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The article aims at exploring the possibility and the structure of moral pluralism by focusing on a particular case: the joint valuation of utility and freedom of choice. The study was conducted on the basis of the "freedom of choice literature", whose purpose is to characterize the rankings of opportunity sets according to the axiomatic method which is typical of social choice theory. Some refinements of the cardinal ranking take into account the value of constraints, the value of choice, the variety of options, and the value of options in order to capture distinct notions of freedom. I discuss the role of utility or preferences in the rankings of opportunity sets, and thus distinguish between the status of reasonable preferences and actual preferences. The rankings based simultaneously on the value of actual or potential utility as well as on freedom of choice capture some notion of pluralistic overall well-being. The structures of relationship between the utility and freedom may then be described according to various forms of commensurability: the instrumental value of freedom for utility, weighting values, equal consideration of values, the lexical order of values, and discontinuity. From this analysis is inferred the possibility of fundamental pluralism of values in the case of rankings of opportunity sets capturing a discontinuous valuation of utility and of freedom of choice. Adapted from the source document.

The hypothesis that rational choice theory cannot account for individual voting behavior, unless the act of voting is taken as asserting an individual identification with some collective entity, is examined through an analysis of two surveys of voters (N = 1,000) in the French-speaking Walloon region of Belgium. Strengths of associations between six categories of collective identity (as European, Belgian, francophone, Walloon, subregional, & individual) & four categories of voting pattern by party (Ecological, Socialist, Christian Socialist, & Liberal) are examined in a loglinear analysis. Results show that all but two indicators of collective identity (European & francophone) are significant predictors of voting behavior by party. Ecological Party voters show the weakest collective identity, & robust associations are present between: Belgian identity & Liberal Party; Walloon & subregional identities & Socialist Party; & individualist identity & Christian Socialist Party. Some bipolar effects are also in evidence. 6 Tables. A. Levine

The introduction of choice in public services has become a major issue in the British public debate since the early 2000s. This article exposes the arguments & ideas exchanged, & then examines the various processes of the dissemination of those discussions outside the field of public policy. This approach underlines the "scientific activism" of some multipositioned researchers. It highlights the politicization of the choice in a context of rivalries around the legitimate definition of "progressivism." These ideas are supposed to make the emergence of a "personalized welfare state" complete. The challenge is also to show what the analysis of these ideas reveals of the beliefs & social representations of the entrepreneurs of choice. Adapted from the source document.

Reforms introduced into local government with the objective of improving services have two aims that may be perceived as conflicting: efficiency & participation. An analysis of the implications of service improvement should concentrate on local "public goods" (ie, the kind of support services sometimes called "social utilities") -- on their nature, supply, & production. Certain local institutional characteristics that would be most suitable for the purpose of service improvement can be inferred. Certain authors who adopt this course anticipate a quasi-market model for local government services; but, critical examination shows that this model is not appropriate. A preferable model called "community coresponsibility" is presented. Modified HA.

Drawing on biographical interviews with the protagonists of qualitative social science research in the Czech Republic, this article retraces the evolution of the qualitative approach before & after 1989 & presents in greater detail six major research projects conducted in the post-communist era. It takes a special interest in how the actors view their own work & offers a comparison of these investigations with "western scientific method." It examines the various levels of ties that exist between qualitative research & the field studied, underscores the interrelation between the researchers' stance & the agenda of research topics as well as the form of loyalty that takes shape toward the field over the course of research, & then the choices that are made as the findings it produces are interpreted. Adapted from the source document.

Contemporary changes to the welfare state can be effectively accounted for through the use of historical neoinstitutionalism, which allows certain flaws in existing scholarship, like its inability to account for the specific tenor of technical & ideological choices made in social policies, to be surpassed. Attention should be given to the socioeconomic aspects of the general framework of historical neoinstitutionalism, keeping in mind the relevant paradigms formulated by experts, reformers, & politicians. The notions of field & habitus described by Pierre Bourdieu (1986), for example, highlight both the autonomy & high degree of institutional & ideological structuration that exist in the world of politics. D. Weibel

Have the large political & social institutions that have defined the labor movement over the past 120 years served as channels of expression, as means of representation, or as mechanisms constituting the working class? During an era when it appears ever more difficult to square the circle between the needs & aspirations of labor parties' traditional clients, on the one hand, & the orientations & governing choices of those parties, on the other, it seems particularly relevant to reflect on this issue. This analysis focuses on the development of the workers' parties formed in the last quarter of the 19th century -- ie, on historical social democracy -- in light of contemporary theoretical debates. Adapted from the source document.

The main task of the South African Truth & Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was to seek the "truth" about apartheid abuses, which was considered as a step towards reconciliation. The option for restorative justice is reflecting the political choice of the African National Congress (ANC), outreaching its hand towards its former enemy. Despite the absence of retributive justice, the TRC established innovative means in order to deal with the victims & the perpetrators. Adapted from the source document.

The classical model proposed by Meltzer and Richard (1981) defends the idea that, overall, an increase in inequality translates into a greater demand for redistribution. They contrast this with institutionalist points of view that, according to them, link preferences for redistribution to the principals of solidarity at the base of each of the models of the welfare state. Empirical evidence for one side or the other of this debate, however, is inconclusive. This study makes use of a multi-level methodology that takes both individual and collective factors into account to explain preferential choices in favor of redistribution. The results show that individual preferences for redistribution depend both on individual factors such as social class and opinions concerning the origins of wealth, and on national factors such as the degree of existing inequality and the pressure of direct taxation. The explanation lies in the fact that the upper-middle classes are disposed to accept a greater level of redistribution if this is not accompanied by an increase in direct fiscal pressure. Adapted from the source document.

Amartya Kumar Sen proposes a democratic solution to the problem of social choice. This article examines what Sen has said about democracy as a political regime. We begin with Sen's definition of democracy & what he calls its intrinsic importance, constructive role & instrumental importance. Judging from certain case studies to which Sen refers in his work, however, we find that his conception of democracy is far from being that of a precisely defined political system & that its putative benefits are sometimes belied by empirical realities. Adapted from the source document.