community arising from social capital resources and their positive impact on public safety. ; Szukając nowych rozwiązań dla starych problemów, zwraca się uwagę na takie znaczące dla dobrego funkcjonowania współczesnego społeczeństwa kwestie jak sieci powiązań międzyludzkich, zaufanie czy normy. Pojęcie kapitału społecznego jest używane już od kilku dekad do opisu i wyjaśniania fenomenu zmian w sferze społeczno-politycznej i gospodarczej, zaistniałych w wyniku transformacji społeczno-ekonomicznej. Odnosi się ono również do sfery działań obejmujących m.in. budowanie partnerskich i demokratycznych relacji we wspólnotach lokalnych, w których kapitał społeczny stanowi podstawę trwałych sieci społecznego zaangażowania zaufania i wzajemności. Celem prezentowanego artykułu jest próba przedstawienia korzyści wynikających z posiadania przez wspólnotę lokalną zasobów kapitału społecznego, jak również wskazanie jego pozytywnego oddziaływania na bezpieczeństwo publiczne.

The main purpose of the article is to present social engineering as a strategy of social management aimed at monopolizing political power. Social engineering strategies are based on the broad ambitions of steering systems and the long horizon of social changes planning. Social engineering here, is closer to culture engineering, socialization, indoctrination aimed not only at modifying the behavior of controlled systems, but above all at causing permanent changes in the structure of values, emotions, myths, archetypes, and stereotypes. The author presents the main levels, directions of social engineering strategies resulting in a monopoly of political power in areas of: communication, culture, socialization, influence and decision making.

The article presents the results of the analysis of the Polish media discourse on the problem of paedophilia cases and paedophilic acts among the clergy in the years 2013-2019. A particular emphasis in the analysis was placed on the events and components of the process known in social sciences as the moral panic. The study used the method of critical analysis of media discourse (the analysis covered portals known as right-wing, left-wing and liberal) along with the analysis of the existing data. The results of the study show that in Polish society there is a discursive overcoming of the topic of paedophilia and openness to the debate around ways to solve the problem, also on the side of church institutions. Over the past six years, there has been a significant transformation of public discourse on the subject of paedophilia cases of the clergy and postulated ways of solving the problem. The study observed the impact of the symbolic elites - politicians, journalists, members of organizations and people of culture on progressive changes at the level of perception of the phenomenon. During the analysis there was also noticed the process of creating a new enemy in the form of a sexual minority environment and the sexualization of children, which, in the opinion of the examined environments, is expected to increase the scale of paedophilia.

Complexity of the changes taking place in modern societies makes it is necessary to deepen the analysis of the impact of social inequality on the activity of old people. Dissemination of new technologies and organizational forms allows solving many social problems and improving the quality of human life. At the same time broadens the range of areas in which old people are losing their authority and differ in expertise required for the achievement of socially valued goods. Article aims to highlight the importance of inequality for the activity of the elderly and its relationship to social capital in conditions of shaping social dispersion space order. Study brings closer chosen results of empirical studies portraying the dimensions of internal diversity of seniors.

The aim of the article is to show some trends in contemporary transformation of the public domain, and draw attention to certain analogies that occur between changes in the urban space and social modernization processes taking place at a wider, nationwide scale. In addition to the introduction and the conclusion, the text consists of two main parts: dedicated to theoretical considerations and empirical findings. The first part presents more general issues concerning the nature and significance of the urban public space and ways of interfering in its shape, taking into account in particular the phenomena referred to as revitalization (urban renewal) and gentrification. In the second part, for illustrative exemplification, three specific cases of modernizing impacts of various nature and effects that took place in recent years in Warsaw were briefly discussed.

The essential objective of the paper is to present the German model of social policy as compared to the social solutions adopted in the European Union. The author analyzes the transformations of social policy, established by virtue of the Treaty on the European Union, The Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty, among other documents. The further part of the paper presents the main assumptions of the German model of the welfare state. The author concludes with a suggestion that, at a time of global financial crisis, both the European Union and Germany will need to change their social policies. ; The essential objective of the paper is to present the German model of social policy as compared to the social solutions adopted in the European Union. The author analyzes the transformations of social policy, established by virtue of the Treaty on the European Union, The Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty, among other documents. The further part of the paper presents the main assumptions of the German model of the welfare state. The author concludes with a suggestion that, at a time of global financial crisis, both the European Union and Germany will need to change their social policies.

The pandemic is an accelerator of economic, technological and social changes. Despite pessimistic forecasts, Poland went unscathed by the pandemic crisis, which is the general conclusion of the article. This is evidenced both by economic data and market statistics. The first part of the article focuses on the economic background of the changes. The second one diagnoses the state of the Polish labor market, which is the main subject of the article. In the following sections author analyses the social consequences of the crisis, and on this basis, draws conclusions about the prospects of the Polish labor market after the pandemic.

Public funds should play important role in rationalization of the social security system as they allow greater control over expenses redistribution and thus over changes in society. However, as the rule of parainsurance is not followed while creating public funds, one cannot hope for public support for fiscal burdens and for diminishing political influence on the tax collection for social expenses and social expenses itself. The lack of public support should not limit possibilities of using public funds to rationalize public finances, particularly social security.

The presented text focuses on identifying the topics of the political dispute at the global level, the European Union and Poland, which relate to the mitigation of climate change. The background of the analysis is a synthetic presentation of the state of knowledge on climate change and examples of different views on this issue that reach the public in the open debate. We confronted arguments put forward by climate activists with views questioning the climate action. The analysis of arguments in the global debate shows that the differences mainly reflect the economic status of states, their energy mix, and technological advancement. The main lines of dispute in global negotiations are: which states should make more effort for greenhouse gas emission reductions, the responsibility of developed countries for historical emissions, and the principles of supporting developing countries, which are particularly vulnerable to climate change. The European Union wants to be a leader in reducing greenhouse gas emissions and achieving climate neutrality. However, there are differences in approach between the Member States, which reflect the importance of coal in the energy mix, the differences in the share of renewable energy, and the importance of nuclear energy. The main controversy is how to consider the different initial situations of countries when defining their reduction targets and how to support the energy transition. The dominant issue in the Polish debate is the necessary pace of the energy transformation, the possibility of bearing its costs, and their distribution among various social groups. This paper presents the social, economic, and political arguments at the global and local level that refer to the dilemmas of climate policy leading to the adjustment of the development policy towards energy-saving and low-emission, regardless of the importance assigned to emissions in combating climate change. ; Przedstawiony tekst koncentruje się na identyfikacji przedmiotów sporów politycznych na poziomie globalnym, Unii ...

Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently becomeone of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gasseems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country,such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), theSocialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) andthe Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the nationalclimate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the ProgressParty (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. Thisarticle aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climateprotection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in thepast decade. ; Problem zmian klimatu ze względu na koszty społeczne i ekonomiczne staje się w ostatnich latach jednym z czynników antagonizujących bądź scalających narodowe systemypolityczne i występujące tam podmioty. Casus Norwegii jako czołowego w Europie producenta oraz eksportera ropy i gazu wydaje się zasługiwać na szczególną uwagę. Głównepodmioty polityczne w tym państwie, jak: Norweska Partia Pracy (DnA), Partia Konserwatywna (H), Socjalistyczna Partia Lewicy (SV), Chrześcijańska Partia Ludowa (Kr.F),Partia Centrum (S), Partia Liberalna (V) wyrażają w kwestii celów narodowej politykiklimatycznej dość istotną zbieżność, choć różnią się w kwestiach operacyjnych. Istotnymwyjątkiem w podejściu do omawianej problematyki jest stanowisko Partii Postępu (Fr.P).Celem artykułu jest analiza założeń programowych w obszarze polityki klimatyczneji ochrony klimatu wszystkich ugrupowań parlamentarnych oraz ocena ich praktycznejimplementacji w minionej dekadzie.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

The aim of this publication is to outline changes that have been observed in Poland and to present the place of the Polish industry, including production, services and international trade, since the accession to the European Union. Rating highly the role of industry and proper conducting of a pro-growth policy in Poland and the European Union, one part of the study concerns the analysis of basic indicators of the Polish industry structure and the final part the realization of the Europe 2020 strategy. The analytical description in the publication was enriched with a wide set of tables, as well as a crosssectional collection of information on industry in Poland and on the European Union member states in rank order. The high dynamics observed in Poland resulted, among others, from an over double growth in the production of electrical equipment, computers, electronic and optical products as well as of metal products. The Strategy Europe 2020 is a socio-economic development programme for Poland and the EU growth. The goal of the Europe 2020 strategy is to create the economy - based on knowledge, low-emission policies promoting environmentally friendly technologies, making an efficient use of resources, and also aiming at social cohesion. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie zmian, jakie dokonały się w polskim przemyśle, z uwzględnieniem sfery produkcji i usług oraz wymiany międzynarodowej po przystąpieniu Polski do Unii Europejskiej. Doceniając znaczenie właściwego prowadzenia polityki prorozwojowej w Polsce i Unii Europejskiej, jeden z podpunktów poświęcono analizie tendencji dotyczącej podstawowych wskaźników rozwoju przemysłu w Polsce, a ostatni strategii Europa 2020. W publikacji opis analityczny został uzupełniony zestawem danych ujętych w tabelach ilustrujących rozwój przemysłu w Polsce na tle Unii Europejskiej. W artykule wskazano, że na dynamikę produkcji w Polsce wpłynął m.in. ponad dwukrotny wzrost w zakresie produkcji urządzeń elektrycznych, komputerów, wyrobów elektronicznych i optycznych, a także w produkcji wyrobów z metali. Strategia Europa 2020 to dla Polski i UE program wzrostu i rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. Efektem realizacji strategii Europa 2020 ma być gospodarka oparta na wiedzy, niskoemisyjna, promująca technologie przyjazne środowisku, oszczędzająca zasoby, a zarazem zachowująca dbałość o spójność społeczną.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.