Drawing from the examples of newly formed and former democracies, the article examines the directions which the transformation of this political concept has taken in context of the expansion of the public sphere and changes in how the democratic process is implemented. Attention is drawn to how the transition of the forefront of political life from traditional centers of its "distribution"- governments, parliaments, and municipal authorities, to the "fatherland" of the public sphere and media of varying quality has become one of the reasons for the accelerated proliferation of politics of the populist variety. The rise of media in Ukraine, where it falls under complete ownership of centers of oligarchy, provides grounds for mentioning a special type of "oligarchic democracy", which serendipitously exploits the opportunities offered by populism. At the same time, the examples of democratic crises in other nations have become widespread enough, so that they encourage casting doubt on crucial democratic processes, including elections: electoral democracy has formally taken place, although it hasn't fulfilled its essential function of including the citizenry in making key social decisions. Researchers assert that media is not the only source that breathes life into populist politics as a means to seize power. This carries the threat of destroying the very institutions through which the democratic form of government is realized. Transitional democracies are also subjected to the erosion of populism through problems with asserting the supremacy of law and difficulties with establishing liberal market economics, which should have been synchronized with their political transformation. Authors refer to the fact, that populism is a problem shared by governments with diverse histories of democratic life. Behind democracy always lurks the threat of false self-rule, which can lead to the rise of new authoritarian regimes under the guise of populist conservative declarations and national protectionism. Russia could become an example of this, after its wholly democratic process of voting on amendments to its national constitution, which is expected during 2020. Controversy in equal or greater measure has also surrounded the future of Great Britain after Brexit. ; W artykule zostały przeanalizowane kierunki przemian systemu politycznego w kontekście poszerzania sfery publicznej i zmian w stosowaniu procedur demokratycznych na przykładach nowych i tradycyjnych demokracji. Zwraca się uwagę, że przesunięcie proscenium życia politycznego ze zwykłych ośrodków jego "rozmieszczania" - rządu, parlamentu, jednostek samorządu terytorialnego - do sfery reklamy i mediów różnej wielkości stało się jedną z przyczyn przyspieszonego rozwoju polityki populistycznej. Oddziaływanie mediów na Ukrainie, gdzie są one całkowicie zdane na łaskę ośrodków oligarchicznych, pozwala mówić o ukształtowaniu się na tym etapie rozwoju społeczeństwa szczególnego typu "demokracji oligarchicznej", która z powodzeniem wykorzystuje potencjał populizmu. Jednocześnie przykłady kryzysu demokracji w innych krajach okazały się na tyle rozpowszechnione, że zakwestionowały kluczowe procedury demokratyczne, w szczególności wybory: demokracja wyborcza formalnie miała miejsce, ale nie spełnia swojego zadania polegającego na angażowaniu obywateli w proces podejmowania ważnych decyzji publicznych i w ogóle partycypacji politycznej. Badacze są przekonani, że media nie są jedynym narzędziem zapewniającym podbój i utrzymanie władzy. Populizm grozi zdyskredytowaniem tych instytucji, które w rzeczywistości urzeczywistniają demokratyczną formę rządów. Demokracje tranzytowe cierpią z powodu erozji spowodowanej nadmiarem populizmu, także w wyniku problemów z ustanowieniem państwa prawa w tych krajach i powstaniem liberalnej gospodarki rynkowej. Pozytywne zmiany w tych obszarach należy zsynchronizować z deklarowanymi przemianami ustrojowymi. Autorzy zwracają uwagę, że populizm jest częstym problemem państw o odmiennych historiach demokratycznych rządów. Za tym grozi powstanie pseudopopularnych rządów, które ostatecznie kończą się pojawieniem się nowych autorytarnych reżimów pod pozorem populistycznych, konserwatywnych idei i państwowego protekcjonizmu. Przykładem może być Rosja po całkowicie demokratycznym głosowaniu nad zmianą Konstytucji Federacji Rosyjskiej w 2020 roku. Przyszłość demokracji w Wielkiej Brytanii po Brexicie i za rządów populisty Borisa Johnsona wygląda nie mniej kontrowersyjnie pod względem stosowania demokratycznych procedur wyborczych i ich wyników. ; В статье на примерах новых и традиционных демократий рассматриваются направления трансформации этого политического режима в контексте расширения публичной сферы и изменений в использовании демократических процедур. Обращено внимание на то, что перемещение авансцены политической жизни из привычных центров ее «дислокации» – правительство, парламент, органы местного управления – в сферу публичности и медиа разного калибра стало одной из причин ускоренного развития политики популистского толка. Влияние медиа в Украине, где они тотально находятся во власти олигархических центров, дают основания говорить о формировании на этом этапе развития общества особенного типа «олигархической демократии», которая успешно эксплуатирует потенциал популизма. В то же время примеры кризиса демократии в других странах оказались настолько распространенными, что поставили под сомнение ключевые демократические процедуры, в частности выборы: электоральная демократия формально состоялась, но не выполняет своей задачи привлечения граждан к процессу принятия важных общественных решений и политического участия в целом. Исследователи убеждены, что медиа не единственный инструмент, который обеспечивает завоевание и удержание власти. Популизм несет угрозу дискредитации тех институтов, которые, собственно, и делают реальностью демократическую форму правления. Транзитные демократии страдают от эрозии, вызванной переизбытком популизма, еще и в следствие проблем с утверждением в таких странах верховенства права и становлением либеральной рыночной экономики. Позитивные изменения в этих сферах должны синхронизироваться с декларируемыми политическими трансформациями. Авторы указывают на то, что популизм является общей проблемой для государств с разной историей демократического правления. За этим просматривается угроза становления псевдонародовластия, что в конечном итоге завершается появлением новых авторитарных режимов под прикрытием популистских консервативных идей и государственного протекционизма. Примером может стать Россия после вполне демократического процесса голосования о внесении поправок в Конституцию РФ уже 2020 году. Не менее противоречиво с точки зрения использования демократических электоральных процедур и их результатов выглядит будущее демократии в Великобритании после Brexit и во время правления популиста Бориса Джонсона.
Modern processes of reforming the agroindustrial complex of Ukraine, a large part of which belongs to the agrarian sector, under the globalization of world economic processes in the agricultural market require that domestic agroindustrial enterprises improve and rationally manage innovative activities (IА). The effective solution of problems that arise in this context in the rapidly changing economic and social and political environment requires that analytical methods in the management of the enterprises of the agroindustrial complex (AIC) be used on the basis of the tools of economic and mathematical modelling, taking into account characteristics of agrarian production. The main approaches to modelling systems related to IА management are either descriptive or insufficiently formalized, and suggest virtual experimenting with IA management, avoiding the possibility of assessing the impact and consequences of different management options in the long view, minimizing IA risks when making managerial decisions. The subject matter of the article is the tools of economic and mathematical simulation of the development of innovative activities of the domestic agroindustrial complex. The goal is to develop tools for modelling innovative activities of enterprises of the agroindustrial complex of Ukraine in the form of analytical dependencies of impact factors. The objective is to research the dynamics of innovative activities of enterprises of the agroindustrial complex of Ukraine in terms of its components under the globalization of world economic processes in the market of agricultural products. General scientific methods are used, such as system analysis – to determine the peculiarities of development of IА of agroindustrial production in Ukraine, factor analysis – to formalize the cause-and-effect relationships of the investigated factors of AIC enterprises impact on IA. The following results were obtained: on the basis of the analysis of the dynamics of changes in the major indices of domestic agricultural production, the problem aspects were identified and the components of IA of agricultural production were determined, latent factors with prolonged impact on the level of innovative activities of agricultural enterprises of Ukraine were calculated. Conclusions: the calculated latent factors of the impact of AIC enterprises on IА can be efficiently used in foreign economic activities as recommendations for determining the IА strategy of Ukraine in the world agricultural market. ; Современные процессы реформирования отрасли АПК Украины, значительная часть которой принадлежит аграрному сектору, в условиях глобализации мирохозяйственных процессов на рынке сельскохозяйственной продукции требует от отечественных агропромышленных предприятий совершенствования и рационального управления инновационной деятельностью (ИД). Эффективное решение возникающих при этом задач в быстро меняющихся условиях экономического и социально-политического среды требует применения аналитических методов в управлении ИД предприятий АПК на основе инструментария экономико-математического моделирования с учетом особенностей аграрного производства. Основные подходы к моделированию систем, связанных с управлением ИД, осуществлено описательными средствами или представлены с недостаточной формализацией, и предлагают практически экспериментировать с управлением ИД, избегая возможность оценить результативность и последствия различных вариантов управления ИД в будущей перспективе с минимизацией рисков ИД при принятии управленческих решений. Предметом исследования в статье является инструментарий экономико-математического моделирования развития ИД отечественного агропромышленного производства. Цель заключается в разработке инструментов моделирования развития ИД предприятий АПК Украины в виде аналитических зависимостей факторов влияния. Задача: Исследование динамики развития ИД предприятий АПК Украины в разрезе ее составляющих в условиях глобализации мирохозяйственных процессов на рынке сельскохозяйственной продукции. Используются общенаучные методы: системный анализ – для определения особенностей развития ИД агропромышленного производства Украины, факторный анализ для формализации причинно-следственных взаимосвязей исследуемых факторов влияния на ИД предприятий АПК. Получены следующие результаты: на основе проведенного анализа динамики изменения основных показателей отечественного агропроизводства выявлены проблемные аспекты и определены составляющие ИД агропромышленного производства, вычислены латентные факторы, имеющие пролонгированное влияние на уровень ИД предприятий АПК Украины. Выводы: вычисленные латентные факторы влияния на ИД предприятий АПК целесообразно использовать во внешнеэкономической деятельности в качестве рекомендаций для определения стратегии ИД Украины на мировом рынке сельскохозяйственной продукции. ; Сучасні процеси реформування галузі АПК України, значна частка якої належить аграрному сектору, в умовах глобалізації світогосподарських процесів на ринку сільськогосподарської продукції вимагає від вітчизняних агропромислових підприємств вдосконалення та раціонального управління інноваційною діяльністю (ІД). Ефективне вирішення виникаючих при цьому завдань в швидко змінюваних умовах економічного та соціально-політичного середовища потребує застосування аналітичних методів в управлінні ІД підприємств АПК на основі інструментарію економіко-математичного моделювання з урахуванням особливостей аграрного виробництва. Основні підходи щодо моделювання систем, пов'язаних з управлінням ІД, здійснено описовими засобами або представлено з недостатньою формалізацією, і пропонують практично експериментувати з управлінням ІД, уникаючи можливість оцінити результативність та наслідки різних варіантів управління ІД в майбутній перспективі з мінімізацією ризиків ІД при прийнятті управлінських рішень. Предметом дослідження в статті є інструментарій економіко-математичного моделювання розвитку ІД вітчизняного агропромислового виробництва. Мета – полягає у розробці інструментів моделювання розвитку ІД підприємств АПК України у вигляді аналітичних залежностей факторів впливу. Завдання: дослідження динаміки розвитку ІД підприємств АПК України в розрізі її складових в умовах глобалізації світогосподарських процесів на ринку сільськогосподарської продукції. Використовуються загальнонаукові методи: системний аналіз - для визначення особливостей розвитку ІД агропромислового виробництва України, факторний аналіз для формалізації причинно-наслідкових взаємозв'язків досліджуваних факторів впливу на ІД підприємств АПК. Отримано такі результати: на основі проведеного аналізу динаміки змін основних показників вітчизняного агровиробництва виявлено проблемні аспекти та визначено складові ІД агропромислового виробництва, а також обчислено латентні фактори, що мають пролонгований вплив на рівень ІД підприємств АПК України. Висновки: обчислені латентні фактори впливу на ІД підприємств АПК доцільно використовувати у зовнішньоекономічній діяльності у якості рекомендацій для визначення стратегії ІД Україні на світовому ринку сільськогосподарської продукції.
The Swedish colony of Gammalsvenskby (Старошведское) was founded 1782 on the lands of New Russia (Новороссия) by fishermen from the island of Dagö/Hiiumaa in the Baltic Sea. Villagers had frequent contacts with Sweden and the Grand Duchy of Finland throughout the nineteenth century. A number of Swedish cultural institutes (school, new church, library, chorus etc.) were built due to the Scandinavian aid in the village and as consequence the colonists received "an inoculation" of modern Swedish nationalism. During the first half of the 20th century the Swedish community near the Black Sea became the subject of the series of social experiments on the part of the different political regimes. The aim was to change the collective identity of the colonists and creation of loyalty of Swedes towards the new authorities. In 1923-1929 in the village under the guidance of the Ukrainian Central Commission for the National Minorities (ЦКНМ) the politics of the indigenization was provided with the aim of transforming former foreign colonists of the Russian Empire into a loyal ethnic minority of the Soviet Ukraine. However in 1929 the whole village (888 persons) emigrated to Sweden after negotiations between the Swedish and Soviet governments. In the historic fatherland a new large scale experiment was undertaken under the control of the specially created Committee (Gammalsvenskbykommittén). The aim of this experiment was to fully integrate the "archaic" Ukrainian Swedes into the modern Swedish society through their transformation into the successful Swedish farmers. The emigrants were denied a separate settlement in Sweden and newcomers were dissolved throughout the country to undergo "instruction of the Swedish norms of economic and every day activities." Appointed by the Committee inspectors were monitoring all the aspects of the integration of the old Swedes into the Swedish society. About 300 Swedish colonists who were not agree with the policy of Sweden voluntarily returned to the Soviet Union according to their own will. There in Röda Svenskby during five years under the guidance of the Comintern and rule of the Swedish Communist Party led by Hugo Sillén the experiment on the implementing the first Swedish kolkhoz and Swedish intentional community in the Soviet Union took place. The Soviet Union was unlike many other states in the world. This difference concerns not only the abolishment of private property and the dictatorship of the Communist Party, but also a nationalities policy based on internationalism. While ethnic minorities faced discrimination across Europe, the Soviet Union proclaimed in 1923, and then realized, a policy of full support of cultural and linguistic rights for ethnic minorities. However this policy changed dramatically when, in 1937, the Soviet government and the secret police (NKVD) started a mass operation in order to execute members of several ethnic minorities. For fourteen months in 1937 and 1938 roughly 250,000 people representing some 25 ethnic minorities from Finns to Iranians were executed by NKVD. The mass arrests did occur in Gammalsvenskby in 1937-38 and included 22 individuals from 41 Swedish families. The promotion of the Swedish culture was fully stopped simultaneously with the era of terror. In 1938 the Swedish school was closed, the national village council was dismissed and the administrative positions there were taken by non-locals. During World War II Swedish colonists accepted the status of Volksdeutsche. In 1943 all villagers together with their German neighbours were evacuated to Germany by the Nazi occupation forces. In 1945 about a hundred of the returning Ukrainian Swedes were deported by the Soviet secret police (NKVD) to the Komi autonomous republic – a Finno-Ugric region in northern Russia. The government decided to settle all former Volksdeutsche in the Gulag area alongside other enemies of the Soviet state "until further notice". The main purpose of the displacement and isolation of this "special contingent" was "to make them true Soviet citizens". Within the theoretical framework provided in the works of Michel Foucault and Alberto Melucci the author analyzes the techniques of forced normalization used by the Stalinist totalitarian state in order to reorient the cultural and linguistic identity of a Swedish ethnic group. The book is based on the archival sources in the repositories of Ukraine, Sweden and Russia. ; I boken analyseras de olika sociala experiment som invånarna i Gammalsvenskby i Ukraina utsattes för under 1900-talets första hälft. Från 1700-talet och framåt hade svenskbyborna täta kontakter med Sverige och Finland och behöll sin svenska identitet och kultur. Den stalinistiska staten försökte vid flera tillfällen förändra svenskbybornas kollektiva identitet. De skulle "normaliseras" och bli goda sovjetukrainska medborgare, medlemmar av internationella kommunistiska rörelsen och medvetna byggare av det socialistiska samhället. 1929 emigrerade samtliga invånare i Staroshvedskoe (888 personer) till Sverige, efter förhandlingar mellan den svenska och den sovjetiska regeringen. I Sverige sattes en mängd insatser in för att "integrera" Ukrainasvenskarna i det moderna samhället. De fick inte bosätta sig tillsammans och övervakades av inspektörer på praktikplatser, så att integrationen gick rätt till. Ungefär en tredjedel av Ukrainasvenskarna valde därefter att återvända till Sovjetunionen. Efter deras återkomst till Röda Svenskbyn genomfördes där ett experiment administrerat av Komintern och under ledning av kommunister från Sveriges kommunistiska parti. Experimentet gick ut på att bygga upp den första svenska kolchosen i Sovjetunionen. Under den Stora Terrorn arresterades och arkebuserades 23 svenskbybor, anklagade för att ha byggt upp en "svensk spionorganisation". Den tyska ockupationen av Ukraina medförde att Ukrainasvenskar blev offer för ännu ett experiment, denna gång i form av en nazi-germanisering av den svenska befolkningen i Altschwedendorf. 1945 förvisades svenskbybor av den sovjetiska säkerhetspolisen till Gulag eftersom de klassificerades som folkets fiender. Inom ramen för Michel Foucaults och Alberto Meluccis teorier undersökas i boken den sovjetiska tvångsnormaliseringens tekniker. Dessa användes framgångsrikt av myndigheterna för ideologisk, lingvistisk och kulturell omstöpning av Ukrainasvenskarna, men författaren visar också hur svenskbyborna gjorde kollektivt motstånd. ; Swedish colonies in Ukraine
This article analyzes the phenomenon of lobbying as a form of communication of public authorities, business and socio-political actors. The article based on the evaluation results of a poll presents a generalized picture of the functioning of lobbyists on the political landscape, disclosed the specifics of the use of GR-tech lobbyists at national and supranational level in the European Union. Analyzed data from a sociological study of the impact of information on the effectiveness of management decision-making by lobbyists in Eastern Europe and the Baltic States, evaluate the effectiveness of various political aktor-lobbyists. The system of power in the EU multi-level, lobbying is carried out with a strong competition between different interest groups. By the way, the Russian business poorly informed about the possibilities and mechanisms to defend their interests at EU level and does not use this tool. Institutes of the EU authorities, is the center of the work of lobbyists are the European Council, the Council of Ministers, the European Parliament and the European Commission. With regard to professional lobbying transparency of the process, about one in four out of five respondents said that business, trade associations and professional organizations are transparent in their approach to the process of political and administrative lobbying, while only one in five said this factor in relation to companies. Respondents clearly express support for democratization and openness of the political process, which is transparent to the various representatives and interest groups, and the lobbyists are expected to be open about their interests represented. It is not clear defined interests or lack of transparency called the most negative aspect of lobbying. Thus, many experts noted that the successful lobbying can change the state of the social environment and the socio-political relations. When both unsuccessful lobbying ends only negative publications in mass media and information noise. The analysis conducted in the article shows that concerns about the transparency of the lobbying process gave way to other concerns: that the information provided is not neutral and engaged by certain pressure groups, and that lobbying pays excessive attention to the interests of elites and wealthy segments of the population (this view supports every third respondent ). However, with respect to the positive aspects of the lobbying process, respondents clearly indicated to ensure the participation of representatives of business groups and socio-economic sphere of citizens in the political process (half of the respondents) and the use of relevant technical and scientific information corresponding to the needs of lobbyists and interest groups to information (supports every third respondent). Thus, summing up the above, it should be noted that the question of which groups meet the definition of "lobbyist" sixty respondents called trade associations, among others, the most popular answers were the agency to influence the public policy (58%) and professional organizations (57%). Non-governmental organizations were called lobbyists more than half of respondents (51%), and the company – less than half (47%). Trade unions are considered lobbyists only 40% of respondents. ; В данной статье анализируется феномен лоббизма как форма коммуникаций органов государственной власти, бизнеса и общественно-политических акторов. В статье на основе оценки результатов социологического опроса представлена обобщенная картина функционирования лоббистов на политическом ландшафте, раскрыта специфика использования GR-технологий лоббистами на национальном и наднациональном уровне в странах Европейского Союза. Научно-исследовательский подход основывается на использовании методов сравнительного анализа социологической информации, экспертных оценок, научного обобщения и синтеза. Основным методом исследования является социологический опрос. Выборка: 600 респондентов в странах Европейского Союза (выборка репрезентативна, статистическая погрешность 2,5%). Характеристика выборки: многоступенчатая, квотная выборка с применением на завершающем этапе ее формирования и реализации вероятностного отбора респондентов. Анализируются данные социологического исследования воздействия информации на результативность принятия управленческих решений лоббистами в странах Восточной Европы и Прибалтики, оценки эффективности различных политических акторов-лоббистов. Система власти в Европейском союзе многоуровневая, лоббизм осуществляется при сильной конкуренции различных групп интересов. К слову, российский бизнес слабо осведомлен о возможности и механизмах отстаивания своих интересов на уровне ЕС и не использует этот инструмент. Институтами власти ЕС, являющимися центрами работы лоббистов, являются Европейский совет, Совет министров, Европарламент и Еврокомиссия. При ответе на вопрос об отношении к профессиональной прозрачности процесса лоббирования приблизительно каждый четвертый из пяти респондентов сказал, что бизнес, торговые ассоциации и профессиональные организации прозрачны в своем подходе к процессу политико-административного лоббирования, при этом только каждый пятый отметил данный фактор в отношении компаний. Респонденты явно выражают поддержку демократизации и открытости политического процесса, который является транспарентным для различных представителей и групп интересов, при этом от лоббистов ожидается, что они будут открытыми в отношении представляемых ими интересов. Неясно определяемые интересы или недостаток прозрачности назывались самыми отрицательными аспектами лоббирования. Таким образом, многие эксперты констатировали, что успешное лоббирование может изменить состояние общественной среды и социально-политических отношений. Тогда как неудачное лоббирование заканчивается только негативными публикациями в СМИ и информационным шумом. Анализ, проведенный в статье, показывает, что опасения по поводу прозрачности процесса лоббирования сменились другими опасениями: что предоставляемая информация не является нейтральной, а ангажирована определенными группами влияния, и что лоббирование уделяет чрезмерное внимание интересам элит и богатых слоев населения (такую точку зрения поддерживает каждый третий респондент). Однако относительно положительных аспектов процесса лоббирования респонденты ясно указали обеспечение участия представителей групп бизнеса и социально-экономической сферы, граждан в политическом процессе (половина опрошенных) и использование актуальной технической и научной информации с соответствующей запросам лоббистов и групп влияния на информацию (поддерживает каждый третий респондент). Таким образом, подводя итоги сказанного выше следует отметить, что на вопрос, какие группы соответствуют определению "лоббист", две трети опрошенных респондентов назвали торговые ассоциации, среди других, наиболее популярных ответов были агентства по воздействию на государственную политику (58%) и профессиональные организации (57%). Неправительственные организации были названы лоббистами более, чем половиной респондентов (51%), а компании – менее, чем половиной (47%). Профсоюзы считают лоббистами всего 40% респондентов.
The paper features the fi rst general description in the Russian language of two necropolises located in Campochiaro (Campobasso, Italy) – Vicenne and Morrione, dating back to the period from the last third of the 7th – the beginning of the 8th century AD. The cultural content of the necropolises refl ects their strong ties with the population of Central Asian origin. The most important feature of the necropolises are burials with a horse, corresponding to the Eurasian nomadic burial rite. The author supported the conclusions of European researchers according to which it is highly probable that the necropolises were left by the Bolgars of the duke–gashtald Alzeko, originally recorded by Paul the Deacon in the 8th century in the territories of Bojano, Sepino and Isernia. The similarities of the Campochiaro necropolises with the burials of the Avar Khaganate imply the presence of the Bolgars in the Avar society with a similar burial ritual. Out of the thousands of horse burials left by the Avar population, a large portion could have been left by the Bolgars. The Avars and Bolgars constituted the basis and ruling elite of the Khaganate. The Alzeko people were the part of the Bolgars who in 631 AD fought for the Khagan throne, which indicates the high position of the Bolgars and their large number. After the defeat, this group of the Bolgars migrated to Bavaria, Carantania and Italy. Several decades of living in the Venedian, and later in the Lombard and Roman environment resulted in the heterogeneity of the funerary inventory, but did not change the rite itself. The Bolgars of the Lombard kingdom formed a new military layer - professional cavalry, which received land plots. This equestrian squad is an early example of the European feudal military and social class which was later referred to as chivalry. ; Настоящая работа является первым общим описанием на русском языке двух некрополей Кампокиаро (Кампобассо, Италия) – Виченне и Морионе, датируемых последней третью VII в. – началом VIII в. Культурное содержание некрополей показывает прочные связи с населением центральноазиатского происхождения. Важнейшим признаком некрополей являются захоронения с конем, соответствующие евразийскому кочевому погребальному обряду. Автор поддержал выводы европейских исследователей о том, что с большой долей вероятности некрополи оставлены булгарами дукса–гаштальда Алзеко, зафиксированными Павлом Диаконом в VIII в. на территориях Бояно, Сепино и Изернии. Аналогии некрополей Кампокиаро с погребениями Аварского каганата показывают присутствие в аварском обществе булгар со схожим погребальным обрядом. Из тысяч погребений с конем, оставленных аварским населением, булгарам могла принадлежать большая часть. Авары и булгары составляли основу и правящую верхушку каганата. Народ Алзеко являлся той частью булгар, которая в 631 г. боролась за каганский престол, что указывает на высокое положение булгар и их большое количество. После поражения эта группа булгар мигрировала последовательно в Баварию, Карантанию и Италию. Несколько десятков лет проживания в венедской, а затем в лангобардской и романской среде привели к гетерогенности погребального инвентаря, но не изменили сам обряд. Булгары лангобардского королевства составляли новый военный слой, который представлял из себя профессиональную кавалерию, получивший землю. Эта конная дружина является ранним примером европейского феодального воинского и социального сословия, которое станет называться рыцарством. Библиографические ссылки Акимова М.С. Материалы к антропологии ранних болгар // Генинг В.Ф., Халиков А.Х. 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In: Gratchev , D A 2004 , ' Problematika termina abstraktnyj avtor i charakternye certy abstraktnych avtorov v russkich bol'sich narrativach 20-30-ch godov XX veka ' , Doctor of Philosophy .
This study is based on the twin exigencies of introducing the concept of abstract author into the scheme of narrative construction, and distinguishing sharply between this object of analysis and the concepts of concrete author and narrator. In accordance with the definition advanced by Wolf Schmid, whose vision on the issues of narrative instances appears most judicious, the abstract author ('der abstrakte Autor') can be defined as 'the principle that, in a work, determines the articulatory layer, the semantic layer, and the layer of the objectivity deployed, as well as the aesthetic organisation and the hierarchy of these layers in the total structure in one specific way' ('dasjenige Prinzip, das in einem Werk die sprachlautliche Schicht, die Bedeutungsschicht und die Schicht der dargestellten Gegenständlichkeiten sowie die ästhetische Organisation und Hierarchie dieser Schichten in der Gesamtstruktur so und nicht anders beschaffen sein lässt', Schmid 1973. S.24). More succinctly and generally, the abstract author (henceforth: AA) is the principle according to which the meaning of a literary work is constructed. If we wish to switch from phenomenological to structuralist terminology, we can define the AA as the construction principle of the paradigmatic elements of the work. Thus the AA is fundamentally distinguished from both the concrete author and from the narrator in whose name (voice) the story is being told – itself a creation of the AA. This means that the latter is not directly represented in the text, in view of the fact that it is a reconstructed virtual construction. Naturally, this aspect of the AA considerably complicates a study devoted to the reconstruction of various types of AAs as regards concrete literary texts (in our case, great Russian prose forms from the 1920s and 1930s) in view of the fact that it cannot be based on the principle of the reconstruction according to which the AA must be reconstructed. Taking into account that a) no single reconstruction principle could ever be exhaustively explained, and b) various interpretations of facts and motives are possible even within a single analytical doctrine, the final result of this kind of reconstruction will unavoidably contain fairly controversial or debatable aspects. In principle, a certain objectivity could be achieved by blending a large number of different analytical strategies in order to arrive at a reconstruction of the AA, but in view of the fact that this kind of undertaking is not able to be carried out within the framework of a dissertation project, one is obliged to accept a priori a certain sketchiness in the results obtained. As regards methodology, we considered it better to base our undertaking on a structuralistic approach. This does not mean, however, that we regard structuralism as a methodological panacea. Our choice was ultimately determined by the fact that the conclusions reached on the basis of structuralistic analysis are highly illustrative, in the sense that the mechanism of deduction can be represented in the form of logically unambiguous causality. At points where the conclusions of the structuralistic approach appeared to us to be incomplete representations of a work's meaning, we resorted to other approaches. In order to analyse texts from the period in question (the 1920s and 1930s) we applied an analysis model first presented by B. A. Uspensky, and subsequently elaborated by W. Schmid, albeit it with a few specifications, which will be discussed shortly. The Uspensky-Schmid model is based on the division and analysis of the narrative into five levels: spatial, temporal, phraseological, psychological and ideological. It is a rather economic and practical scheme which provides a thorough analysis. Our refinement refers only to the last, ideological, level. We recognize J. Lintvelt's view (Lintvelt 1981) which does not see this as a separate layer, basing his argument on its intertwining with other levels. However, W. Schmid insisted on its retention, indicating that it could also manifest itself independently of the other levels, namely, as a direct, explicit evaluation. In this case the ideological level is then a facultative phenomenon only functional in the narrative scheme of the text when there are explicit ideological utterances. We propose using an old definition of ideology set down by A. J. Greimas and J. Courtés, who, in Sémiotique. Dictionnaire raisonné de la théorie du langue (1979), define ideology as the syntagmatic aspect of the taxonomic concept of axiology. The acceptance of this definition brings with it a number of important consequences: 1) In view of the fact that the narrative text, a product of subjective consciousness, inevitably consists of axiologically meaningful relationships, the axiological level is an immanent element of every narrative text, independent of explicitly manifested ideological rhetoric. 2a) Regardless of its intertwining with the syntagmatics of other narrative levels, there is still the possibility of a paradigmatic reconstruction of the ideology, based on the axiomatics of these narrative levels. 2b) If the analysis of the other four levels is correctly executed, the ideology component will inevitably be the most concise, since it merely summarises all the conclusions that are drawn from analyses of the other levels and brings them into the required equilibrium. After all, to formulate it slightly differently, analysis means the exposure of the axiologically meaningful relationships that have been imposed on the text by the abstract author. Additionally, the mutual hierarchy of the narrative instances must be further determined, a specification one must consistently take into account as one reconstructs the AA. The point at issue here is the more detailed determination of the hierarchical dispositions of instances of abstract author and abstract reader due to Bely's death? Should Moscow be supplemented by the novel Petersburg by the same author because it is apparently symmetrical to Moscow? In that case, should we not also expand the notion of the analysed text to include the novel The silver dove, the first part of an unwritten trilogy of which the novel Petersburg is the second part, etc.? Such questions are allied to the concept of text itself and can arise in infinite shapes and quantities; it is clear that the AA's structure depends on how we respond to them. In our opinion the answers to such questions fall within the competency of the abstract reader who is, par excellence, sensitive to the literary work's nuances in meaning. For this reason we suggest representing the relationship between the abstract author and the abstract reader as an opposition between the principle to be reconstructed and the reconstructing principle, which presupposes a corresponding hierarchical disposition between both. Furthermore, more precision is needed with respect to the analytical methods used in this study. Taking into account the fact that, ideally, the perfectly accurate researcher should concur with the abstract reader, as outlined above, it is useful to call to mind the following aspects: a) the infinitely great competency of the abstract reader with regard to all intertextual connections of a given work and with regard to all meaningful connections, in all their variations, of the work with the extra-literary world – from social-political realia to the psychic circumstances of the concrete author. b) the infinite analytical flexibility of the abstract reader who uses the greatest possible quantity of analytical methods in his interpretative strategy, aiming at the most complete reconstruction of the AA. In view of the fact that, within the framework of a rather restricted study, it is not possible to present a more or less complete description of the AA of even a single work by means of the methodology of even a single analytical approach, it is advisable to limit the analysis to a single feature, albeit one that is shared by the majority of the chosen texts. This means we have mainly confined our efforts to the particular construction which governed the generation of the selected individual texts and which we could provisionally indicate as the abstract meta-author. We believe that the principle of negative anthropology, which – at least regarding Russian literature – was new in the first third of the twentieth century and which contains the denial or explicit 'denigration' of all manifestations of the specifically human, constitutes this kind of integral concept. We must emphasis that this concept – at least in its basic features – is not a twentieth-century invention. However, it does form a sharp contrast with literature of the nineteenth century imbued with humanism. For the analysis of this attitude, large-scale works of prose (novels, short stories) were chosen as the most representative for the 1920s and 1930s. The basis of the selection was the pursuit of maximum diversity with regard to ideology (in the narrowest sense of the word), genre and stylistics, and pragmatics. Taking their fundamental principles into account, the texts were chosen from the following literary movements or paradigms: (post)symbolism (Bely, Moscow), skaz (Klyèkov, Èertuxinskij balakir'), (post)modernism (Nabokov, The Gift), socialist realism (Gaidar, The Tale of the Military Secret). During the course of the analysis it became clear that the following two fundamental constructive principles that nourish the concept of negative anthropology could be identified in the above-mentioned texts. The essence of the matter is that W. Booth (Booth 1961) recognised the usefulness of designing a system of narrative hierarchy within communicative interaction. He defined a receptive side for each of the positions: in his scheme, the concrete author (Flesh-and-Blood Author) was correlated to the concrete reader (Fleshand- Blood Re-Creator), the narrator (or, in his terminology, Teller of This Story) was correlated to the fictive reader (Credulous Listener), and, finally, the abstract author (Implied Author) was correlated to the Postulated Reader, or the 'abstract reader', as Wolf Schmid would refer to him later. In Schmid's view, the abstract reader is the 'ideal recipient of the author', a definition with which we entirely agree. In our opinion, however, this does not apply to the phylogenetic constituent of this concept as Schmid tends to present it. In his view, the picture of the abstract reader seems to be determined in advance by the corresponding structural configurations of the work; in other words, it is a more or less passive communicative duplication of the AA. However, further examination indicates that in the reasoning in question the objectivity of the semantic configurations in the text is implicitly postulated; in other words, there is a presumption that the full (all-embracing) meaning of the work is not only given a priori but is also materially present in the text components themselves. In reality, however, the full meaning (and here we concur with W. Iser) is realised by the reader who fills in, as it were, the gaps in meaning intentionally or unintentionally embedded in the work by the author. In theory, there are an infinitely large number of such gaps and, correspondingly, every time a reader fills in a different number or group of gaps one can speak of a different structure of the total meaning of the work. Only God is capable of filling in all the gaps, making Him the most ideal recipient to figure in all models of narrative instances according to the communicative model. Nonetheless, we must also take into consideration the possibly less obvious fact that the text whose meaning is to be reconstructed in the analysis is not a protoplasmic entity but the product of certain conventions or analytic procedures. Both the conventions and the analytic procedures applied to the text belong to the competencies of the abstract reader. We shall explain this in more detail below. When dealing with, for example, Pushkin's novel Yevgeny Onegin, it is clear that the text itself provides no answer to the question whether this work has been completed. Our decision to regard this work as finished or unfinished affects its significance and, correspondingly, the picture of the AA. In our opinion, the instance of the abstract reader is responsible for the decision concerning the boundaries of the text; in other words, the decision to limit interpretative activity to eight chapters, or ten, or to state, as a matter of principle, that the work has only one boundary – a beginning. In each of these cases, the complete meaning of the work will have a different structure. The same argument can be applied with regard to varying editions of one and the same work. Consider the case of collected stories. How can one correctly determine this text's boundaries? Should we reconstruct each story's AA, so that something like a portrait gallery is created, or is it more sensible to regard a collection of stories as a single text and to reconstruct an integral AA on the basis of all the stories? Or, as in the case of the novel Moscow by Andrei Bely analysed in this dissertation: is it valid to regard the three sections of this work as separate texts – after all, they were published as separate books at different times, and the stylistic variations are evident? Is it valid to speak about an AA as a self-contained concept in view of the fact that the novel actually remained unfinished 1. Space destabilisation In view of the fact that it is only through history that man realises himself as an intrinsic integrity, he is most easily marginalised in the most unequivocal, i.e., most effective, way in a universe in which history in the usual sense of the term is seriously problematised by spatio-temporal ambivalence. The spatio-temporal continuum evaporates in this set-up, which may manifest itself in various ways but essentially involves the same mechanism. In some texts, normally seen as belonging to the modernistic paradigms (in our case, Moscow, Èertuxinskij balakir', The Gift), a destabilisation of the normal world view has occurred and this is more or less evident to the reader: the attributes of a certain point in space can easily belong to a different point, just as the attributes of a certain object can turn out to be the attributes of a different object. One spatial area can be projected upon a different spatial area, and, in such cases, the boundaries between the areas become so transparent that distinction between them is no longer possible. All objects and points in this kind of space enter, as it were, into relationships of mutual equivalence, or if we regard it in semiotic terms, all objects enter into relationships of crosswise reference without having an unambiguously phraseable singular denotation. Another way to destabilise space, however paradoxical it may sound, is by structuring space by means of mythopoetic patterns. We believe that mythopoetic structures occur in every narrative text, which seems largely self-evident. In view of the fact that in narrative texts we deal with subjectivity pur sang, it is perfectly logical that this subjectivity will lend varying axiological colour to the different segments of space. In conjunction with our cognitive schemes, i.e., the structure of our brains, this colour is generated according to the principle of binary opposition. In this way each narrative space has an axiological marking on the basis of duality (high-low, here-there, citycountry, etc.), for which in historical terms the priority lies with the myth as the first (spontaneous) project in human history to be given structure. The issue is merely one concerning the extent to which this mythopoetic – or as one may prefer, quasimythopoetic – scheme becomes manifest, and even the rather confined analysis we have performed demonstrates that this is largely the situation in Russian prose of the 1920s and 1930s. It is understandable that in both cases space destabilisation results in the elimination of the human subject. In the former case, when space is characterised by a high degree of relativity, man adopts in a metonymic way space's capacity to undergo all kinds of metamorphoses whose degree of radicalness can vary: from the possibility of metempsychosis, as in the case of the reincarnated protagonists in Nabokov's The Gift, to the division of protagonists in a synchronous system of look-alikes, of which each one has a role in the distinction of meaning and which only begin to acquire consolidated meaning when they have been conceptually united (cf. the Korobkin brothers, Mandro – Dromarden, Lizaša – Leonora, and Kierko – Titelev in Moscow; Ul'jana – Maria in Èertuxinskij balakir'; the whole herd of doubles in The Gift). In the latter case, when space has been structured according to the myth, for a number of reasons man is also eliminated: a) man, as we know him, necessarily realises himself in history (only God realises himself in infinity), whereas myth knows no linearity and therefore no history. Thus only a certain notion of man or a model of subjectivity can possibly realise itself in myth, but not man as such b) the concept of realisation itself (of man or of other objects that occupy mythical space) is weakened here by virtue of the fact that determinism rules in myth – a genuine paradigmatic formation – which substantially weakens the independence and the responsibility of the protagonists somehow engaged in realising themselves c) which also directly combines points a) and b): myth, which does not recognise the singularity of here and now, does not accommodate the aspect of subjectivity, which is a constitutive element of man (and without this relationship, there can be no subjectivity). 2. Theatricalisation of narrative space An important factor in the construction of the great narrative forms of this period is the theatricalisation of space: in some cases the accent is placed on an analogous segmentation of space (Gaidar) when, for example, the entire adventurous part of the narrative is linked to a concrete topos, while the lyrical part, as a whole, is connected to another area, etc.; in other words, the narrative space, just as in theatre space, is divided into semiologically clearly delineated segments. In other cases the theatricalisation can be achieved by assigning purely dramatic characteristics to the protagonists. In this latter case there is a strikingly varied list of procedures that can be applied to create a 'theatrical text' in which the majority of the protagonists, or even all of them, are assigned a role. The most prominent technique is the construction of a character on the basis of a marionette or automatic dummy (Bely) with the corresponding imitation of its expressiveness and speech which become isomorphous with the discrete, emphatically affected expressiveness of a doll, where the character disintegrates into disassociated sememes and is only held together by the context. In such cases, to emphasise the artificiality a complicated, deviating syntax and an extremely extensive vocabulary of occasionalisms is employed. A less conspicuous strategy (as in Gaidar and also in many social-realist authors of the 1920s and 1930s) consists of a return to the constructive configurations of pre-realistic theatre in which the only possible actors are masks or, to use a more recent term, types, whose dynamics are determined entirely by fable and not by any intrinsic structure or stratification of character. Each of them has an ontologically determined role (of course, this concerns only the ontology of that specific space) and the mode of existence here is such that there are no a priori opportunities to switch roles; this space simply does not enable this kind of transformation. A strictly natural effect of this type of situation is the extremely normative behaviour of the characters in both their actions and their verbal expressions. Another method of desecrating narrative space is rooted in the symbolistic paradigm (or to be more precise, in the paradigm of early Russian symbolism) which is typified by the representation of this world as a close-knit semiotic universe whose characters refer to a supratextual substance that governs this world. A consequence of this worldview is the acceptance of fairly strict definitions of determinism and its unavoidable companion destiny. The concept of destiny assumes a certain marked role for each of the characters; after all, a complete behavioural paradigm (as regards destiny) can be created for a (marked) role, whereas this is impossible for the vital realisation of a person in his existence: in this latter case only the syntagmatic logical coherence can be determined, and that coherence is incomplete by definition. The narrative in The Gift (as in several other of Nabokov's novels) is constructed in this way, i.e., in functional-behavioural terms of destiny. This is also the case in Èertuxinskij balakir' by Klyèkov, in which the centre of the narrative is occupied by a kind of minus type: a character that not only lacks psychology (in as much as this kind of reduction is possible for humans), but also every manifestation of his own will which could testify to even an illusory independence from the functional universe. We must consider that a person's dramatic accessories (e.g., a person on stage) are essentially emancipated from existence and as a result revealingly attest to the nature of the processes that eliminate humans from the prose of the era. The observation of AA structures in 1920s and 1930s Russian prose thus offers the opportunity to bring to light a collection of these texts' implicit features, which manifest themselves in the first third of the twentieth century and which consequently enabled radical qualitative change in the entire structure of Russian prose. If executed with sufficient accuracy, the reconstruction of AAs in works from different periods can offer new insight into the history of literature. In more precise terms, it can open a new history of literature, a history engaged in the diachronous modification of the models according to which creative texts are generated at a certain points in time.