Suchergebnisse

U ovome radu bavimo se pitanjem kako preferencije skupine individualaca spojiti u jednu preferenciju koja bi najbolje opisivala preferenciju društva. Na početku, u prvom poglavlju upoznajemo se s nekim od najpoznatijih načina glasovanja i problemima koji se javljaju prilikom primjene istih. U drugom poglavlju razmatramo funkciju društvenog blagostanja koja profile preferencije svih individualaca u društvu preslikava u jednu relaciju preferencije. Pokazujemo da kada postoje tri ili više alternative, ne postoji funkcija društvenog blagostanja koja zadovoljava određene uvjete. Zatim u trećem poglavlju se bavimo funkcijom društvenog izbora koja sve profile preferencije skupine individualaca preslikava u jednu alternativu, i to onu koja bi društvu bila najpoželjnija. Tu također pokazujemo da takva funkcija ne postoji u slučaju kada imamo tri ili više alternativa i određene uvjete koje bismo htjeli da funkcija zadovoljava. U četvrtom poglavlju, u obzir uzimamo i mogućnost manipulativnosti, odnosno gledamo što se događa ako individualci iskažu preferencije koje se razlikuju od njihovih stvarnih preferencija. Na kraju, u petom poglavlju razmatramo slučaj ponderiranog glasovanja, gdje svaki individualac na raspolaganju ima određen broj glasova koji mu je dodijeljen prema nekim pravilima te proučavamo dva načina na koja možemo odrediti koliku moć ima odredeni individualac u takvim sustavima glasovanja. ; In this thesis we deal with the question of how to aggregate preferences of a group of individuals into a single preference that would best describe preference of the society. At the beginning, in the first chapter we meet some of the most famous voting systems and problems encountered when applying them. In the second chapter, we consider the social welfare function which maps profile preferences of all individuals into one preference relation. We show that when there are three or more alternatives, there is no social welfare function that meets certain conditions. Then, in the third chapter, we're dealing with a social ...

Razvoj zelenog socijalnog rada odvija se paralelno s ekološkim aktivizmom na globalnoj razini. Socijalni rad u Hrvatskoj u procesu je integriranja ekološkog pristupa u svakodnevne aktivnosti, pružanja usluga korisnicima i zagovaranja prava na zdrav okoliš. Nevladine organizacije građana aktivno sudjeluju u oblikovanju javnih politika na lokalnoj razini i šire, te unose održive promjene u zajednicu. Potreba da se socijalni radnici uključe u rješavanje ekoloških problema i izgradnju održivosti u zajednicama sve je vidljivija na globalnoj i lokalnoj razini. Prirodni svijet koji nas okružuje, primjerice klimatski uvjeti, uvelike određuju kakvi su prirodni resursi kojima raspolažemo. Socijalni radnik ne može zaobići činjenicu da raznolikosti ugrožavaju birokratski pristup koji se do sada koristio pa treba biti dovoljno tolerantan i osjetljiv za raznolikosti. Centraliziranim pristupom resursi se rijetko stavljaju tamo gdje su najviše potrebni što umanjuje sposobnost zajednice da se brine za sebe. Kako bismo se uspješno suočavali s izazovima i neuravnoteženosti u prirodnom okolišu, potrebno je razvijati i postaviti na odgovarajuću razinu otpornost zajednica. ; The development of green social work goes hand in hand with ecological activism on a global scale. Social work in Croatia has not yet integrated the ecological approach to everyday activities, providing services to users or advocating the right to a healthy environment. Non-governmental organizations of citizens actively participate in shaping public policies at local and wider level and contributing to sustainable change in the community. The need to involve social workers in solving environmental problems and building community sustainability is increasingly visible at the global and local level. The natural world around us, for example, climatic conditions largely determines what kind of natural resources we have. A social worker cannot overlook the fact that diversity endangers the bureaucratic approach that has hitherto been used, and should be sufficiently tolerant and sensitive to diversity. With a centralized approach, resources are rarely placed where they are most needed and thus undermine the community's ability to take care of themselves. In order to successfully face challenges and imbalances in the natural environment, community resistance needs to be developed.

Povećanje stope kriminala dovodi do povećanja osjećaja straha i tjeskobe u društvu i narušavanja društvenog poretka i sklada u zemlji. U posljednjim desetljećima mnogi znanstvenici opisuju pad gospodarskih čimbenika kao što su BDP po glavi stanovnika, stope nezaposlenosti, siromaštvo itd., kao primarni pokretači kriminala kako u razvijenim tako i u zemljama u razvoju. Čak i tijekom razdoblja gospodarskih kriza, stopa kriminala u Europskoj uniji (EU) nastavila je opadati ili ostaje ista, dovodeći u pitanje utjecaj ekonomskih čimbenika na stopu kriminala u EU. U radu se ispituje utjecaj promjenjivih gospodarskih uvjeta na stopu kriminala u zemljama EU-a uz primjenu danas široko korištenih ekonomskih metoda za rješavanje problema endogenosti. Cilj je rada empirijski procijeniti odnos između stope kriminala i ekonomskih čimbenika, koristeći prethodno razvijene metode. Nakon niza provjera robusnosti, procjene nisu pružile dokaz značajne povezanosti između ekonomskih uvjeta i stope kriminala tijekom posljednjeg desetljeća u zemljama EU-a, osim ubojstava u nekim specifikacijama modela. ; Higher crime rates lead to the increasing fear and anxiety in society and disturb the social structure and harmony in the country. In the last decades, many scientists depict a decrease in economic factors, such as GDP per capita, unemployment rate, poverty, etc. as the primary drivers of crime both in developed and in developing countries. Even during the periods of economic crises, crime rates in the European Union (EU) continued to either decline or remain the same, thus bringing into question the impact of economic factors on crime rates in the EU. The paper examines the impact of changing economic conditions on crime rates in EU countries, employing nowadays vastly used methods in economics to address endogeneity. The aim of the paper is to empirically estimate the relationship between crime rates and economic factors, using previously developed methods. After a series of robustness checks, estimations did not provide evidence of a significant relationship between economic conditions and crime rates over the last decade in EU countries, except for homicides in some model specifications.

Populizam je aktualan politički fenomen o kojem se mnogo raspravlja u posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća. Postavlja se pitanje kako se i zašto pojavljuje u nekim zemljama, dok u drugima ne. U radu nastojim putem višestruke studije slučaja objasniti kako se ključni politički lideri u Francuskoj, Turskoj i Kanadi koriste populističkim diskursom. Ono što im omogućuje artikuliranje populizma u govorima su različito pojmljene krize i politička kultura. U Francuskoj i Turskoj Marine Le Pen i Recep Tayyip Erdoğan u svojim kampanjskim videspotovima koriste se populističkom retorikom kako bi mobilizirali narod. Riječ je o populističkom konceptu naroda, a ne o cijelom narodu unutar njihovih zemalja. U Francuskoj Marine Le Pen zastupa protuimigracijsku politiku i nastoji stvoriti egzistencijalni strah, kriveći političke elite koje naziva oligarhijom za migrantsku krizu i podređivanje nacionalnih interesima onima Europske Unije. U Turskoj Erdoğan kritizira sekularizam, opoziciju, Zapad i Europsku Uniju, čime udara u temelje stupova demokracije republike Turske, stvarajući tako u zemlji krizu demokracije. U Kanadi se populizam veže za premijera Justina Trudeaua, no u ovom slučaju je riječ o "krnjem" populizmu u kojem nedostaje nužan koncept političkih elita i "opasnih drugih". U Kanadi do populizma kakav se pojavljuje u Francuskoj i Kanadi ne može doći zbog multikulturalizma koji je na snazi u ovoj federalnoj državi. ; Populism is an actual political phenomenon, about which there has been a lot of discussion during last few decades. The question is why does it appear in some states, and in some not. In my paper I am trying to explain, by using multiple case-study, how do key political leaders in France, Turkey and Canada use populist discourse. They are in possibility to use populism in their speeches because of different types of crisis in their states and also different political culture. In France and Turkey, Marine Le Pen and Recep Tayyip Erdogan are usinbg populist rhetoric in their campaign videospots to mobilize the ...

Uz pomoć relevantne literature u radu se analiziraju društveni aspekti starenja i obolijevanja. Autor zaključuje da ni jedna znanstvena teorija izdvojeno ne sadrži ključ rješenja za istraživanja tih složenih procesa i položaja osoba starije životne dobi u suvremenom društvu te da je najprimjereniji interdisciplinarni pristup. Da bi se ostvario zadani cilj ovoga članka, u tekstu se raspravlja: a) o teorijama koje pomažu upoznavanju starosti i starenja te omogućuju definiranje socijalne i zdravstvene politike u konkretnim uvjetima, što izravno utječe na odnos pojedinca, obitelji i društva prema sve većoj grupi starijih i bolesnih osoba, te b) o spoznaji starosti i starenja kroz prošlost i sadašnjost koja pomaže afirmaciji onih obrazaca ponašanja i aktivnosti koji su alternativa jednostranom, stigmatiziranom, ponekada i segregacijskom odnosu prema osobama starijim od 65 godina. To može pomoći da institucionalno vođene reforme socijalne skrbi i zdravstvenoga sustava omoguće kvalitativno drukčiji, u nekim segmentima i posve različit odnos prema starijima kako se taj dio društva ne bi osjećao suvišnim i odbačenim od obitelji i društva u inače teškim uvjetima tranzicije te kako bi se našli odgovori na sve složenija i aktualnija socijalna, zdravstvena, pravna, ekonomska i etička pitanja koja su u nas: a) aktualna, b) nedovoljno obrađena, c) bez sustavnoga i sveobuhvatnoga prikaza. ; With the help of relevant literature the paper analyses social aspects of ageing and getting ill. The author concludes that none of the scientific theories by themselves hold the solution for studying these complex processes and the position of old people in the modern society, and that the interdisciplinary approach is the best. To accomplish the set goal, the article discusses: a) theories that help us understand old age and ageing, and allow us to define social and healthcare policies in everyday conditions, which directly affects the attitude of individuals, families and the society towards the constantly growing group of old and ill ...

The context of today's debates about social policies is marked by the negative effects of the economic crisis and new social risks. There is a need for re-designing of the welfare state, which should take into account the new changes and trends, including demographic changes, changes in the labour market and family structure. As a possible answer to the aforementioned social changes and new social risks, especially in the EU countries, a concept of social investment is developing. The paper presents the characteristics of social investment, the way in which it appears in European strategic documents and refers to the criticism of the concept. Social investment is a new concept which in its essence implies a double return on investment: financial return on invested capital on the one hand and the achievement of positive social returns on the other. It is focused on the future; on support of the children and families, work activation and coping with new social risks throughout the life cycle. The authors have analyzed, using the data that show the long-term changes in the structure of social costs in European countries, to what extent has the concept 'come to life' in the European area. The analysis shows that, for now, there is no significant shift in European welfare states towards social investment, with the exception of the Scandinavian countries, and therefore we cannot speak about its achievements and effectiveness. The concept of social investment for now remains a normative platform and an ambiguous policy attempt for reconciling economic and social logic of the welfare state in new conditions. Nevertheless, social investment is becoming a part of social policy and it remains to be seen how much will it be further encouraged as an attempt to respond to new social risks and a possible way of re-thinking the welfare state. ; Kontekst današnjih rasprava o socijalnim politikama obilježen je negativnim učincima ekonomske krize te novim socijalnim rizicima. Postoji potreba za redizajniranjem socijalne države koja bi trebala uzeti u obzir nove izazove i trendove, uključujući demografske, promjene na tržištu rada i obiteljskoj strukturi. Kao mogući odgovor na navedene promjene i izazove novih socijalnih rizika, posebice u zemljama EU-a, javlja se koncept socijalnog ulaganja. Rad prikazuje i analizira koncept socijalnih investicija, njegov razvoj i ukorijenjenost u europskom prostoru. Prikazuju se odrednice socijalnog ulaganja i kako se koncept pojavljuje u europskim strateškim dokumentima te se osvrće na kritike koncepta. Socijalno ulaganje je nov koncept koji u svojoj suštini implicira dvostruki povrat ulaganja: financijski povrat investiranog kapitala i ostvarenje pozitivnog socijalnog povrata. On je fokusiran na budućnost; na podršku djeci i obitelji, radnu aktivaciju i borbu s novim socijalnih rizicima u cijelom životnom ciklusu. Analizira se, koristeći podatke koji prikazuju dugoročne promjene u strukturi socijalnih troškova europskih zemalja, koliko je koncept »zaživio« u europskom prostoru. Analiza pokazuje da se za sada ne može govoriti o zaokretu europskih socijalnih država prema socijalnom ulaganju. Izuzetak su skandinavske zemlje gdje je koncept socijalnih investicija već u velikoj mjeri zaživio kako pokazuju podaci. Koncept socijalnog ulaganja za sada ostaje više određena normativna platforma politika za balansiranje ekonomske i socijalne logike socijalne države u novim uvjetima. Međutim, očito je da koncept socijalnog ulaganja postaje dijelom socijalnih politika i ostaje vidjeti kako će se razvijati u budućnosti kao pokušaj novog promišljanja i načina djelovanja socijalne države.

Autorica u članku stavlja naglasak na analizu života i djelovanja dr. Pere Magdića (1863.–1922.), odvjetnika i političara pravaške orijentacije, u razdoblju nastanka i razvoja "modernoga pravaštva" u Varaždinu, njegova usmjerenja prema politici "novoga kursa" i stvaranju Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije. Ujedno je rad prikaz društveno-političkih prilika u sjeverozapadnoj Hrvatskoj u jeku previranja na prijelazu iz XIX. u XX. stoljeće. ; This paper analyses the life and work of Dr Pero Magdić (1863–1922), a lawyer and politician who accepted the Party of Right's ideology at the time when "Modern Rightism" was being created and developed in Varaždin, as well as his support for the "New Course" policy and the creation of the Croat- Serb Coalition. In addition, this work presents the socio-political situation in northwest Croatia on the turn of the 20th century. The first part of the text describes the social conditions of the rise of Rightism in Varaždin in the mid-1880s as a result of the discontent of the citizens of Varaždin with the slow modernisation of their region, which made it a peripheral part of the national and Central European space. The second part examines the effects of Khuen's growing autocracy on the ranks of his opposition, the echoes of the split in the Party of Right in Varaždin, and the reasons for Magdić's alignment with Folnegović's faction. The third part analyses the beginnings of the renewed affirmation of the opposition in Varaždin (1898–1905), in which Magdić played a key part. The events in Varaždin in 1903 confirmed him as one of the leaders of the opposition (but not the Pure Party of Right). His support for the Rijeka Resolution and the "New Course" policy allowed him to become a member of the Croatian Parliament on the list of the Croat-Serb Coalition in 1906 and to hold various important political offices, e.g. that of Deputy Speaker of the Croatian Parliament (two mandates; 1908–1910 and 1913–1918), Croatian representative at the Hungarian-Croatian Parliament in Budapest, and Mayor of Varaždin (1910, 1914–1918).

Protectionism is a system of measures used for the purpose of protecting domestic manufacturers from foreign competition. It has emerged simultaneously with the international exchange of goods. The contemporary protectionist policy and practice imposes the necessity of studying this phenomenon in the light of the current situation and conditions. Agricultural protectionism seems to be a particularly significant issue in the international exchange of commodities. ; Protekcionizam označava sustav mjera ekonomske države sa ciljem zaštite domaće proizvodnje u odnosu na konkurenciju inozemnih proizvođača. Javlja se nakon pojave međunarodne razmjene. Međutim, suvremena protekcionistička politika i praksa obavezuje da se istražuje fenomen protekcionizma u suvremenim uvjetima. Posebno je u suvremenoj teoriji za međunarodnu razmjenu značajan agrarni protekcionizam.

Proces osnivanja i početak rada televizije kao odjela Radija Zagreb i prve godine djelovanja Radiotelevizije Zagreb unutar Jugoslavenske televizije odigrali su se u samo deset godina – od sredine 50-ih do sredine 60-ih godina XX. stoljeća. Obrađivani period analiziran je iz izvornih dokumenata Radija Zagreb i Radiotelevizije Zagreb, djelomično sačuvanih u Arhivu poslovne dokumentacije Hrvatske radiotelevizije, tekstova objavljenih u internim tiskovinama obiju ustanova i radiodifuzije Jugoslavije, kao i zabilježenih sjećanja sudionika tih događaja. Da bi se dobio potpuniji uvid u obrađenu temu, prikazan je i kratki pregled nastanka televizije u svijetu. Većina podataka korištenih u ovom radu nalazi se u radnoj jedinici Arhivi i programsko gradivo Hrvatske radiotelevizije. ; The founding of any television broadcaster demands substantial financial investments because the production of programmes costs the same regardless of whether one is producing a programme for millions or several thousand viewers. Almost all television broadcasters began their development as parts of radio stations (BBC in the United Kingdom, CBS and NBC in the USA). The television broadcaster founded by Radio Zagreb as one of its departments is no exception. The rapid development of television in the technological and programmatic sense after World War II led to it taking away an increasingly large media space from other information and entertainment sources, so that it quickly became independent and grew into the dominant mass medium. Public television in Croatia (Yugoslavia) underwent the same development path as other public television broadcasters in Europe, albeit much later than the broadcasters that served as its role models (BBC and RAI) and in significantly tougher financial and social circumstances. The enthusiasm and professionalism of the people involved in the creation of television in Zagreb were of decisive importance for its later development. All those who joined the project showed a readiness to master something completely unknown and to learn on the go. Many have written about the time and circumstances in which television appeared in Croatia as the time of enthusiasts of Radio Zagreb. As Ivan Šibl said, the enthusiasm and passion of these people for the new medium was not curbed by the eternal lack of money or by the political and social circumstances of the time. Starting from almost nothing, on their on their own initiative, with much ingenuity, professionalism, and, above all, much love, they created the first television broadcaster in Yugoslavia. Sadly, instead of affirmation, this pioneering work of Radio Zagreb caused much envy and obstructions. Still, once they had begun, they became unstoppable. They learned on the go and, learning from their mistakes, created a programme of increasingly higher quality. Even though they planned to make a television network in Croatia in only a few years (1956–1960), the financial and political circumstances did not allow this, so the whole process dragged out for almost two decades. But they managed to create the foundations of modern television from almost nothing. The increasing viewership through the years is a clear indicator of the success of their work. No less important, in the time and in social conditions in which they lived, was their courage to consciously choose to broadcast foreign television programmes, because they could not influence the contents of Italian and Austrian television. Even though these were mostly sports, entertainment, and cultural programmes, they opened a 'window into the world' for their audience. In a way, the beginning of television in Zagreb is linked to football. Everything always began with the broadcasting of football matches, from persuading individuals to attracting viewers at the very beginning. Of course, the sports programme was always the most viewed part of the television programme. However, once they began to produce a television programme, they became unstoppable. Thanks to numerous enthusiasts, starting from just one small, makeshift studio, they created the foundations upon which most public—and private—television broadcasters in today's Croatia rest.

Posljednjih godina zemlje Zapadnog Balkana suočavaju se s egzodusom radne snage, što je složen socijalni problem. S obzirom da se većina zaposlenika bavi uslužnom djelatnošću, a posebno maloprodajnim sektorom, gdje radi oko 10% radno sposobnog stanovništva, potrebno je definirati pokazatelje koji otežavaju dobrobit zaposlenika i predložiti skup mjera za njihovo smanjivanje. S tim u vezi, cilj rada je identificiranje varijabli koje utječu na dobrobit zaposlenika u maloprodajnom sektoru Zapadnog Balkana, s posebnim naglaskom na razlike između malih i srednjih poduzeća i maloprodajnih lanaca. Empirijska studija provedena je na uzorku od 325 zaposlenika u trgovačkim poduzećima. Ispitana je povezanost između varijabli dobrobiti zaposlenika i socijalno-organizacijskih varijabli kao što su zadovoljstvo poslom, iznos mjesečne zarade, radno okruženje, mogućnost napredovanja, socijalna podrška, upotreba moderne tehnologije, poslovna kultura, rotacija posla i sigurnost posla. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su značajnu povezanost socijalno-organizacijskih varijabli s dobrobiti zaposlenika. Razlike su posebno naglašene između malih i srednjih poduzeća i maloprodajnih lanaca. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata predložen je niz mjera i postupaka koje relevantne institucije i tvorci politike zapošljavanja moraju poduzeti kako bi se neutralizirale različitosti. U radu su izneseni prijedlozi budućih istraživanja. ; In recent years the countries of the Western Balkans region have been facing an exodus of labour, which represents a complex social problem. Given the fact that the largest number of employees is engaged in the service industry, especially in the retail sector where 10% of all working population is employed, it is necessary to define the indicators which impede employee welfare and to recommend a set of measures for their minimization. In this regard, this paper aims to identify variables which impact employee welfare in the retail sector of the Western Balkans with a particular retrospect to the differences between SMEs and retail chains. Empirical research has been conducted on a sample of 325 employees of retail companies. Correlation between employee welfare and socio-organizational variables, such as job contentment, social support, monthly salary, work environment, promotion opportunity, the use of modern technology, business culture, job rotation and job security have been tested. The results of the research have shown a significant correlation between socio-organizational variables and employee welfare. Differences are especially prominent between SMEs and retail chains. Based on the obtained results, a set of measures and procedures which competent institutions and employment policymakers should undertake to neutralize those differences has been proposed. Suggestions for future research are provided.

This paper presents the Brazilian specificities of the development of its public health and social assistance policies since the re-democratization process in the 1980s until today. Besides, it presents a wide range of conflicts between the economic interests and the political activism accountable for the advances of the public policies implementation. This evolution is presented as a subsidy to the reader's understanding of the development of a clinical solution for non-conventional settings specific to the Brazilian social and economic reality. Successful clinical experiences in health and social assistance based on phenomenology are presented, not only for diagnosis purposes, namely for understanding the people, for the context in the question, as well as the successful management development. The first case describes the provision of a peripatetic group therapy service, prior as a walking clinical practice, where the notion of territoriality and the dynamics of group interaction facilitate the understanding of the patients, while the intrinsic condition of the work also facilitates the establishment of transferential relationships. The second case describes the complexity of social welfare policy challenges through the clinical intervention while presenting a family in a social and economic vulnerability context. ; Rad prikazuje brazilske specifičnosti razvoja politike javnog zdravstva i socijalne pomoći od procesa redemokratizacije 80-ih godina prošlog stoljeća do danas. Osim toga, predstavlja širok raspon sukoba između ekonomskih interesa i političkog aktivizma koji je odgovoran za napredak u provedbi javnih politika. Ova evolucija predstavljena je kao subvencija razumijevanju razvoja kliničkog rješenja za nekonvencionalna okruženja, specifična za brazilsku društvenu i ekonomsku stvarnost. Prikazana su uspješna klinička iskustva u zdravstvenoj i socijalnoj pomoći temeljena na fenomenologiji, ne samo u svrhu dijagnoze, odnosno razumijevanja ljudi, konteksta, kao i uspješnog razvoja menadžmenta. Prvi slučaj opisuje pružanje usluge peripatetičke grupne terapije, prije kao hodajuće kliničke prakse, pri čemu pojam teritorijalnosti i dinamika grupne interakcije olakšavaju razumijevanje pacijenata, dok intrinzično stanje rada također olakšava uspostavljanje transferencijalnih odnosa. Drugi slučaj opisuje složenost izazova politike socijalne skrbi kroz kliničku intervenciju uz predstavljanje obitelji u kontekstu socijalne i ekonomske ranjivosti.

Ekonomsku krizu koja je prisutna u Španjolskoj od 2008. godine pratilo je povećanje nejednakosti i stope siromaštva. Cilj rada je odrediti najranjivije društvene skupine u smislu siromaštva u Španjolskoj. Empirijska analiza koristi informacije iz Ankete o uvjetima života iz 2015. godine, kako bi objasnila varijablu siromaštva koja je katalogizirana u tri kategorije (teško siromaštvo, umjereno siromaštvo i bez rizika od siromaštva) kod osoba starijih od 16 godina; eksplanatorne varijable su sociodemografske i radne, te predstavljaju različite skupine španjolskog stanovništva. Studija primjenjuje multinomični logistički regresijski model na posljednje podatke Ankete o životnim uvjetima, koji će nam omogućiti procjenu vjerojatnosti da je osoba starija od od 16 godina u stanju umjerenog siromaštva, teškog siromaštva ili je bez rizika od siromaštva za različite analizirane kategorije. Postoji nekoliko razlika u siromaštvu ovisno o spolu; kategorije koje najviše pogađa umjereno i / ili teško siromaštvo su razdvojene i razvedene osobe, stranci koji nisu iz Europske unije, osobe s niskom razinom obrazovanja i privremenim zaposlenjem. Moramo prihvatiti da u situacijama poteškoća postoje neke skupine koje su zbog svojih gospodarskih uvjeta u lošijem položaju za suočavanje s nepovoljnim situacijama. ; The economic crisis present in Spain since the year 2008 has come accompanied by increases in inequality and in the rates of poverty. The objective of this paper is to determine the most vulnerable social groups in terms of poverty in Spain. The empirical analysis uses the information of the Survey of Living Conditions from 2015, in order to explain poverty catalogued as severe poverty, moderate poverty and without risk of poverty for persons older than 16 years; the explanatory variables are of socio-demographic and labour types, and they represent different groups of the Spanish population. The study applies an ordinal logistic regression model to the data of the Survey of Living Conditions, which will allow us to estimate the probabilities that an over-16 individual is in a situation of moderate poverty, severe poverty, or with no risk of poverty for the different categories analysed. There are a few differences in poverty depending on gender; the categories most affected by the moderate and/or severe poverty are separated and divorced persons, foreigners not from the European Union, persons with low training levels, and those with a temporary contract. We must accept that in the situations of difficulty, there are some groups that, due to their economic conditions, are at a disadvantage to face adverse situations.

U radu se problematizira izborni uspjeh regionalističkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji. Članak ističe specifičnost regionalističkih stranaka i potrebu njihove zasebne klasifikacije u odnosu na etnoregionalističke i etničke stranke. Ova komparativna analiza prati nastanak i izborni uspjeh regionalističkih stranaka u hrvatskom i srpskom stranačkom sustavu tijekom četvrt stoljeća. Pri analizi razlika u uspjehu hrvatskih i srbijanskih regionalističkih stranaka, stavlja se naglasak na kontekstualni okvir (narav stranačkog natjecanja, izborni model), kao i na društvene čimbenike (etnički i vjerski sastav) te povijesne faktore (naslijeđe centralizacije, odnosno autonomije). Članak tvrdi kako je kombinacija kontekstualnih, društvenih i povijesnih čimbenika stvorila bolje preduvjete za razvoj regionalizma u hrvatskom slučaju te omogućila snažniji izborni uspjeh negoli u Srbiji. ; This article discusses the electoral success of regional parties in Croatia and Serbia. The article emphasizes the specificity of regional parties and the need for a separate classification in relation to ethno-regional and ethnic parties. This comparative analysis follows the emergence and electoral success of regional parties in the Croatian and Serbian party system over a quarter century. By analyzing the difference in the success of Croatian and Serbian regional parties, the emphasis is put on contextual framework (the nature of party competition, electoral model), as well as social factors (ethnic and religious composition) and historical factors (the legacy of centralization or autonomy). Article argues that the combination of contextual, social and historical factors created better conditions for the development of regionalism in the Croatian case and allowed electoral success stronger than in Serbia.

Obrazovna inkluzija je tema koja je relevantna za pedagogijski i društveni kontekst, a posebice za suvremene odgojno-obrazovne reforme. Uključivanje ili inkluzija je zahtjev koji je koncepcijski nazvan odgoj i obrazovanje za sve. U širem smislu riječi, obrazovna inkluzija se odnosi na uključivanje djece i odraslih koji su zbog psihofizičkih, socijalnih, kulturnih, odgojno-obrazovnih mogućnosti, etničkih i drugih razlika podložni socijalnoj isključenosti, izloženi socijalnoj marginalizaciji, a time obespravljeni i ranjivi. U užem smislu riječi, inkluzija je zahtjev kojim senaglašava da je svako dijete ma pravo na obrazovanje u skladu s svojim mogućnostima. U okviru Deklaracije o ljudskim pravima iz 1948. godine se proklamira i postavlja uvjet za ostvarenje temeljnog prava čovjeka, a to je prava na besplatno osnovno obrazovanje za svu djecu. Zemlje Europe i svijeta naglašavaju važnost inkluzije u obrazovanju na svim razinama odgojno-obrazovnog sustava kroz nacionalne kurikulume i druge dokumente obrazovne politike. Obrazovna inkluzija je zahtjev koji proširuje i produbljuje odgojni model integracije djece s teškoćama u razvoju u redovno školovanje. ; Inclusive education is a relevant theme in the pedagogical and social context. It has a special meaning towards the new educational reforms. Inclusion is a demand that is conceptually known as education for all. In broader meaning, educational inclusion relates to the inclusion of the children and the adults who were socially excluded and exposed to social marginalization due to psychophysical, social, cultural, educational, ethnical and other differences by which they were deprived of their rights. In the narrow sense inclusion is a demand which emphasizes that every child is ready to train in accordance with the possibilities in the school as the education institution.The Declaration of Human Rights Act of 1948 defines the right on education as a fundamental human right of every child and every adult. Inclusive education with the meaning that everybody is involved in education is clearly defined and determined in The Salamanca Statement and Framework for Action in 1994 that promotes the right of every child that regardless of his/her physical, intellectual, emotional, social, linguistic or other conditions should be involved inthe regular schools. Educational inclusion with previously mentioned meaning constitutes the demand that broadens and deepens the educational model to integrate children with disabilities into educational system. In consistence with above-mentioned, in this paper, the differences between the integrated education and the inclusive education will be shown. By identifying the significance of inclusion for social development in European countries and in the world, it is its importance and role in educational system that is emphasised.