Suchergebnisse

Dostoevsky's spirit is broken by a difficult childhood, years of imprisonment and forced military service in the difficult conditions of remote Russia, and the shackles of married life with the "sick, hysterical widow ". Wandering through dreamy Europe made him aware of the attachment to the Russian homeland and revealed love and allusion of peace; he falls in love with Ana by dictating the text of the "Gambler ", which will provide them with bread and shelter in the days of losing the gambling luck and questionable existence. In his wandering through Europe as the "land of holy wonders", Dostoevsky informs us through the confessions of the gambler Alexei about the temptations of the "world" addicted to the gambling table. The significance of divisive passions is questioned: those towards women, love and even more, gambling, destructive, demonic. In 27 days while he was presenting Ana with the thoughts of the main character of the "Gambler ", and she was recording them in a transcript, the writer was going through his own agony. The novel will see the light of day, but unlike Alexei, a character waiting for a new tomorrow to decide on ending a life driven by an unhealthy addictive habit, Dostoevsky, after the novel ends, experiences catharsis and sails into economic security by taking royalties for this and subsequent novels. As when after a stormy night at sea, a sunny morning dawns, a hint of love, happiness and the desired family peace is prayed to the author. Ana will focus the writer, a gambler, on family life and caring for children, and abduct him from addiction by sailing with him to the next "storm". The basic theme of the novel – the obsession with gambling – is the experience of Dostoevsky, a writer with "a heart in which God and Satan fight, and the pledge is human life." In the days when in the hustle and bustle of modern life, COVID-19, complete human alienation and escalation of violence we turn to the spiritual, looking for a way out in the metaphysical, surreal, healing and nurturing, andrational and explainable does not offer a final answer, someone seeks a way out of addiction and someone in a classic, something familiar and valuable. Or in metaphysics that goes beyond the physical and the knowable, in an attempt to reach the higher, the spiritual. The return to the great connoisseur of the human psyche, Dostoevsky, in a return to the interest in man, the inspiration of the human and the humane, but also the space behind knowable and the "metaphysical drama". The idea of the French writer Albarez that for Dostoevsky, "in contrast to most other novelists, man is primarily not a biological, social, economic, psychological, but a metaphysical being", becomes understandable. ; U danima kada se u užurbanosti suvremenog života, žrtava COVIDA 19, posvemašnje ljudske otuđenosti i eskalacije nasilja, okrećemo duhovnom tražeći izlaz u metafizičkom, nadrealnom, ljekovitom i njegujućem, a racionalno i objašnjivo ne nudi konačni odgovor, netko izlaz traži u sredstvu ovisnosti, a netko u klasici, nečem poznatom i vrijednom. Ili metafizici koja ide dalje od fizičkog i spoznatljivog, u pokušaju dosizanja višeg, spiritualnog. Povratak velikom poznavaocu ljudske psihe, Dostojevskom, povratak je interesu za čovjeka, inspiraciji ljudskim i humanim, ali i prostoru iza spoznatljivog i "metafizičkoj drami". U skitnjama Europom, Dostojevski nas, kroz ispovijest kockara Alekseja izvještava o iskušenjima "svite" ovisne o kockarskom stolu. Propituje se značaj razdorne strasti: i one prema ženi, ljubavne, a još više, kockarske, rušilačke, demonske. Misao francuskog pisca Albaresa da je za Dostojevskog, "u opreci prema većini ostalih romanopisaca, čovjek primarno ne biološko, socijalno, ekonomsko, psihološko, nego metafizičko biće", postaje razumljivom.

Djelatna uloga Međunarodnoga odbora Crvenoga križa (MOCK) do izražaja dolazi u ratnim okolnostima u provođenju aktivnosti utemeljenih na međunarodnom ratnom pravu da bi se osigurala pomoć za sve ratne stradalnike. U osiguravanju uvjeta rada tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata MOCK je pokušao uspostaviti službene odnose sa svim zaraćenim državama, odnosno svim vojnim snagama bez obzira na to je li im bio priznat status zaraćene strane. Stoga su u radu prikazani i napori koje je MOCK uložio u pokušaje da pripadnici Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije steknu službeni položaj zaraćene strane, odnosno službeni status ratnih zarobljenika, te da se na njih dosljedno primijene odredbe međunarodnoga ratnog prava. Usprkos prethodnim kontaktima MOCK je tek nakon imenovanja stalnoga predstavnika u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (1943.) započeo opsežne aktivnosti u korist pripadnika partizanskoga pokreta Jugoslavije, od kojih su najvažnije bile praktična primjena odredaba međunarodnoga ratnog prava na zarobljene pripadnike partizanskih jedinica te osiguravanje raznih oblika pomoći. S istom je nakanom predstavnik MOCK-a uspostavio kontakt i s Vrhovnim štabom Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, a suradnja je olakšana tek nakon potpisivanja sporazuma Tito-Šubašić, što je rezultiralo uspostavom službenih odnosa krajem 1944. godine. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva, objavljenih izvora i literature autor pokazuje i neke aspekte suradnje do završetka rata te u neposrednom poraću. ; The active role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) comes to the fore in wartime circumstances, in carrying out activities based on international war law (the Geneva and Hague Conventions) regarding providing assistance to all war victims. In securing working conditions during World War II, the ICRC attempted to establish official relations with all belligerent parties regardless of whether they were or were not recognised as belligerent parties. Therefore, the author presents part of the ICRC efforts made in the process of recognising the international war law-regulated status of belligerent party to members of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia, i.e. the status of prisoners of war. Despite some earlier contacts, after the designation of a permanent representative to the Independent State of Croatia (1943), the ICRC launched extensive activities in favour of members of the Yugoslav Partisan movement, the most important of which was the practical application of the international law of war. Permanent representative Schmidlin constantly intervened in the ministries and the prime minister of the Independent State of Croatia through the Central Office of the Croatian Red Cross and as well through prominent figures in the political and social life of the State. However, although the Partisans de facto achieved the position of a belligerent party in their relations with the German military forces, this status was strongly opposed by the ISC authorities. Due to the change in the British attitude towards the Yugoslav Partisans, in the summer of 1943 the ICRC leadership ordered its permanent representative in Zagreb to establish contact with members of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as soon as possible. Very soon, Schmidlin contacted the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan detachments of Yugoslavia. In late November 1943, shortly after the beginning of the Allied Conference in Tehran, the ICRC leadership also received an Allied recommendation on the same subject. The existence of the Yugoslav Committee of the Red Cross in London, which had legitimacy and was the only recognised Yugoslav national Red Cross society, was a major problem in establishing relations between the ICRC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The ICRC leadership remained committed to not recognising the new societies created during the war. After the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in mid-June 1944, the ICRC leadership changed its position, and representatives of the Yugoslav government and Marshal Tito sent several letters to the ICRC Permanent Delegation in London in late September and early October 1944. In those letters, they informed the ICRC leadership of the establishment of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Red Cross on the island of Vis. At the same time, the Royal Yugoslav Red Cross Society in London was dissolved. All of this resulted in the unification of the national organisation of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia, which led to the establishment of official relations between the ICRC and Yugoslav Partisans at the end of 1944. Based on original archival sources and literature, the author points to some aspects of cooperation until the end of World War II and in the early post-war period. One of the main aspects of the ICRC's work during this period was the practical application of the provisions of the international law of war to prisoners of war in Yugoslavia. Tito himself made the same promises, though the Yugoslav Ministry of Social Policy made this conditional: they would be applied only if it was proven that captured members of the Partisan movement had been treated in the same way during the war. The treatment of prisoners of war in Yugoslavia could only be speculated about, and the authorities immediately refused to allow foreign diplomatic or ICRC representatives to gain insight into the treatment of prisoners of war. It is clear that the ICRC faced the same problems in its relations with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia and the German Reich during the war and the Yugoslav authorities at the end of the war and in the immediate post-war period.

Postoji niz čimbenika koji pridonose kvaliteti života pojedinca. Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati kvalitetu življenja građana grada Varaždina odnosno procjenu općeg životnog zadovoljstva kao i pojedinih domena životnog zadovoljstva te sreće građana grada Varaždina i zatim napraviti usporedbu s procjenama kvalitete života građana Hrvatske, susjednih zemalja i općenito građana Europske unije. Istraživanje je provedeno u jesen 2011. na reprezentativnom, stratificiranom uzorku punoljetnog stanovništva Grada Varaždina, sa slučajnim izborom jedinica unutar svakog stratuma. Uzorkom je ukupno obuhvaćeno 500 ispitanika. Korištene su subjektivne procjene kvalitete življenja građana Varaždina ispitane skalama samoprocjena o kvaliteti života, životnom zadovoljstvu i sreći, te pojedinim domenama životnog zadovoljstva. Rezultati provedenog istraživanja pokazali su kako stanovnici grada Varaždina općenito procjenjuju da su sretni i zadovoljni svojim životom u cijelosti. Kod procjene zadovoljstva pojedinim segmentima u svom životu, odnosno uvjetima života u gradu Varaždinu, građani su najzadovoljniji odnosima s bližnjima, pripadnošću okolini u kojoj žive, kvalitetom stanovanja, zatim duhovnošću, osjećajem vlastite sigurnosti i sigurnosti u gradu. Ujedno, to su područja koja građani procjenjuju pozitivnije nego što su procijenili zadovoljstvo svojim životom u cijelosti. Građani svoje pozitivne procjene zadovoljstva životom upravo baziraju na procjenama osobnog zadovoljstva, interpersonalnim odnosima i osjećaju sigurnosti kao socijalnim domenama život, a što bi bili i glavni razlozi zbog kojih bi se stanovnici grada odselili iz Varaždina. Za zadovoljstvo životom građana grada Varaždina najznačajniji su zadovoljstvo životnim standardom i zadovoljstvo pripadnosti okolini u kojoj žive. Procjene životnog zadovoljstva, sreće te pojedinih domena životnog zadovoljstva građana Varaždina bliže su prosječnim procjenama stanovnika EU-a 2011. godine nego prosječnim procjenama stanovnika Hrvatske. Zadovoljstvo svojim zdravljem građani Varaždina, Hrvatske i EU-a procjenjuju podjednako, dok su procjene životnog standarda građana Varaždina bliže procjenama stanovnika EU-a nego stanovnika Hrvatske. Procjene životnog zadovoljstva i sreće građana Varaždina u odnosu na ostale zemlje EU-a u okruženju najbliže su procjenama stanovnika Austrije. ; There are a number of factors that contribute to the quality of life of an individual. The aim of this study was to examine the quality of life of citizens in the city of Varaždin and to assess their general life satisfaction as well as individual domains of life satisfaction and happiness. Another aim was to compare this with the evaluated quality of life of citizens in Croatia, neighbouring countries and generally in the European Union. The survey was conducted in the fall of 2011 on a representative, stratified sample of the adult population in the city of Varaždin with a random selection of units within each stratum. The sample included a total of 500 respondents. Subjective assessments of quality of life by citizens of Varaždin were tested by scales of self-assessment of quality of life, life satisfaction and happiness, and individual domains of life satisfaction. Results of the study showed that people in the city of Varaždin evaluate that they are happy and satisfied with their life in general. When assessing satisfaction of certain life segments and living conditions in the city of Varaždin, citizens are most satisfied with their family relationships, belonging to the environment in which they live, the quality of housing, followed by spirituality, a sense of personal safety and security in the city. At the same time, these are the areas that citizens assessed more positively than they assess satisfaction with their lives as a whole. Citizens' positive assessment of life satisfaction is based on evaluations of personal satisfaction, interpersonal relationships and a sense of security as well as the social domains of life which would be the main reasons why residents move away from Varaždin. For life satisfaction of citizens in the city of Varaždin, standard of living and the pleasure of belonging to the environment in which they live were the most important. Life satisfaction, happiness and individual domains of life satisfaction of citizens of Varaždin were closer to the average evaluations in the EU in 2011, than the average evaluations of the Croatian population. In relation to satisfaction with health, citizens of Varazdin, Croatia and the EU are alike, while the standard of living assessment among citizens of Varaždin is closer to the evaluations of the EU population than the overall population of Croatia. Evaluations of life satisfaction and happiness of citizens in Varaždin were closest to evaluations of population in Austria in comparison to other EU countries in the region.

Pri analizi dvaju suprotstavljenih narativa povezanih s temom uspostave vojske Europske unije (EU) u europskom medijskom i političkom prostoru u ovome radu upotrebljava se teorija sekrutizacije te se temeljem analize diskursa i javnog mnijenja dokazuje da suprotstavljeni narativi ispunjavaju uvjete da ih prema definiciji Kopenhagenske škole svedemo pod pojam sekuritizacije. Prema autorima Kopenhagenske škole, sekuritizacija je govorni čin kojim provoditelj sekuritizacije do tada nepolitizirani odnosno politizirani predmet debate prikazuje kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju prema referentnom objektu koja zahtijeva hitne mjere. Prvi narativ koji rad analizira je neizvjesna sigurnosna situacija u Europi i oko nje koja bi mogla prerasti u egzistencijalnu prijetnju društvu Europske unije i europskom identitetu zbog nepostojanja vojske Unije. Drugi, tome oprečni narativ pak interpretira uspostavu vojske Europske unije kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju NATO savezu i suverenitetu država članica Unije. Rad postavlja pitanje je li sekuritizacija upotrebljiva poluga u nastojanju provođenja odnosno blokiranja čvršće intergracije EU na području obrane. Analizom diskursa glavnih aktera, provoditelja sekuritizacije i sigurnosnih strategija EU, Velike Britanije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država te analizom prihvaćanja narativa od strane publike, rad zaključuje da su ti oba narativa činovi sekuritizacije. Prvi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane europskih federalista na čelu s predsjednikom Europske komisije Jean-Claudeom Junckerom, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštiti postavlja društvo EU i europski identitet. Egzistencijalna prijetnja referentnim objektima dolazi od ruske politike, ali i neizvjesne sigurnosne situacije u neposrednom susjedstvu EU-a. Ovaj narativ kao rješenje nameće uspostavu vojske EU-a. Drugi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane euroskeptika, NATO saveza te političkih elita Velike Britanije, SAD-a i Rusije, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštititi postavlja suverenitet država članica EU i opstanak NATO saveza koji se nalaze u egzistencijalnoj prijetnji od strane uspostave vojske Europske unije, čija bi uspostava oduzela nacionalne vojske tj. suverenitet država članica u području obrane, a postojanje NATO saveza učinilo izlišnim ; The thesis proves that around the establishment of the European Union army, we can infer two opposing narratives in European Union's media and political space and that both meet the conditions to be called a securitization. The first narrative (positive securitization) that the thesis analyses argues that the precarious the security situation in and around Europe could become an existential threat to the society of European Union (EU) and European identity because of the paucity of the EU army. The second narrative (negative securitization) that the thesis analyses interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) and the sovereignty of EU member states. Securitization is defined through the Theory of Securitisation by the scientists belonging to Copenhagen School (Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde) as a speech act by which an actor (securitizing actor) presents a specific issue, until then only politicised in the political or public space, as an existential threat to the referent object that requires extraordinary measures. For a speech act to be an act of securitization and not just an attempt of securitisation, public (or a target group) needs to accept the speech as such. Thus, the Theory of Securitization affirms that the chosen narratives are acts of securitizations through discourse analysis and public opinion analysis. Elements of securitization are before mentioned securitization actor, referent object and public, as well as functional actors, which indirectly affect security decisions by lobbing or directing the securitization actors, and context, as a speech act cannot be an independent factor in the securitization process but is dependent on historical, political, societal, economic, geographic, and other variables. The principal difference between Theory of Securitisation and the mainstream security theories: Traditional Security Studies (TSS) and Critical Security Studies (CSS), is that Theory of Securitization is not concerned if the issue that a speech act wants to present as a security issue, really is a security issue, but how a speech act presents the issue as a security issue. Unlike the Theory of Securitisation, TSS is a realistic security theory that examines is the issue a real security threat while CSS is a constructive security theory that examines the reality of security threat. Both, TSS and CSS, analyze already present security threat, while Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat. Positive securitisation, the precarious security situation in and around Europe that could become an existential threat to the society of the EU because of the paucity of the EU army, is securitised by European federalists headed by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and HR/VP Federica Mogherini. Referent objects that are in urgent need of protection are the EU society and the European identity (values and principles) that are in the existential threat of Russia and uncertain security situation in the immediate neighbourhood of the EU. As a solution for the existential threat, securitising actors impose the establishment of the EU army. Functional actors of positive securitisation are stakeholders in the European defence industry who have a purely economic reason for the backing of positive securitisation, and European elite which advocates the federalisation of the European Union. The prime public, core target group, for the positive securitisation should be the Heads of 28 EU member states who make decisions concerning Common Security Defence Policy (CSDP). As the decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous, and some member states, mostly United Kingdom (UK), steadily use the instrument of veto to block further development of the CSDP, the thesis assumes that the securitising actors of positive securitisation decided to expand the target group for their securitisation onto European Union society as a whole. Reasons behind the expansion of the target public, which thus makes the whole society of the European Union a the public is a pressure onto the Heads of EU member states since the citizens of the EU have a very favourable opinion about the further development of the CSDP and mostly positive opinion regarding the establishment of the EU army. Negative securitisation, which interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential a threat to the NATO and the sovereignty of EU member states, is a complex form of securitisation. Instead of one securitising actor or one group of securitising actors with the same motive (European federalist with Juncker as champion in positive securitisation), negative securitisation is securitised by several securitising actors without the leading champion with sometimes the same and sometimes different motives: Eurosceptics, NATO, decision-makers in the United Kingdom, the United States (US) and Russia. Furthermore, negative securitisation accumulates the referent objects that are in urgent need of protection: the sovereignty of the EU member states and the survival of the NATO alliance. The only element of the negative securitisation that is unambiguous is the existential threat from the establishment of the EU army whose establishment would take away the national armies, i.e. the sovereignty of the EU member states and made the NATO alliance vulnerable. Hence, for the sake of simplicity of understanding the elements of negative securitisation and their synergy, the thesis uses the Classical Security Complex Theory (CSCT) for the proper consideration of the patterns of the security connections. Using discourse analysis of the speech acts and official documents the thesis shows how the decision-makers in the US (regardless of their political affiliation) securitise the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to NATO and future of Atlantic security cooperation. Same is evident with the NATO as a securitising actor. The decision-makers in the UK (mostly conservatives) securitise the establishment of the EU army and further development of CSDP as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states. Russia too securitises the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states but does the deed backstage financially supporting nationalist and Eurosceptic EU parties and via cyber-attacks and disinformation campaign. Functional actors of negative securitisation are stakeholders in the non-EU defence industry and other industries which prosper due to unstable global security situation, private military organisations, non-independent think thanks, etc. The public for the negative securitisation is the Eurosceptic part of the EU society, but the core target group are the citizens of the UK. Securitising actors of the negative securitisation narrowed the public of their securitisation for the same reason why the securitising actors of the positive securitisation broaden theirs – decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous. Consequently, the securitising actors of the negative securitisation to be successful in their securitisation need to persuade only citizens of the UK that their narrative is correct. As already mentioned, the Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat, so very important for the understanding of the results of discourse analysis is the context behind the construction of the securitisation. In the case of the securitisations analysed in the thesis, the contexts of both narratives have foundations in the conflict between neorealist and neoliberal doctrines in foreign politics, different security strategies of the countries, and change in a global security system, as well as historical, political, societal, economic, geographic and other variables. No EU member state can be a superpower on its own in today's world. This notion and aim to hinder the possibility of another armed conflict in Europe prompted the creation of the Union. After more than 60 years of enlargement and integration, the EU is an economic superpower. Nevertheless, to protect its economic superiority as well as to impose its doctrine in foreign politics and expand its multilateral security strategy, the EU needs to be and defence union. This idea is not a new one but exists and was attempted to be implemented from the beginning of the EU existence. The securitising actors of the positive securitisation believe that with the establishment of the EU army, the EU can keep the US hegemony in the global security system and the Russian renewal of bloc-system aspirations under control. Some securitising actors of the positive securitisation also believe that the further integration of the EU is necessary to prevent the disintegration. Above all, is the strong desire of the EU elite for the federation of the EU. Expectedly, not least because of the postulate of the security dilemma, the US and Russia are afraid of the military-strong EU which could change the current global security system, while the UK believes that with the strengthening of the EU its military and political strength will wane or disappear. As the UK is the EU member state and its citizens are the most Eurosceptic the public in the EU, both and the US and Russia focused most of their securitisation's efforts toward the UK's citizens. The US also uses the UK as a tool of disruption in the EU – it's right to veto decisions about the further development of CSDP, integration of the EU in the defence field and the establishment of the EU army. The thesis hypothesises that the two opposed narratives that the thesis considers to be securitisations have generated the status quo in the development of CSDP. Through the discourse analysis of speech acts and the official documents of securitising actors of both narratives as well as analysis of the acceptance of narratives by the audience (public opinion analysis), the thesis positively answers the research question: Is the securitisation theory usable the instrument in the effort to implement/block more effective EU integration?

Povijest nastanka i djelovanja građanskih udruga u Lici može se pratiti još od 1835. godine kada je osnovana Narodna čitaonica u Senju. Ipak, tek su krajem 19. stoljeća stvoreni svi preduvjeti za brojnije osnivanje svih vrsta građanskih udruga u Lici te je od tada njihov broj u stalnom povećanju. Iako je nesumnjivo da su razne vrste udruga u Lici svojim djelovanjem pozitivno djelovale na ličko društvo, taj fenomen društvene mikro-povijesti nije bio predmet sveobuhvatnog proučavanja. Ovaj doktorski rad kronološki prati stvaranje prvih građanskih udruga (društava, zaklada, štedionica, klubova i podružnica) u Lici u vrijeme Vojne krajine, njihovo naglo povećanje u vrijeme Ličko-krbavske županije i promjene koje su ih zahvatile u vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije te završava početkom Drugoga svjetskog rata kada su građanske udruge u Lici naglo nestale s povijesne pozornice. U radu je prikazano političko, gospodarsko i kulturno stanje u Lici koje je uvelike utjecalo na brzinu i kvalitetu nastanka novih udruga. Također su obrađene i građanske udruge izvan prostora Like jer je njihova kulturna i ekonomska interakcija bila važan element u razvoju ove regije. Stoga je cilj ovog doktorskog rada po prvi put u našoj historiografiji dati, ne samo sumarni prikaz građanskih udruga, već i razloge, uzroke te posljedice njihovog postojanja na prostoru Like i Senja, a sve u svrhu boljega razumijevanja kompleksnih i nedovoljno razjašnjenih povijesnih procesa u hrvatskoj povijesnoj regiji Lici. ; The beginings of organizations set up in Lika region reaches far into the past, in the time of medieval brotherhoods; however, the first civil organizations in Lika did not arise until the Military Border systems have been abolished and until the break through of the modernization processes that originated in the Civic Croatia. The city of Senj had partially different but also earlier organizations' development. The first known civic organization on the area that has been the subject of this doctoral dissertation was The National Library in the city of Senj, founded in 1835. Withal, this civil organization is the first one in Croatia. In Lika region, the first civil organizations were not founded until the abrogation of the Military Border which, at the same time, has been the starting point for the progression of one of the most important forms of modernization. In the first part of this scientific work, social stratification and differentiation in the everyday life of Lika's residents has been depicted, whereas the usage of an argumented research approach has served to explain complex political, military, economic and other mutual influences between Lika's peasants-soldiers and the authorities that have dominated during that time. Multiple conflicts, unsafe and economically marginalized area, unsettled property laws and so called 'cooperative phenomena' are just a part of the numerous reasons why Lika region has entered Croatian and Habsbourg Monarchy's cultural and social processes relatively late. An emphasis is on the development of education, literacy and culture as basic determinants of future development of the civil organizations. Second major group of the research questions deals with an emersion of the organizations on the Croatian and European area, as a result of new global political processes. This part of the disertation tries to answer the question 'which were the reasons for the organizations' establishment in the first place', so as 'to what extent the organizations have influenced the residents of Wienna, Zagreb and other cities of the Habsbourg Monarchy'? Special emphasis is put on the law regulations, that is, so called 'Imperial Decree' which has helped the organizations to establish and work. Also, this group of the research questions discusses the inherited differences that existed in an administration, mentality and the development itself between the former Military Border and the Civic Croatia. Comparative research has provided an evidence that the development of a new district – Lika-Krbava county – when compared to the other districts, has been minor. Also, the questions that have been the matter of this scientific work were 'which kind of the organizations were there in the first place, 'what is the nature of the organizations' and 'which is the real level on which these organizations have fulfilled their purposes and goals'. This kind of analysis is very important in order to understand Lika's history from the beginning of the 20th century; in this period economic and cultural life of the Lika's residents is highly inflenced by a new regime of the Kingdom of SHS and, later on, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This group of questions especially makes an exception of the city of Senj, as a kind of border exception, but also explains which political and economic circumstances and perplexities resulted in prosperity and stagnation of the city beneath the Nehaj Fortress. The third group of the research questions, using the archive sources of the civil organizations' rules, gives an overview of more than one hundred and fifty civil organizations according to the territorial regions (districts) that existed during the Lika-Krbava county and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This section reveals the purposes, goals and the activities of administrative councils and assemblies of all major civic organizations (associations, clubs, affiliates, commities, foundations) found in the districts that existed during that time – Brinje, Donji Lapac, Gračac, Gospić, Korenica, Otočac, Perušić, Udbina and the cities Senj and Karlobag. In spite of major illiteracy, political and national antagonism and the fact that Lika was at the periphery in the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy, until the beginning of the World War I, a great number of the organizations has been established in Lika region. When talking about this in the first place, we must mention some proffesional societies, libraries, 'falcon' organizations, music organizations and economic organizations, although there were also some historical occurences such as the first theatrical group in Otočac, or one of the oldest tennis clubs in Croatia, the one in Gospić. Thereby, in the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, Lika is the region of the numerous changes, but even more is the region of the extreme contradictions. In the same (research) way, the attention has been dedicated to history of Lika's organizations outside Lika's area. Throughout this group of questions not all civic organizations outside Lika have been elaborated, only those whose members actively participated in the development of the possibilities for the future economic prosperity of Lika region. Therefore, this part of the paper tries to show the connection between Lika region and the other parts of the countries that existed during that time, where the descendants of Lika's residents have lived. This scientific work tries to answer the questions of the real connection of Lika's people outside Lika with the real problems which were perceived by them in a different way than by those who remained living in the homeland. The Society of Lika's people in Zagreb was Lika's major emigrant organization which intensively helped its agile members and offered a solution for a hard life in Lika region. The Society for the preservation of the Plitvice Lakes was one of the best known organizations in Croatia, however, its class and narcissistic behaviour could not have been accepted by most of Lika's residents. In spite of individual interests of a great number of members of Lika's civic organizations, what does remain is a constatation that the organizations, especially those whose members were peasants, have obtained a huge success when it comes to development of cooperatives, crafts, agriculture, but also education and culture. Also, what is notecable is the fact that efficiency of the numerous affiliates of federate economic organizations has increased, what leads to the conclusion that the overall progress in Lika was connected with the political and economic centres outside Lika. A key influence onto the organizations' development in Lika was the one by certain individuals such as Buda Budisavljević, Ivan Devčić, Dragutin Trstenjak, Ante Cividini, Ivan Krajač, Ivan Gojtan, Ante Lončarić, so as many other culturaly and publicly known people. In that way, this doctoral thesis has scientificaly confirmed an actual similarity of the associations and organizations in Lika with those in the rest of Croatia, but also that these similarities were, in fact, quite limited. Civic organizations are an important factor in every community, so as, of course, for Lika's identity which is historically saturated in turbulent ways. This work tries to make a contribution not just to better understanding of the civic organizations in Lika, but to contribute to understand the overall environment, that is, the atmosphere in Lika region. This gives new knowledge regarding micro-historical elements of one culture that has been a carrier of social, cultural, political and economic development of the region between the Kapela mountains in the north and South Velebit and the river Zrmanja stream in the south. This doctoral thesis is the first scientific contribution to better understanding of the civic organizations and their importance in the region under consideration. Although this thesis, through the depiction of work of the civic organizations in Lika, has tried to give an answer regarding broader social, political, economic, cultural and religious life of Lika and Senj's residents in the period of turbulent and modernisation processes, some questions remain only partially answerable. If we take into consideration the broadness, possibilities and influence of the organizations, this observation is logical, too. Also, here we can talk about a vast area which makes a closed whole only in certain segments. That is the reason why this overview of the work of the civic organizations in Lika asks for further research attention, especially when it comes to the analysis of economic changes which have occurred in Lika during the second part of the 19th and the first part of the 20th century. In order to accomplish this, besides the archival research, a potential researcher must pay attention to the statistical analysis. Moreover, this scientific work gives just a model of how to evaluate certain types of the civic organizations and how to compare them with the organizations similar to them. Although this doctoral thesis had to be done within a canonical time frame, it will be praiseworthy if we compare the civic organizations in Lika which exist today to those which have existed during the period of Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Of course, this kind of research calls for plenty of time, as well as considerable material assets, hence it can be done sometime in the future. Despite the fact that the tragic events during the World War II lead to the abolition of the civic organizations outside Lika region, the constitution of the Republic of Croatia has created the conditions for the reestablishment of the organizations. Nowadays, more than twenty organizations outside Lika work very actively and responsibly in order to interconnect Lika's emigrants and their descendants with their homeland, from where their ancestors arrived more than one hundred and fifty years ago.

U Vijestima iz sektora, u svom napisu gosp. Borislav Škegro pod naslovom "Može li državni holding biti učinkovit? Bude li se vodio logikom profita, bit će dividenda!" za primjer navodi poslovanje (odnos) šumarstva i drvoprerađivačke industrije. Kaže kako drvoprerađivačka industrija bilježi sjajne rezultate u proizvodnji, izvozu i zapošljavanju, ali ne zadovoljava potražnju, jer je ograničavajući čimbenik nedostatak drvne sirovine (nema dovoljno drva kaže on). To smatra apsurdnim, "jer u šumama danas postoji višak drva – kod hrasta npr. i do 1/3 ukupne mase". Te povećane količine drvoprerađivačka industrija bi u kešu platila, zaposlila nove ljude, izvezla, naplatila i platila povećane poreze, "ali to nikako ne ide – nitko ne traži dividendu", kaže on. Poruka je očito novom ministru "da za početak upiše dodatnih 200 mil. kuna dividende kao prihod proračuna", pa će biti "drva k'o u priči, a dividenda i poreza k'o drva".Obrazlažući uvodno način poslovanja holdinga navodi kako se mjeri samo prinos na uloženi kapital i nema drugih ni trećih "socijalno osjetljivih, generalno razvojnih društvenih kriterija . dividenda postaje značajni neporezni dio prihoda državnog proračuna .nema opravdanja za zadržavanje radnih mjesta i socijalnim, lokalnim i političkim kriterijima". Tu imamo navode i nekih drvoprerađivača da bi trebalo zabraniti izvoz trupaca, te da potrošimo 200 mil. dolara na uvoz namještaja od hrvatskih trupaca koje smo jeftino izvezli – na taj način rasipamo nacionalno bogatstvo.Što se tiče šumarstva, na tragu potpuno laičkog razmišljanja gosp. Škegre da se može sjeći koliko kome treba, a ne prema Gospodarskoj osnovi, slično razmišljanje dijeli i predsjednik Udruge poslodavaca, a ono se ponajprije odnosi na cijenu drvne sirovine – kada bi ona bila niža (a sada je najniža u EU), onda bi hrvatska drvoprerađivačka industrija bila konkurentna. Prvome možemo odgovoriti da su etatne mogućnosti ograničene i da se u duhu načela potrajnog gospodarenja u šumarstvu sječe nešto ispod godišnjeg prirasta drvne mase, a ne koliko prekapacitirana pilanska prerada traži, pa nema govora o tome da će biti drva k'o u priči, a onda i dividenda. Njih može biti samo ako se naša drvoprerađivačka industrija posveti smanjenju ostalih 80 % troškova proizvodnje, a ne da stalno plače nad previsokim troškovima drvne sirovine, koji u strukturi troškova čine maksimalno 16-20 %. Osim toga, mora se držati načela da najkvalitetniju sirovinu maksimalno finalizira u proizvod s najvećom dodanom vrijednosti. Na to je, sigurni smo, jedino može prisiliti tržišna cijena drvnih sortimenata. Isto tako potrebno je okrenuti se najnovijim tehnologijama i ulaganju u znanje na svim razinama. Slažemo se da treba zabraniti izvoz trupaca, jer smo u dosadašnjim tekstovima u ovoj rubrici između ostalog naveli da 8 m3 izveženih trupaca znači da izvozimo jedno radno mjesto. No, koliko je nama poznato, osim nekih mekih listača i proizvoda neinteresantnih za naše drvoprerađivače, Hrvatske šume d.o.o. ne izvoze trupce, ali znamo da to čine neki drvoprerađivači, tako da dio ugovorenih količina po netržišnoj cijeni upravo radi izvoza "kamufliraju" u razne oblike minimalne pilanske prerade (prizme, fličevi, grede, četvrtače i sl.). Glede uvoza namještaja mišljenja smo da bi svatko rađe kupio domaći ako je jefiniji i barem jednako kvalitetan kao uvozni – zašto on to nije neka odgovore drvoprerađivači koji imaju domaću sirovinu po netržišnim cijenama i tako reći na svom lageru gotovo bez troškova transporta. Upravo o rasipanju nacionalnog bogatstva pisali smo u više navrata, ponajprije govoreći o šumarstvu kao specifičnoj gospodarskoj grani, a ne onoj kako je vidi gosp. Škegro i privatnici drvoprerađivači. Osim toga, očito se uzaludno trudimo upozoriti da šuma ima osim sirovinske uloge i onu ekološku, socijalnu i ekofiziološku, koje su višestruko vrjednije od sirovinske, pa je gospodarenje šumom upravo suprotno od prethodno proklamiranog "holdinškog pristupa". Svakako, kada to nismo napravili do sada, a o tome smo pisali u Šumarskome listu br. 11-12/2014., vrijeme je da se konačno zacrta konzistentna šumarska politika, kojoj treba pridodati i drvoprerađivačku industriju koja će se novo-sačinjenim strategijama provoditi. Time ćemo izbjeći nakaradna "mlečanska" razmišljanja o šumi i ukloniti netržišini odnos šumarstva i drvoprerađivačke industrije te odrediti ispravan status šumarstva u hrvatskome gospodarstvu. Uredništvo ; In his article entitled "Can a state holding company be efficient? If governed by the logic of profit, there will be dividends!", Mr Borislav Škegro illustrates his standpoint with the example of the forestry and wood processing industry business (relationship). According to him, the wood processing industry records outstanding results in the production, export and employment, but cannot satisfy the demand because it is faced with the limiting factor of the lack of raw wood material (there is not enough wood, says he). He thinks this is absurd, because "there is a surplus of wood in the forests today – up to one third of the total mass of oak, for example." The wood processing industry would pay for these excess quantities in cash, it would employ new labour force, it would export, earn and pay increased taxes, but "it just does not work – nobody wants dividends", says he. Evidently, a message for the new minister is to "for a start, add the additional 200 million kuna of dividends to the budget income"; by doing so, there will be "wood in excess, and dividends and taxes in abundance". When he expostulates on the manner of how a holding company conducts business, he says that only income from the invested capital is measured and that there are no second or third "socially sensitive, generally developmental social criteria . a dividend becomes an important part of the tax-exempt income of the government budget . there is no justification for preserving working places and for the social, local and political criteria". There are also opinions of some wood processing companies which require a ban on the export of logs. They point out that we spend 200 million dollars on the import of furniture made of Croatian logs that were exported cheaply – which is a way of squandering our national wealth. With regard to forestry, the uninformed musings of Mr Škegro, according to which one can fell as much timber as he or she needs, and not according to management plans, are complemented by similar thoughts of the president of the Employers' Association, which concern primarily the price of raw wood: if it were lower (although currently it is the lowest in Europe), then the Croatian wood processing industry would be more competitive. The first gentleman should be informed that the capacities of the annual cut are limited and that in the spirit of the principle of sustainable management, forestry follows the principle of cutting slightly below the annual wood mass increment and not according to the demands of the over-capacitated sawmill processing. Therefore, it is out of the question that there will be wood in excess and dividends in abundance. There can be dividends only if the Croatian wood processing industry applies itself to cutting down on the 80% of production costs, rather than constantly lamenting on the excessively high price of raw wood material, which accounts for a maximum of 16–20% in the cost structure. In addition, it should do its utmost to use the best quality raw material in the final product with the highest added value. We are sure that the wood processing industry can be forced to do the aforesaid only by market prices of wood assortments. Another step to take is to turn to cutting edge technologies and investment into knowledge on all levels. We agree that log export should be banned, because we have already pointed out in previous texts that 8 m3 of exported logs equals one exported work place. However, as far as we know, apart from some soft broadleaves and products which the Croatian wood processors are not interested in, the company Hrvatske Šume Ltd does not export logs, unlike some wood processors. This means that for the sake of export, they "camouflage" a part of the quantities contracted at a non-market price into different forms of minimal sawmill products (Count, Flitch, Square and similar). As for imported furniture, we are confident that people would rather buy a home-made piece of furniture on condition that it is cheaper but of equal quality as the imported one. Why it is not cheaper and of good quality rests on our wood processors, who have home raw material available at non-market prices and at almost no transport costs. Our articles have repeatedly pointed at squandering the national wealth when writing about forestry as a specific economic branch, but not as an economic branch viewed by Mr Škegro and some private wood processors. Obviously, in vain have we tried to explain that apart from its raw material role, the forest also has other roles, such as the ecological, social and eco-physiological roles, which are several times more valuable than the raw material role. Consequently, managing a forest is in stark contrast with the proclaimed "holding approach". It is high time we finally formulated a consistent forestry policy (we wrote about this in Forestry Journal 11-12/2014), adding to this the wood processing industry, which should implement the newly-formulated strategies. By doing so we will put a stop to absurd irrational contemplations on forests, do away with non-market relationships between forestry and wood processing industry, and define an adequate status of forestry within Croatian economy. Editorial Board

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAKada je krajem ožujka ove godine Thomas Waitz, zastupnik Europskog parlamenta, član Kluba zastupnika Zelenih/Europskog slobodnog saveza, objavio na svojoj službenoj stranici "Novo izvješće o krčenju šuma u Hrvatskoj" dostavljeno od braniteljske udruge ViDrA – "veterani i društvena akcija", vijest o tome proširila se na hrvatskim mrežnim stranicama. Povodom toga objavljen je na portalu Telegram.hr i razgovor s predsjednicom udruge Vesnom Grgić. Forum udruge pod nazivom Zeleni odred za cilj ima, kako su sami naveli, "borbu protiv devastacije šuma i šumskih površina u Republici Hrvatskoj".Pohvalna je briga za opće dobro, što šume u Republici Hrvatskoj i jesu. Samo čitajući optužbe, koje se većinom odnose na djelovanje trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume, ne može se oteti dojmu da tu ima puno neshvaćanja zakonskih postavki i operativnih radnji koje se odvijaju u gospodarenju šumama.U razgovoru se kao mogućnost "jezive devastacije šuma" navodi zabrana sječe svih šuma u razdoblju od 10 godina, uspoređujući to s primjerom Albanije. Toj zemlji to nitko izvan nje nije naredio, već je to bila odluka albanskog parlamenta da se uvede moratorij na sječu šuma za trgovačke namjene od 2016. do 2025. godine. Zabrana je uvedena kao posljedica nekontroliranih prevelikih sječa, što je stvorilo erozivna područja koja su jako vidljiva diljem države. Uspoređujući to s Republikom Hrvatskom u kojoj postoji organizirano šumarstvo 256 godina, potpuno je deplasirano. Osnovno nerazumijevanje, koje se i inače ponavlja u javnosti, je održivo gospodarenje putem oplodnih sječa, gdje se na kraju životnog ciklusa jednodobnih sastojina (sam naziv jednodobno označava da su stabla približno jednake starosti) stara šuma, naravno sa starim i debelim stablima, zamjenjuje mladom šumom, koja se izvan vegetacijskog razdoblja svugdje dobro i ne uočava. Bitno je to da na šumskom zemljištu i dalje ostaje šuma, znači nema devastacije, odnosno degradacijskih stadija šuma (kao što laici obično mlade šume u razvoju – u progresiji smatraju šikarom koja je primjer obrnutog procesa – regresije). Oplodno razdoblje koje traje i 20 godina, a u fazi dovršne sječe godinu ili više godina ako se sječe na manjim površinama, u stvari je porođaj mlade šume. Svima je poznato da rođenje djeteta u ljudskom svijetu nastaje nakon porođajnih muka, a odrastanje i osamostaljivanje traje godinama. Isto možemo usporediti s nastankom mlade šume i brigom oko njenog razvoja. Rađaonica u šumi traje i njeno uređenje traži vremena. Osim što je šumska površina u obnovi rađaonica, ona je i radilište na kojemu vladaju posebni propisi, posebice oni vezani za zaštitu na radu. Ljubitelji prirode koji se prolazeći kroz šumu u obnovi ljute zbog oštećenih šumskih puteva, trebaju znati da se oni nalaze usred radilišta i da se ne bi mogli slobodno kretati po radilištu nekakve zgrade ili mosta. Povlačeći paralelu, šumsko radilište bi se moglo ograditi kao i neko građevinsko, a onda ne bi bilo pristupa u to područje.Nerealno je očekivati da se stanje šuma, kao uostalom i drugih dijelova prirode, može konzervirati. Prirodni ekosustavi su dinamične cjeline i kroz vrijeme se stalno mijenjaju. U Republici Hrvatskoj prirodne gospodarene šume doživjele su bar dva kompletna, a neke i po tri životna ciklusa od nastanka do dovršnog sjeka. Znači da su kroz taj ciklus prošle sve faze, od mlade šuma visine nekoliko centimetara, do stare šume s visokim stablima 30-40 m. Prosječni ljudski vijek u današnje doba u našoj domovini od 78 godina tek je nešto iznad polovice životnog vijeka propisanog za šume hrasta lužnjaka od 140 godina, a oko tri četvrtine vijeka bukovih šuma od 100 godina. Normalno je da stanovniku i posjetitelju nekog šumskog područja promiču promjene u starim šumama koje nisu tako drastične, kao što se dogodi kada se stara šuma zamijeni mladom šumom. Zanimljivo je kako se ljudi raduju rađanju novih ljudi i njihovom odrastanju, a ne raduju se, za razliku od šumara, rađanju novih šuma koje šumari nastoje stvoriti kvalitetnijim od prethodnih. Stara poslovica kaže "Na mladima svijet ostaje". Logično je da isto vrijedi i za šume. Nove šume će omogućiti blagodati novim generacijama. Zamislimo da su danas sve šume stare po dvjesto i više godina (kao što za primjer imamo potpuno zaštićenu šumu Prašnik, gdje je ostalo malo starih stabala hrasta lužnjaka, a ispod njih prevladavaju mlađa stabla graba čime se u biti gubi glavna vrsta drveća). Imali bi šume pune bolesnih stabala, od kojih ne bi bilo previše koristi. Drvna industrija ostala bi skoro bez ikakve sirovine za svoj rad, a onda i stanovništvo bez mogućnosti zaposlenja i brojnih proizvoda od drveta. Još jedna bitna činjenica u svjetlu klimatskih promjena je to da se najveći ponor (upijanje) ugljika stvara u šumama mlađim od 140 godina, nakon čega se unos ugljika smanjuje.Postavlja se i pitanje zašto se u općoj brizi za naše šume prati samo stanje u državnim šumama, dok se u privatnim šumama malih posjednika, koje čine jednu četvrtinu ukupnoga šumskog kompleksa, događaju radnje koje, za razliku od državnih šuma, otprilike odgovaraju stanju koje navode gore navedene Udruge. Dobna struktura vlasnika, neriješeni imovinsko pravni odnosi i zapušteno i neažurirano stanje našeg katastra i gruntovnice, usitnjeni posjed, kao i neadekvatna zakonska rješenja i nepostojanje organizirane čuvarske službe razlog su takvom stanju. Razvoj tehnologija donio je brojne olakšice i koristi u današnjem življenju, ali nažalost i nedostatke. Mogućnost brzog prijenosa informacija omogućila je svima upoznavanje sa svim djelatnostima i strukama, što je pak stvorilo lažnu predodžbu o razumijevanju svih sfera života i njihovom funkcioniranju. Tako su danas brojni posjetitelji šume postali znalci o šumarstvu, ali i dobili mogućnost lakog iskazivanja svog viđenja o tome u medijima. Čak su nastali takvi uvjeti da im se više vjeruje nego struci koja se za to školovala i stjecala iskustvo kroz praksu. Paušalno i olako iznesene optužbe zauzimaju naslovnice i postaju istina, dok se demanti teško probijaju i prolaze nezapaženo. Tko je u svemu tome odgovoran za točno i istinito informiranje javnosti? U svakoj struci postoje pojedinci koji ne rade dobro ili se čine pogrešne radnje, ali ne može se generalizirati i na temelju toga donositi zaključke. Nažalost današnjim prevladavajućim negativističkim novinarstvom stvaraju se uvjeti nepovjerenja u bilo kakvu djelatnost i struku što nije dobro, a u budućnosti može biti i gore.Mlada šuma koja će uskoro stasati, i postati vidljiva i nešumarskom oku, na tako često prozivanim sljemenskim sječinama, ali i diljem Lijepe Naše, dokazat će da šumarska struka postoji i uspješno obavlja svoj posao, što je u cijeloj priči najvažnije. Takvih mladih i njegovanih šuma ima i sada na značajnim površinama, samo ih laici ne prepoznaju.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALWhen Thomas Waitz, representative of the European Parliament and member of the Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance, published in his official page "a new report on deforestation in Croatia", a report passed on by ViDrA– "Association of Veterans and Social Action", this piece of news spread across the Croatian network media. On this occasion the portal Telegram.hr published an interview with Vesna Grgić, chairperson of Vidra Association. The Association's Forum, called The Green Squad, was established, in their own words, "with the purpose of fighting against devastation of forests and forest land in the Republic of Croatia".The concern for common goods, which forests in the Republic of Croatia certainly are, is highly commendable. However, if we read accusations that refer mostly to the activities of the company Croatian Forests, one cannot but feel that there is a lot of misunderstanding of legal provisions and operational actions that take place in forest management. One of the examples of "disastrous forest devastation" mentioned in the interview was the possibility of a ban on logging in all forests for the period of 10 years and a comparison with Albania was given. There was no request from abroad for Albania to do so – it was a decision of the Albanian Parliament to impose a moratorium on cutting down forests for industrial purposes for the period from 2016 to 2025. The ban was implemented as a reaction to uncontrolled excessive logging, resulting in erosive areas clearly visible across the country. To compare this with the Republic of Croatia, which enjoys 256 years of organized forestry, is completely misplaced. The basic misunderstanding generally displayed by the public refers to sustainable management using the shelterwood system, where at the end of the life cycle of an even-aged stand (the name itself denotes that the trees are of relatively even age), the mature forest, naturally with all trees, including thick ones, is replaced with a young forest, which is not always clearly visible outside the vegetation period. What is important is that the forest remains on the forested land: there is no devastation and no degraded forest stages (just as non-experts consider a young forest in progression a scrub; however, a scrub is an example of a reverse process – regression). The rejuvenation period, which lasts for up to 20 years and in the final cutting stage it may last for one or more years if smaller forested areas are treated, is in fact the birth of a young forest. We all know that in the human world a child is born after labour pains and growing up and turning an adult takes years. This can be compared with the emergence of a young forest and care for its development. The labour pains bringing forth a forest and its management take time. Not only can the forested area being regenerated be compared to a maternity ward, it is also a work site where special regulations apply, particularly those related to safety at work. Nature lovers who are angry about the damaged forest roads when passing through the forest being regenerated, should know that they are in a construction site and that they would not be able to move freely on the construction site of a building or a bridge. To draw a parallel, a forest construction site could be fenced off like any other construction site, banning access to the area. It is unrealistic to expect that the condition of a forest, and indeed any other part of nature, can be conserved. Natural ecosystems are dynamic units that change constantly throughout time. In the Republic of Croatia, forests managed on a close-to-nature principle have undergone at least two, and some even three, complete lifecycles from their emergence to the final cut. This means that all stages have gone through this cycle, from a young forest only several centimetres tall, to an old forest with trees up to 30-40 metres tall. The average human lifespan today in our homeland of 78 years is just over half the lifespan of 140 years prescribed for pedunculate oak forests, and about three-quarters of the lifespan of 100 years prescribed for beech forests. It is normal that a resident or a visitor to a forest area overlooks the changes taking place in old forests which are not as drastic as those taking place when an old forest is replaced by a young forest. It is interesting that people rejoice when a new baby is born and is growing up, but are not happy when a new forest is born which foresters endeavour to make even better than the old one. An old proverb says "the world belongs to the young". It is only logical that the same applies to forests. New forests will provide multiple benefits for new generations. Just imagine what it would be like of all present-day forests were two or more hundred years old (as is the completely protected forest of Prašnik, where very few old pedunculate oak trees are left, while younger hornbeam trees predominate below them, which in fact leads to the disappearance of the principal tree species). We would have forests full of diseased, useless trees. The wood industry would remain without the raw material for their work, and people would consequently be left without employment in the wood industry or without numerous wood products. Another essential fact in the light of climate change is that the largest carbon sinks are created in forests younger than 140 years, after which carbon input decreases. Another question to ask is why general concern about Croatian forests focuses only on state forests, while private forest owned by small forest owners, who make up one fourth of the overall forest complex, are the scene of all those actions that mimic the condition deplored by the Associations mentioned earlier. The age structure of the owners, unsolved property and legal relations, neglected and out-of-date cadastres and land registers, fragmented property, as well as inadequate legal solutions and the lack of organized guard service largely contribute to such a state. The development of technology has provided various benefits and advantages to modern-day life, but also a number of disadvantages. Fast transfer of information has made it possible to gain an insight into different activities and professions, which has in turn created a false idea among people that they understand how all spheres of life function. Thus, many visitors to forests have become forestry experts and have been given an opportunity to express their views on the matter in the media. What is worse, such "experts" are believed more than the professionals who have been educated in the profession and have acquired experience through practice. Off-the-cuff and easily made accusations take the headlines and become the accepted truth, do denials are completely ignored and go unnoticed. Who is responsible for giving the public accurate and truthful information? There are individuals in every profession who do not work well or who make wrong moves, but this does not mean that generalisations can be made and conclusions passed on the basis of those few. Regrettably, today's prevailing negativist journalism creates the conditions of distrust in any activity or profession, which is certainly not good and may become even worse in the future. A young forest that will soon mature and become visible even to a non-forester's eye, both on the frequently criticized Sljeme felling sites and all over Our Beautiful Homeland, will prove that the forestry profession exists and does its job thoroughly and successfully. In essence, this is the most important thing in the whole story. Such young and tended forests take up large areas, but are not recognized by a non-expert eye.Editorial Board

Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastala je u početcima otvorene velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku, ali i usred krize strateško-obrambene koncepcije. Tuđmanova politika čekanja i kupovanja vremena te izbjegavanja frontalnog i općeg sukoba s JNA, doveli su do javnog kritiziranja njegove obrambene politike od strane oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. U okolnostima sveobuhvatne agresije i, prema nekim navodima, očekivanja raskola u hrvatskoj politici, sredinom srpnja počela je rekonstrukcija postojeće Vlade. Novi mandatar Franjo Gregurić okupljao je kadrove za sastavljanje Vlade, a u tom razdoblju javila se ideja o potrebi proširenja Vlade i nekim nestranačkim kandidatima pa i predstavnicima oporbe. U samo dva-tri dana pregovora postignut je nacionalni konsenzus i potpisan Sporazum saborskih stranaka, čime je stvorena Vlada demokratskog jedinstva. Vlada se sastojala od devet parlamentarnih stranaka, od kojih je osam imalo svoje predstavnike u Vladi. Unatoč činjenici da je 1990-ih godina u Hrvatskoj na snazi bio polupredsjednički sustav koji je predsjedniku Republike davao prilično široke ovlasti, Vlada je na području obrambene i vanjske politike pokazivala određeni stupanj samostalnosti. Prema nekim tvrdnjama Vrhovno državno vijeće je ograničavalo slobodu djelovanja Vlade tako da se za svog jednogodišnjeg mandata Vlada trebala često boriti za veću samostalnost i slobodu djelovanja. S druge strane, Vlada je imala potpunu slobodu u unutarnjim poslovima, primjerice u njezinoj politici prema prognanicima i izbjeglicama, kao i u gospodarskoj politici. Unatoč tvrdnjama o "nestanku" oporbe u vrijeme te višestranačke vlade, s obzirom na to da su potpisivanjem Sporazuma o Vladi demokratskog jedinstva saborske stranke od oporbenih formalno postale koalicijske, dostupni izvori navode na drukčiji zaključak. Naime, predstavnici pojedinih oporbenih i ujedno koalicijskih stranaka od listopada 1991. godine često su kritizirali neke odluke vlasti, koje su se posebno odnosile na vanjsku politiku. Predmet njihovih kritika bile su ujedno Vladine i Tuđmanove uredbe sa zakonskom snagom. Vlada je posljednjih šest mjeseci svog mandata bila izložena pritiscima oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. Međunarodno priznanje Hrvatske i priprema za nove parlamentarne i predsjedničke izbore uzrokovali su pritiske na Vladu demokratskog jedinstva, što se prije svega očitovalo u odlascima određenih nestranačkih i oporbenih ministara, a kasnije dovelo i do velike travanjske rekonstrukcije Vlade u kojoj je u znatnoj mjeri promijenjen njezin sastav u korist HDZ-a. Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastavila je djelovati do kolovoza, kad je nakon novih parlamentarnih izbora formirana nova, jednostranačka HDZ-ova vlada. ; After the democratic elections in Croatia in the spring of 1990 and the victory of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the new Croatian Government faced the Serbian insurgency which expressed approval for the Milošević's Greater-Serbian policy. The insurgency was supported by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) that had disarmed Croatia just after the elections in May 1990. In the summer of 1991, the Yugoslav crisis aggravated. Previous occasional and sporadic conflicts between Croatian police forces and the Serbian insurgents escalated into the open aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and JNA against Croatia. In such conditions, Croatian leadership was conflicted about the defense policy. The disagreement caused the appearance of some fractions in the parliament parties, especially in HDZ. Some participants of Croatian politics in the early 1990s today assert that there were at least two main fractions in HDZ – the "moderate" one that supported Tuđman's policy based on avoiding head-on conflict with JNA, and the "radical" one that wanted to declare JNA and Serbia the aggressors on Croatia and to fight back. Some claim that the "radical" fraction even wanted to bring down Tuđman and replace him with someone else. There isn't enough evidence to verify such statements. It probably was the case of dissatisfaction with the situation on the battlefield. Some write about wide discontent and criticism of Tuđman regarding his defense policy, which was evident at the meetings of the main Board of HDZ in the middle of July, Supreme State Council in the end of July and parliamentary session in the beginning of August 1991. Regarding the attitude towards Tuđman, there is a widespread and simplified opinion that his party turned its back on him and that the opposition expressed him support. Exactly the opposite, the opposition, especially heads of the parties Croatian Social-Liberal Party (HSLS), Croatian democratic party (HDS), and Croatian People's party (HNS) expressed equal, or even more severe, criticism of Tuđman's defense policy. In that kind of atmosphere, the reconstruction of the Government resulted in the national consensus – Democratic Unity Government was formed. It was the third democratic Government and the first multiparty Government after the democratic elections. It is an example of a Grand coalition formed during the war in many countries. The main goal of the new Government was to create more effective defense policy that would gather all the necessary political and military structures and establish the unified command structure. That resulted in entering of the Crisis Staff into the Government and forming of the General Staff of the Croatian Army. In the first two months of its mandate, the Government proposed and adopted measures for emergency readiness in order to organize life in the crisis areas. One of those measures included the blockade of the JNA barracks which Tuđman approved September 13 1991. With the blockade, the previous measured and careful attitude of the Croatian leadership towards JNA shifted from passive to active. One part of the research discussed the role of the Government in defense of the cities of Vukovar and Dubrovnik. Regarding Vukovar, there are some controversies embodied in widespread claims that Croatian leadership "betrayed" and "sacrificed" Vukovar by not sending enough weaponry and ammunition. However, available sources, primarily transcripts and records of the Government sessions, suggest that Vukovar was the priority in the supply of weaponry and ammunition. Furthermore, some members of the Government and other representatives of the Croatian leadership visited Vukovar and Eastern-Slavonian battlefield. In the context of all the crisis areas on the Croatian battlefield, Vukovar was the most dominant topic at the Government sessions. At the session held November 17, the Government adopted a series of decisions pertaining to the protection of Vukovar civilians. In the appeals to the international organizations, Vukovar and Dubrovnik were the two most mentioned cities. As was the case with Vukovar, the Government sent weaponry and other military equipment, transported humanitarian aid to Dubrovnik and appealed for help. It is worth mentioning convoy "Libertas" which supplied humanitarian aid to the surrounded Dubrovnik and broke the naval blockade. Also, some Government members came by the convoy to Dubrovnik to show their support. At the end of November 1991, Government sent three of its ministers to Dubrovnik where they had to represent the Government and facilitate its operation in Southern Dalmatia, maintain contacts with the international organizations, negotiate with the JNA representatives and maintain communication with the Croatian Army. The three ministers Davorin Rudolf, Petar Kriste and Ivan Cifrić were situated in Dubrovnik during its heaviest attack and the day after they agreed to a truce with the JNA representatives. The Government supported the negotiations between the city military and civil representatives and JNA because it wanted to procrastinate with the attacks and buy some time to strengthen the military and international position of Croatia. On the other hand, the Government and Tuđman strongly opposed to intentions of "demilitarization" of Dubrovnik which would surrender its arms to the JNA under the supervision of representatives of the international community, i.e. surrender of the city to the aggressor. Second most important task of the Government was the struggle for international recognition. The establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs showed all the problems of the political structures that young democratic state had to face. Such problems refer to lack of experience as well as technical and financial resources. The Government cooperated with the European Community and the United Nations. Although, Tuđman was the designer of the Forreign Affairs and the Government often had to put into action his decisions, during the Conference of peace in Hague it showed some differentiation, such as declaring it would abort the attending of the Conference unless JNA left Croatia. After the arms embargo in September 1991, the Croatian Government deprived of the right of representation of Croatia in the UN Budimir Lončar and Darko Šilović, due to their role in instigating the decision of the UN regarding embargo. The Government Memorandum, addressed to ministerial Council of the EC in November 22, stated that economic sanctions of the Roman declaration of November 8 would affect mostly Croatia. Such view showed a certain degree of independence of the Democratic Unity Government. The Government accepted the Vance plan but argued the methods of its implementation. The activity of the Government in Forreign Affairs reflects in numerous official and unofficial meetings and encounters with various politicians and statesmen. The main task of the Government members was to appeal to stop the war and recognize Croatia, but they also had to struggle against Serbian propaganda which spread lies about rehabilitation of Ustasha and Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and portrayed president Tuđman and the Croatian Government as anti-Semitic. In that context, some think that the Croatian Government and leadership in general, provided insufficient to the international public. In this research, I also analyzed social politics of the Democratic Unity Government, that is, politics towards Croatian displaced persons and refugees as well as Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees during 1991 and 1992. At the very beginning of the aggression against Croatia, new Croatian Government had to face refugee crisis. Forcible relocations of the Croatian civilians, among which some moved into safe areas in Croatia, while others left the country, induced Government to, with the term "refugee", which refers to those persons who had to emigrate their own country, introduce another one – "displaced persons", which referred to those civilians who hadn't left Croatia, only were displaced to some other territory within the country. Government also adopted some measures to secure accommodation for the displaced persons and refugees by emptying hotels and resorts and founding of the Office for the displaced persons and refugees in November 1991. Funds for the displaced persons and refugees Government secured mostly from the state budget, while all requests for financial help from the international community were unsuccessful. Consequently, in that period Croatia funded also Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees from its budget, while the international community helped only with humanitarian help. In this chapter the Government activity in prevention of persecution of the civilian population was discussed through several examples. In that aspect, its activities were mostly limited to addressing the international community. In the case of Ilok, from where in October 1991 approximately 10.000 people were banished, Government founded the Commission of the Parliament and Government to try to stop the persecution, but it failed to achieve its goal, since the persecution had already begun. After the fall and occupation of Vukovar in November 1991, the Government organized evacuation of approximately 15.000 people, but it was carried out only partially. The Government didn't have control over the war zone, which means that its opportunities for safe and efficient evacuation were highly limited. One of the main plans for the displaced persons and refugees was Government's Return Program, which began its realization only after the end of the war and peaceful reintegration of Podunavlje in 1998. Economic politics of the Democratic Unity Government was reflected in its independence from Serbia. Following measures and decisions of the previous Croatian Government, on the day of its establishment, Democratic Unity Government broke off economic relations with Serbia, however only partially. Those companies with strong business ties with some companies in Serbia, had liberty to continue their cooperation. The export to Serbia and Montenegro was limited only to some "strategic" raw materials and products, such as petroleum. The Government also introduced its own currency, hrvatski dinar (HRD). One of the main achievements of the Government was that it avoided the transit to "war economy", in spite of the increased military spending. Since priority of the Croatian Government was determined by war, its activities gravitated towards repair of the enormous war damage in transport, utility and residential infrastructure. In the end of 1991 the Government established the Ministry of Reconstruction, while in the first half of 1992 the Government composed the Reconstruction Program and its Financial Plan that was adopted by the Croatian Parliament in June 1992. Nevertheless, because of the status quo imposed by the UNPROFOR, located on the occupied territories in Croatia, the reconstruction of the country began after the war had ended in 1995. Analyzed activities of the Government in the Defense policy, Foreign Affairs, as well as its Social and Economic policy raise the question of the Government's independence regarding Tuđman and Croatian Parliament. Considering the semi-presidential system, the Government was the executive authority of the president of the Republic and Croatian Parliament. Government also had legislative powers authorized by the Parliament, because in the wartime a great number of important decisions had to be made in a very short amount of time. The Government was not only the executive body of the President, but it also functioned as his close associate. That manifests mostly through the measures for emergency readiness in August and September 1991. Sometimes, the Government had to step out of its Constitutional powers if developments on the battlefield required it to, for example regarding the decisions about Vukovar, November 17 1991. Regarding activities of the Government in the researched areas, it can be concluded that Democratic Unity Government had a high level of autonomy, taking into account the existing semi-presidential system. Nevertheless, the powers of the Government were limited in the Defense policy and Forregin Affairs, while on the other hand, it had complete autonomy in Internal Affairs, in this case, in its Social and Economic politics. An issue that requires special consideration in this research regards the opposition in Croatia during the mandate of the Democratic Unity Government. Some claim that with forming of the multiparty Government, the opposition in Croatia "disappeared". The remark is understandable considering that all the parliament parties signed the Agreement of Democratic Unity Government, which marked their transition from the opposition to coalition partners. But, did the opposition really "disappeared" form Croatian political life? Numerous public appearances of various representatives of opposition parties and parties in general, indicate otherwise. Activity of the opposition at the Parliament sessions from October 1991 to May and June 1992 shows agility of the opposition life in Croatia. From the beginning of the Democratic Unity Government in August till October, the opposition parties didn't raise any questions in public about some decisions of the Croatian leadership, but from October began severe criticism towards Tuđman and the Government. Discontent was expressed primarily to the acceptance of the Carrington's arrangement in Hague. Criticism of Foreign Affairs arose also after the acceptance of the Vance plan. In the last six months of its mandate, the Government was exposed to various pressures from the opposition and from one part of the HDZ, which reinforced especially after the international recognition at the beginning of 1992. Some opposition and nonpartisan ministers left the Government, whereas in April 1992 there was the reconstruction of the Government which changed significantly the personnel composition of the Government, resulting in the increase of the HDZ members. It was obvious that it was not the exact same Government from the beginning of August 1991 and that its end was near. In the new elections held August 2 1992, the HDZ defeated its opponents and ten days later, new, One-party Government was formed. Establishment and presented activities of the Democratic Unity Government is the proof of the democratic system in Republic of Croatia at the beginning of 1990s and counter-argument for theses about Tuđman's authoritarian style of rule. A multiparty Government, whose prominent members were opposition representatives, couldn't have been formed in an undemocratic or authoritarian system. Forming of the Grand Coalition merely one year after HDZ had won the elections, provides a valuable contribution to the study of Tuđman's policy, shows larger picture of the Croatian leadership and opens the door for further research of Croatian political life in the early 1990s.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANegativna medijska kampanja usmjerena protiv šumara, a posebice na predstavnike trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o., traje neprestano već nekoliko godina, a intenzivnije unatrag dvije godine. Sve je eskaliralo nedavno aferom s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene. Mediji su se brže-bolje natjecali tko će više oblatiti pojedinačne i kolektivne vinovnike događaja. Temeljem paušalnih analiza zamjeralo se Hrvatskim šumama svašta, od privremenog neplaćanja šumskog doprinosa gradovima i općinama (u vrijeme kompletnog zastoja države uvjetovanog epidemijom koronavirusa ta namjenska sredstva ionako nitko nije mogao trošiti na izgradnju i održavanje šumskih cesta) do pripreme podizanja kredita za likvidnost tvrtke, koja je u sklopu pomoći pristala na produljenje roka plaćanja drvne industrije za isporučenu sirovinu sa 60 na 100 dana od dana izdavanja računa za sve isporuke od početka 2020. godine. Primjedbe na korištenje valjda najpoznatijega parafiskalnog nameta u Hrvata za usluge općekorisnih funkcija šuma ne treba ni spominjati, jer nema bitnijeg poduzetnika ili bilo kojeg političara koji u cilju pomoći gospodarstvu ne spomene smanjenje ili ukidanje toga. Laicima nije ni poznato da su Hrvatske šume svojim kriznim planom u potpunosti izbacile ovaj način financiranja gospodarenja šumama za 2020. godinu. U vrijeme korona krize to su vjerojatno bili najispravniji poslovni potezi u cilju sačuvanja vlastite zaposlenosti, zaposlenosti kupaca i dobavljača, kao i likvidnosti tvrtke. Koga to zanima kad čitatelje zanimaju negativne vijesti i afere. Većini njih također nije poznato da se šumarstvo uvijek u kriznim vremenima pobrinulo samo za sebe, ali i za druge koje je nosilo na svojim plećima. U svim krizama šumarstvo je pomagalo drvnoj industriji, pa i otpisivalo dugove u raznim državama i uređenjima koji su vladali na našem prostoru, ali i snosilo posljedice objektivnih i subjektivnih poslovnih rizika aktera u drvnom sektoru.Moć objavljenih tekstova na mrežnim stranicama i društ­ve­nim mrežama je velika. U kratkom vremenu dopire do velikog broja čitatelja. Većina tekstova objavljuju se kao bom­bastični naslovi i podnaslovi. Čitanjem sadržaja tek upućenijem čitatelju je jasno što ne odgovara istini. Obično se prema kraju članka sadržaj ublažava, ali to pročitaju najuporniji čitatelji, dok im u percepciji ostaju negativne informacije iz naslova i s početka teksta. Na društvenim mrežama javljaju se mnogi od pojedinaca do udruga, a dosta njih i anonimno te pisanjem svojih komentara stvaraju negativno ozračje o šumarskoj struci. Čitajući brojne napise stječe se dojam da su šumari jedan od većih problema Lijepe naše.Bolji poznavatelji prilika priznat će da je šumarstvo uz poljoprivredu nositelj opstanka preostalih ruralnih krajeva. Šumarstvo koje je najzastupljenije u ruralnim i manje razvijenim područjima osigurava egzistenciju zaposlenicima Hrvatskih šuma, zaposlenicima brojnih izvoditelja radova u šumarstvu te tvrtki i obrta u drvnom sektoru, posredno svima koji prodaju svoje proizvode drvnim tvrtkama, a čuvar je najvećeg dijela ekološke mreže Republike Hrvatske. Kroz zaštitu šuma i šumskih zemljišta od požara na krškom području važna je karika sačuvanja bioraznolikosti države, ali i kulise koja pomaže hrvatskoj grani gospodarstva od posebnog interesa – turizmu. U vrijeme Domovinskog rata šumarstvo je umjesto države gradilo i ceste kako bi povezalo dijelove Republike Hrvatske, gdje su nekada stanovnici putovali preko susjednih do matične države.U dragoj nam Hrvatskoj domovini danas postoji osam nacionalnih parkova i 11 parkova prirode u kojima je većina temeljnih fenomena šuma. Zaštita prirode u biti je sačuvana područja preuzela na upravljanje od šumara. Da se na tim područjima nije gospodarilo uz šumarske postulate i s ekološkim obzirom, ne bi se danas dičili s parkovima kao što su Plitvička jezera, Risnjak, Sjeverni Velebit ili Mljet. U krškom dijelu Hrvatske, gdje se nalazi većina zaštićenih parkova, nikad nije nestalo šume upravo zbog dva i pol stoljetnog gospodarenja s njom. Današnje generacije se ne sjećaju izgleda šuma u prijašnjim razdobljima. Većina najvrjednijih šuma hrasta lužnjaka posječena je kompletno između 1820-ih i 1920-ih godina. Danas stasaju nove generacije tih uzgojenih šuma koje su u biti proizvod hrvatskih šumara. Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata sjeklo se količinski skoro kao i danas, jer nije bilo drugih resursa pa se država obnavljala i dolazila do potrebnih financijskih sredstava. Uz sve to zahvaljujući mudrosti i radu više generacija šumara, današnja je pokrivenost države pod šumama 44 posto, a sa šumskim zemljištima i 49 posto. Nažalost, većina javnosti ne može shvatiti pojam vječnih šuma koje nisu stalno u istoj dobi, jer jednako kao i druga bića imaju svoje razvojne stadije. Njihova vječnost se proteže kroz slijed generacija šume. Sječa starih zrelih šumskih sastojina preduvjet je nove generacija šume kojoj se svi iskreni šumari najviše vesele, jer je uspješno napravljena smjena generacija i sačuvana opstojnost šume na istoj površini. Taj prijelaz je u nizinskim šumama vidljiviji, no postoje i gorske šume na kojima se tako očiti prijelaz ne vidi, pa to i promatračima manje upada u oko.Neupućeni ili zlonamjerni ne znaju ili zaboravljaju na desetljetne pritiske ponajprije na državno šumarstvo radi pogodovanja pojedincima i tvrtkama u cilju podizanja nekad više maslinika i vinograda, a danas više gradnji vjetroelektrana i pašarenja na obraslim i neobraslim šumskim zemljištima. Hrvatski šumari baštine pojam potrajnog gospodarenja, pojma danas poznatijeg kao održivo gospodarenja, kojim su se borili da se površine pod šumom ne smanjuju. Tako, ako se u funkciji razvoja kojemu se nitko pametan neće protiviti ako je održiv i racionalan, negdje i krče šume radi prenamjene odobrene prostornim planom, smanjena površina pod šumama se nadoknađuje podizanjem nove šume na drugom mjestu. Koliko god se državno šumarstvo najčešće smatralo kočničarem razvoja, ono je zapravo bilo branitelj zakonskog djelovanja, dok su često pa i danas neki investitori, ali i državne institucije, vršili pritisak ubrzavajući proceduru u svoju korist bez pravne podloge. Hrvatske šume d.o.o. sa svim svojim prednostima i manama samo su dio slike koju danas imamo u Republici Hrvatskoj. Način kadroviranja i upravljanja jednak je kao i u ostalim javnim poduzećima i trgovačkim društvima u većinskom državnom vlasništvu. Kao u svakoj struci postoje previdi i pogreške, ali postulati hrvatskoga šumarstva su isprobani i dokazani kroz više od 250 godina. Današnje manje kvalitetne izvedbe u pojedinim šumama posljedica su raznih faktora i ne razlikuju se od pogrešaka koje se u svim djelatnostima događaju (zar se djelomično pogrešno ne obavi operacija, sagradi zgrada ili sastavi stroj?). Čak i u recentnom slučaju s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene Hrvatske šume d.o.o. pozitivno su odradile svoju zadaću naplatom duga investitoru za služnost ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'HR','u iznosu prema pravilniku važećem u vremenu pokretanja investicije. Hrvatske šume većinom su u svom djelovanju između čekića i nakovnja, s jedne strane pritisak korisnika drvne sirovine za što većom sječom i proizvedenom i plasiranom količinom ili korisnika prostora preko služnosti ili zakupa, a s druge strane sve veći pritisak za zaštitom staništa i jedinki što usložnjava i poskupljuje proizvodnju.Resorno ministarstvo, koje osim što je krajem 2011. godine prvi put nakon 1919. godine ispustilo u svom imenu naziv šumarstva, uz taj simbolički čin postalo je maćeha vlastitom čedu, budući resorni ministar/ministrica kao jednočlana skupština trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o. svojim nalozima prema upravi toga Društva djeluju u korist svih aspiranata na sve vrste proizvoda i usluga iz šume i šumskoga zemljišta. Tako se najvrjedniji trupci prodaju po dogovornim cijenama, koje već dugi niz godina nisu usklađene s tržišnim, čak ni s manje razvijenim susjednim zemljama, ogrjevno drvo i drvni ostaci se prodaju po dugogodišnjim ugovorima, bez obzira na promjene tržišnih uvjeta, a neobraslo šumsko zemljište, čak i tartufi, moraju se prepustiti svakome tko zaželi, čak i ako se ne pridržava zakonske regulative.Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo učestalo ističe politizaciju cijeloga sustava kao jedan od najvećih problema našega društva. Politike mijenjaju kompletne Uprave društva, garnirane s većom ili manjom kvotom uhljeba, svake četiri godine, a ponekad i u kraćim terminima. Tako postavljena vodstva dužna su provoditi naloge te iste politike, pa bile one i protuzakonite. Na taj se način tvrtke, kao u našem slučaju Hrvatske šume d.o.o., povlače po medijima kao kriminalne organizacije, ili se čak protiv njih organiziraju javni prosvjedi. Kako se pritom osjećaju zaposlenici, naše kolege koji s ljubavlju i odgovorno obavljaju svoj posao, možemo naslutiti?Prateći sva zbivanja postoji bojazan da se ne priprema teren kako bi se državne šume dale u koncesiju nakon što se trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume proglase nesposobnim za upravljanje. Na brojnim primjerima poznato je kako koncesije uglavnom donose samo eksploataciju bez ulaganja u šume. Većina europskih država bogatih šumama imaju jake svoje državne tvrtke za gospodarenje državnim šumama i čuvari su tih šuma, ali i prostora kao i života na njima.Svrha ovoga teksta nije obrana bilo koga unaprijed, jer o nečijoj nevinosti i krivnji odlučivat će institucije kojima je to posao. U državi gdje se vode mnoge besplodne rasprave, koje se većinom tiču prošlosti, treba početi racionalnije sagledavati sadašnjost i ne povoditi se za huškačkom histerijom. Potrebno je popuštati okove politike i prepuštati struci da radi ono što najbolje zna, a to je u šumarstvu gospodarenje šumama i šumskim zemljištima. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe negative media campaign directed against foresters, and particularly against the representatives of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, has been going on for several years and has gained in intensity in the past two years. It all escalated recently with the scandal concerning the wind power plant Krš-Pađene. The media rushed to smear individual and collective entities involved in the event. Based on impromptu analyses the company Croatian Forests was criticised for all kinds of things, including temporary non-payment of forest contributions to cities and municipalities (at the time when the state was at a complete standstill due to the coronavirus epidemics these earmarked funds could not be spent on the construction and maintenance of forest roads anyway), as well as raising a loan to boost the company's liquidity. Namely, the company agreed to extend the payment period of the wood industry for the delivered raw material from 60 to 100 days from the date of issuing the invoice for all deliveries from the beginning of the year 2020. Let us not even mention all those remarks on the use of probably the most well-known parafiscal levy in Croatia related to non-market forest functions. There is not one entrepreneur or politician who has not requested the reduction or abolition of this levy as a way of helping the economy. Lay people are not even aware of the fact that the crisis plan of Croatian Forests envisages complete elimination of this form of financing forest management for 2020. At the time of the coronavirus crisis these are probably the best business moves aimed at preserving employment in the company, employment of the customers and suppliers, as well as the company's liquidity. But who wants to read about this when negative news and scandals are much more interesting? Most people do not know either that at times of crises forestry has always taken care not only of itself but also of others dependent on it. In all crises forestry has helped the wood industry, written off debts of various states and political systems reigning in these areas, but also borne the consequences of objective and subjective business risks of those working in the wood sector.The power of the texts published on websites and social networks is enormous. They reach large numbers of readers in a very short time. The majority of the published texts feature bombastic headlines and sub headlines. Only when the whole text is read does it transpire what is the truth and what is not. Usually the content of an article is softened towards the end, but the whole article is read only by the most persevering reader, while the majority retain only the negative information from the headlines and the beginning of the text. Social networks are full of individuals and associations whose comments, often anonymous, create a negative image of the forestry profession. All these comments give an impression that foresters are one of the biggest problems of Our Beautiful Homeland.Those better acquainted with the situation realize that forestry and agriculture are the pillars of survival in the remaining rural areas. Forestry, which is most represented in rural and less developed areas, provides a livelihood for employees of Croatian Forests, employees of numerous contractors in forestry and companies and crafts in the wood sector, and indirectly of all those who sell their products to wood companies. Forestry also guards and cares about the largest part of the ecological network in the Republic of Croatia. By protecting forests and forestland from fires in karst areas it forms an important link in the conservation of biodiversity in the state, but also creates a setting which helps the Croatian economic branch of particular interest - tourism. During the Homeland War it was forestry professionals who constructed roads needed to connect parts of the Republic of Croatia at the time when residents had to travel through neighbouring countries in order to reach their home country.In our beloved homeland there are eight national parks and eleven nature parks in which forests constitute the basic phenomena. Basically, nature conservation has taken over the preserved areas for management from foresters. If these areas had not been managed according to forestry postulates and ecological considerations, we would not be able to boast of parks such as Plitvice Lakes, Risnjak, North Velebit and Mljet. In the karst part of Croatia, where the majority of protected parks are located, forests have never disappeared thanks to two and a half century long forest management. Present day generations do not know what forests looked like in earlier periods. The majority of the most valuable forests of pedunculate oak were completely cut down between the 1820s and 1920s. Today we witness the growth of new generations of managed forests, which are essentially the product of Croatian foresters. After World War Two the quantities of forests that were cut down almost equalled present day quantities because there were no other resources and the state needed the necessary financial means for rebuilding and renovation. Moreover, thanks to the wisdom and hard work of several generations of foresters, the present forest cover in Croatia amounts to 44 percent and forestland to 49 percent. Regrettably, most people do not comprehend the concept of eternal forests, which are not always of the same age, because just like other beings they have their development stages. Their eternity extends through generations of forests. Cutting down old, mature forest stands opens the door to a new generation of a forest, and all foresters rejoice in it because it testifies to a successful change of generations and the survival of the forest in the same area. This transition is visible in lowland forests, but there are also mountain forests in which such an obvious transition is not striking, so it is less noticeable to observers.Those less well informed or malicious do not know about or close their eyes to decades of pressures on the state forestry. These pressures are aimed at enabling individuals and companies to receive different benefits: in the past it was olive groves and vineyards, today it is the construction of wind power stations and grazing in vegetation-covered or bare forest areas. Croatian foresters staunchly adhere to the concept of sustainable management, under which they fight against reducing forested areas. Thus, if forests are sometimes cut down for conversion purposes as regulated by spatial plans, reduced forested areas are immediately replaced with new forests in another place. Although state forestry has often been thought as a hindrance to development, it has in fact defended lawful activities in circumstances in which some investors, as well as state institutions, have exerted pressure by speeding up the procedure in their favour without any legal basis. ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'EN','The company Croatian Forests Ltd, with all its strengths and weaknesses, is only a part of the overall picture in the Republic of Croatia. Personnel recruitment and management is the same as in other public companies and state-owned companies. Just like in any other profession, there are omissions and mistakes, but one things is always the same: the postulates of Croatian forestry have been tested and verified for over 250 years. Present-day activities of lesser quality in some forests are the consequence of various factors and they do not differ from mistakes taking place in all other professional spheres (is not it true that sometimes a surgical operation may go wrong, or a building can be poorly constructed or a piece of machinery badly assembled?). Even in the most recent case of the Krš-Pađene wind power station, Croatian Forests Ltd have done their homework well by collecting the debt to the investor for easement in the amount according to the regulations valid at the time of starting the investment. In most of its activities Croatian Forests Ltd are between the hammer and the anvil: on the one hand, there is constant pressure by users of wood resources for more felling and more produced and sold quantities, and on the other, there is growing pressure to protect habitats and species, which all makes production more complex and more expensive. The relevant ministry, in addition to dropping the word forestry from its name at the end of 2011 for the first time after 1919, has also become an evil stepmother to its own child, since the line minister, as a one-member assembly of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, by his/her orders to the Company management acts to benefit all aspirants to receive all kinds of products and services from forests and forestland. Thus, the most valuable logs are sold at negotiated prices which have for years been out of touch with market conditions, fuel wood and wood residues are sold under long-term contracts regardless of changed market conditions, and bare forest land, and even truffles, must be given over to anyone who wants them, even if legal regulations are not complied with. The Croatian Forestry Association frequently points out that politicization of the entire system is one of the biggest problems of our society. Entire company managements are changed by politics every four or fewer years and nepotism is an inherent part of the system. Managements installed by politics in this way are forced to carry out the orders of the same policies, even if they are illegal. This is how companies, in our case Croatian Forests Ltd, are dragged through the media as criminal organisations; even public protests are organized against them. Can we even guess how the employees, our colleagues who do their jobs responsibly and lovingly, feel?All these events raise fears of the terrain being prepared for giving state forests for concession after the company Croatian Forests is declared incapable of forest management. There are many examples of concessions generating exploitation of forests without any investments in them. The majority of European countries with abundant forest areas have strong state companies which manage and guard state forests, their areas and the life in them.This text does not aim to defend anybody in advance: someone's innocence or guilt will be decided on by relevant institutions. In the state in which fruitless debates about the past are held, it is time to turn to the present in a more rational manner and not succumb to harangues and hysteria. Politics should loosen its grip and leave it to the profession to do what it knows best: in the case of forestry, it is the management of forests and forestland.Editorial Board

U istraživanjima kasnosrednjovjekovnoga dvora knezova Iločkih pronađena je raznovrsna antička materijalna ostavština koja obogaćuje dosadašnje skromne spoznaje o Cucciumu i limesu u hrvatskome Podunavlju. U iskopavanjima 2002. godine otkriven je paljevinski grob s drvenom arhitekturom u kojem su se nalazili prilozi dvojakoga podrijetla. Autohtono podrijetlo u latenskoj kulturi mlađega željeznoga doba pokazuju lonci zaobljenoga tijela izrađeni rukom i zdjela S-profilacije. Sjevernoitalskoga podrijetla su zdjelica tankih stijenki, keramička svjetiljka, staklena posuda te ostali prilozi koji zajedno s Klaudijevim novcem datiraju grob u sredinu 1. st. Na osnovi nalaza posuda izrađenih u latenskim tradicijama pretpostavlja se kako je u grobu bila pokopana osoba starosjedilačkoga podrijetla, dok importirani prilozi svjedoče o ranoj romanizaciji južne Panonije i dunavskoga limesa. O postojanju složenoga pogrebnoga rituala svjedoče izdvojeni ostaci kultiviranih biljaka domaćega i uvoznoga podrijetla koje su bile položene u lonce. ; The high Danube bank near Ilok, which is situated on the western slopes of Fruška gora, was continuously settled in all prehistoric periods, and after that - as the finds analyzed herein indicate - in the Roman time, but Ilok experienced its peak in the Late Middle Ages, in the period of Nikola and his son Lovro. The beginning of excavations in Ilok's upper town is particularly significant for reveal of the topography of Roman Ilok, which remained almost completely unknown due to a small number of finds. Data about the Roman settlement of Ilok (Cuccium) are preserved in several Itineraries, with different forms for the settlement's name. Thus Notitia Dignitatum mentions two cavalry units, Cuneus equitum Promotorum and Equites Sagittarii, in Cuccium of the 4th century. The excavations of the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb began in 2001 in the extension of the eastern wing of Odescalchi Castle, to be continued in 2002 towards the west to encompass the lawn in front of the castle (Fig. 1). In preloess layer SJ 224 (10YR 4/3) in the southern part of the excavated area, filling SJ 229 was isolated. This filling is the first in a number of preserved fillings of the larger prehistoric pit SJ 306 which by finds was dated to the beginning of the Early Iron Age. In prehistoric filling SJ 229 another younger rectangular filling SJ 230 (5Y 4/3) was identified, whose western edge was damaged by recent burial in lime pit SJ 216, whereas the southern part lies outside the margin of the excavated area. Filling SJ 230 is part of the Early Roman grave SJ 273. Along the southern profile of the dig in filling SJ 230 a smaller burial SJ 270 and filling SJ 269, which caused no major damage to the grave (Fig. 5), were identified. The bottom of the grave with finds remained preserved, and the lack of incinerated human remains is possibly due to the fact that they are situated in the southern part of the grave, which has not yet been excavated, even though it is highly possible that they were destroyed in an earlier intervention in the grave filling. All grave goods were found in the eastern part of the grave (Fig. 2, Fig. 4). In the middle of the grave, close to the top of SJ 230, a hollow shafted iron axe (Pl. 2, 7) was found, which on account of its position compared to other finds is supposed to have entered the grave by digging through the older prehistoric strata, thus not belonging to the grave goods. On the bottom of the grave, filling SJ 268 (2.5Y 5/6) was isolated which belongs to the thin layer of preserved wooden architecture (Fig. 2-3), on whose remains in the north-eastern corner of the grave two hand-made pots with a rounded body and a flat rim and bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2) were found, as well as fragments of a wheel-made bowl with an S profile (Pl. 2, 1). In the corner of the grave, fragments of a dark-grey bowl with thin walls (Pl. 2, 6) and a play-token of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1) were found. A part of the bowl was also in a pot laid slightly more to the south (Pl. 1, 2). Around both pots numerous seeds were identified, which is why the complete content of the filling around the vessels and their filling is flotated. In the eastern part of the grave there were fragments of a glass vessel, probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4). Fragments of a ceramic lamp (Pl. 2, 5), a bronze earring (Pl. 1, 3), a fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) and an iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) were found in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave. Also in that part of the grave a bronze artefact, which probably represents a vessel's handle fastening system (Pl. 1, 4), and Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6) were found. Beneath the remains of planks, filling SJ 272 (5Y 5/4) was isolated, which contained no grave goods. The excavated part of grave SJ 273 is rectangular-shaped with rounded corners with dimensions of 2.12 m (W-E) and 1.88 m (N-S up to the dig profile). The results of research indicate that all the grave goods were lain on the bottom of a wooden case, the existence of which is proved not only by SJ 268, but also by four uncovered post holes, one in each corner (SJ 277 and SJ 295), and two more in the middle of the western and eastern side of the grave respectively (SJ 275 and SJ 293). Although the southern part of the grave was not excavated, it can be assumed that post holes were in the south-eastern and southwestern corner of the grave. All the holes are quadrangular, and in the bottom part they become octagonal to make post driving easier. The results of floatation of part of the filling around the ceramic vessels laying in the north-eastern part of the grave and the filling of pots indicated the existence of a complex funeral custom which is reflected in the presence of a relatively large number of isolated cultivated plants. Archaeobotanical analysis showed that among grave goods there were cereals (barley, millet, and different types of wheat), leguminous plants (lentil and vetch) as well as a large number of "fruit" objects (melon/cucumber, fig, apple/pear cherry/sour cherry/sloe, plum, elder and vine grape). The fig and probably the melon were imported to the Ilok since they are cultivated in warmer (sub)Mediterranean areas, whereas the other sorts were probably cultivated in the surroundings of Ilok. All of the cereals and vetch are carbonized, i.e. they were intentionally or unintentionally burned. Apparently they were laid onto a funeral pile. The remaining "fruit" finds were calcified, i.e. they were laid into the grave fresh or dried, probably when laying the human remains and other grave goods. With the exception of the fig, which had to be dried due to long transport from the Mediterranean region, the remaining fruits could have been laid fresh. Apples, pears, plums, sour berries and elder berries as well as vine grapes and melons ripen at the same time of the year, i.e. in the early autumn, which suggests that the burial took place in that season. Still one has to keep in mind that "fruit" objects could have been kept in dried state for a relatively long time. The remains of a Roman grave were found in the excavations of 2002, indicating the existence of a cemetery, which had been unknown until now. The grave contained a cremation burial, with grave goods that were laid on the bottom in the north-eastern corner and along the eastern side of the wooden case, rectangular in shape, which was probably made of oak wood (Fig. 4). The answers to questions on the chronological position, ethnic determination and the origin of the finds shall be given after an analysis of the grave goods, which can be divided in two groups, the first represented by three ceramic vessels made following the tradition of the La Tène culture, and the other group of finds which are northern Italic imports and which, along with the coin, make dating of the grave possible. These finds consist of a ceramic bowl with thin walls, a glass vessel, a ceramic lamp, a bronze earring and a glass paste play-token. The same origin can be assumed concerning the finds that were preserved only in fragments such as a bronze handle fastening system of a vessel and a needle. On the basis of their shape and technological characteristics, the two hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the wheel-made, S-profiled bowl are connected with the tradition of the La Tène culture. The dark grey to dark brown pots with an admixture of quartz and chuff in abundance, have a rounded body, a flat rim beneath which there is a horizontal groove and a flat bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2). These are situla form pots, for which there are numerous parallels in the Late La Tène Scordiscs settlements in eastern Slavonia and Syrmia, found also in Early Roman strata and graves. Of similar origin is also the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl with a rich admixture of quartz (Pl. 2, 1) that was also found in the north-eastern corner of the grave. The hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the S-profiled bowl represent the Late La Tène heritage of the Scordiscs and testify to the presence of an autochthonous population in the Early Roman sites of the 1st century, whose traditions are the strongest in the shapes, techniques and methods of decorating coarse pottery. As indicated by the finds from the settlement layers in Vinkovci, Osijek and Srijemska Mitrovica, the local craftsmen continued the production of recognizable shapes, thus satisfying the needs of the indigenous population. Those forms were decorated by familiar motifs by applying combed or broom-shaped ornaments and by polishing. Ceramic ware with autochthonous features was preserved until the period of the Flavians, suggesting the existence of indigenous peregrine communities which preserved the achievements of their own material culture up until the end of the 1st century, but due to intensified romanization in the 2nd century this autochthonous trait The second and larger group of finds from the grave testifying to the romanization of the indigenous population of Cuccium. This group consists of Early Roman import artefacts, which arrived at Limes by the well-known Sava valley trade route from the northern Italic region. The dark grey bowl with thin walls and two horizontal ribs (Pl. 2, 6), the ceramic lamp with a voluted nose and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5), and a glass vessel, most probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4) represent imported grave goods which are not only chronologically sensitive but also point to the direction of the cultural and economic effects of the Roman conquest of the Drava, Sava and Danube interfluve. Ceramic ware with thin walls appeared in the eastern Alps and the middle Danube in the Tiberian period along with Padanian sigillata at the time of the first military conquests. Different shapes and ornamentation methods were identified, of which bowls decorated in barbotine technique are the largest in number. Typical of southern Pannonia is intensive import in the Claudius-Flavius period, when the peak of production was achieved. With the Flavian period, the production in the local workshops of Sirmium, Emona and on Gomolava began, in which shapes, ornaments and facture of the imported specimens were imitated. At the end of the 1st century the quality and the number of vessels with thin walls declined, but their production continued until the middle of the 2nd century. The ceramic lamp with reddish-brown coating and volute nose, two grooves on its shoulder and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5) is also of northern Italic origin; its fragments were found at the eastern margin of the grave. The lamp find, along with other imports, suggests the acceptance of Roman lifestyle traditions and funeral customs. The described lamp belongs to the Iványi I type, which encompasses specimens with volute triangle-shaped nose, a relief figure in the middle concentric grooves on the rim. According to D. Iványi's classification, the lamp from Ilok belongs to the third type, its basic feature being a broader voluted nose dated to about the middle and the last quarter of the 1st century or to the 2nd century. According to Loeschcke's classification of ceramic lamps with an angular nose and volutes, the Ilok find corresponds to type I, variation b, characterized by a somewhat narrower top of the nose than with lamps having volutes, whereas the shoulder profile with two grooves is of type IIb. The angular ceramic lamps with volutes of the Iványi I, or Loeschcke I type, from Pannonian sites, represent a northern Italic import from the beginning of the 1st century, when they arrived along with the Arentino and northern Italic sigillata of the Augustan and Tiberian periods. The finds of voluted lamps, as well as of ceramic ware with thin walls, in military camps on the Danube (Zemun, Novi Banovci, Surduk) prove that they were imported to satisfied the needs of the army, but also for the higher social class of the autochthonous population, as indicated by the richly cremation grave from Ilok. Production in local Pannonian workshops began in the second half of the 1st century, as finds of moulds in Sirmium, Mursa and Poetovio suggest. Their occurrence in south Pannonian sites can be followed also in the 2nd century, up to the beginning of the 3rd. The smaller vessel, probably a funnel or a glass, made of greenish glass with a horizontally inverted rim (Pl. 2, 4), the fragments of which were found along the eastern margin of the grave, also suggests northern Italic origin. Just like the voluted lamp and the bowl with thin walls, the vessel came to the Danube limes through Aquileia, which in the 1st-2nd centuries was an important production center, but at the same time it was a commercial port for goods coming from other production centers, from where it was imported into the eastern Alpine and Danube regions. In the north-eastern corner of the grave there was also a play-token made of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1), which is supposed to have served for playing and which was dated to the 1st century. In the grave, a greenish glass bead was found as well (Pl. 2, 3). Metal grave goods and coin were preserved (Fig. 4) in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave, on the remains of poorly preserved wooden planks. The little bronze74 ring with an irregular rectangular cross-section has its one terminal looped, whereas its other terminal is missing (Pl. 1, 3). Its description corresponds with the type of Roman bronze earrings in the shape of wired annulets with different cross sections, with looped or clipped terminals. Simple earrings in the form of a wired ring that used to close by inserting the small hook through the loop were documented in a longer period, and they differ according to the shape of the pendant hanging from the ring, whose shape remained almost unchanged. The fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) was probably part of a bronze fibula. In the immediate vicinity of the earring there was another object, the function of which is not sufficiently clear. It might have been a handle fastening system of a bronze vessel (Pl. 1, 4) consisting of a leaned ring with an oval outline and a round cross-section, beneath which there is trifoliate sheet metal with rectangular terminals and a rivet hole in the upper part. The ring is separated from the bottom part by a rib, on which there are two horizontal grooves. In the immediate vicinity, a smaller iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) was found with a short spike with a rectangular cross-section that might have served for fastening a handle. Apart from the described finds, another import in the grave are also the remains of the fig and the melon, found along with other archaeobotanical samples in the north-eastern part of the grave and in the fillings of both pots. The figs could not be cultivated in the southern Pannonian area due to inclement climatic conditions. Since figs could not have been kept fresh for a long time, it was not possible to transport the fruits across larger distances, therefore probably the figs arrived to Cuccium dried. The figs, along with the remaining ceramic and glass finds, were imported for the needs of the settled Italic, but also indigenous population, who were not unfamiliar with Italic goods. The largest part of archaeobotanical artefacts accounts for wine grape seeds. The question of the origin and cultivation of wine among the Illyrians with the mentioned antique sources was thoroughly analysed by M. Zaninović. The Pannonian production of small quantities of wine and the bad quality of its production is mentioned by Dion Cassius (49.36.2), which is also confirmed by Strabo's quote (VII.5.10) that the regions above Dalmatia are mountainous and cold and that vineyards can seldom be found there. The finds of amphorae dated in the beginning of the 1st century, which came along with the wine across Aquileia, testify to imports of wine to Sirmium, which was supported by settled Italics and by the indigenous population. Wine cultivation in Pannonia was intensified in the second half of the 3rd century, in the period of Probus, when soldiers planted selected grapes on the slopes of Fruška gora (Almus Mons). The discovery of grape seeds in pots in the grave in Ilok prove the earlier existence of vineyards on the western slopes of Fruška gora already in the 1st century, although it is possible that the tradition of wine cultivation in the Ilok region is considerably older. The laying of different kinds of cereals and fruits combined with ceramic and glass vessels of twofold origin into the grave suggests the existence of a complex funeral rite, which is still inadequately understood in the southern Pannonian territory in the Early Roman period. Numerous parallels to all described finds from the grave in Ilok were documented in the Danube region, which enable the dating of the grave in the middle of the 1st century. This is also confirmed by the find of Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6). Although the grave has not been completely excavated, the grave goods and remains of grave architecture enriched the existing understanding of the process of romanization of the Croatian Danube region, testifying to the relation of the indigenous population towards the newly arrived achievements of the Roman culture. Of particular importance for the ethnic determination of the burial are three ceramic vessels from the northeastern corner of the grave, two hand-made pots with a rounded body (Pl. 1, 1-2) and the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl (Pl. 2, 1). The described vessels can be compared with the material heritage of the La Tène culture, which in the middle Danube is connected with the Scordiscs. In the described shapes, the continuation of pottery traditions of the indigenous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population is visible, which in the 1st century formed an important ethnic component of the southern part of Roman Pannonia. The second group of finds that suggests northern Italic origin points to the direction of the new ethnic, cultural and economic influences on the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the process of early romanization. Numerous parallels with Early Roman cremation burials from Syrmia, in which ceramic finds produced following La Tène traditions were found, indicate a strong tradition of the autochthonous population up until the end of the 1st century. This means that the mixed Celtic-Pannonian population living in the territory of the middle Danube played an important role in the process of early romanization and formed a constituent part of the ethnic corps of the newly conquered part of southern Pannonia. The indigenous population in larger centers that emerged from Late La Tène protourbane centers, was exposed to more intensive and rapid romanization by the settling Italic population and veterans and common imports, which was accompanied by the achievements of the Roman way of life. Rural Late La Tène communities long held the features of their own material culture, accepting only some of the achievements of the newly founded Roman provincial culture. In the grave in Ilok, imported objects suggesting northern Italic origin were found as well, and they came to the middle Danube by a trade route that was in function earlier – along the Sava River, where in the 1st century BC certain goods were transported for the Scordiscs. This is shown by numerous finds of bronze vessels of northern Italic origin, which in the sites of La Tène culture in eastern Slavonia occur in graves and in the most important fortified settlements such as Dalj, Sotin, Vinkovci and Orolik. The import of bronze vessels took place from Aquileia through Nauportus and Emona, from where along the Sava over Segestica it came to the middle Danube. Strabo (4.6.10; 5.1.8; 7.5.2) described this important prehistoric communication, and the described trade route is also supported by finds of coins from Appolonia and Dyrrhachion, as well as of Roman Republican coins. The use of the well-known trade route, along the Sava towards the East, continued also in the Early Roman period, when Aquileia was the most significant center of the export of pottery with thin walls, terra sigillatae and glass vessels on the markets of Pannonia and Noricum. It can be claimed with certainty that Tiberius' conquest of the eastern part of the Interfluve came running across the Sava valley. The understanding of events after the Roman conquest of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia is weak due to a lack of site excavations, on which the process of romanization that had started could be followed. Although there were significant military bases of the Danube Limes in the described territory, as well as larger civic settlements in its hinterland, such as Mursa and Cibalae, the material heritage of the first decades of the 1st century is little known. What all the Roman centers in the territory of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia have in common is that they were erected either in the most significant Late La Tène centers, or in their vicinity. In all mentioned sites, on the Limes as well as in its hinterland, in the Early Roman layers dated to the 1st century, shapes that suggest the continuity of the Late La Tène material heritage prevail. In the first line, the early Roman import was directed to significant Late La Tène Scordisc settlements, where along with ceramic forms made in autochthonous traditions a northern Italic import of the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods occurred. Within the study of imported ceramic vessels, the presence of auxiliary military units, the arrival of merchants and settlements of Italics already in the early 1st century were identified. On the sites along the Limes, northern Italic imports from the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods was not rich in numbers. In the Julian-Claudian period, only auxiliary military units controlling the border existed along the Danube in mobile camps. Imports became more intense only in the Flavian period, when the military units came to the Danube and erected permanent fortresses. This also intensified the romanization of the indigenous population, which was also advanced by the recruitment of the autochthonous population to auxiliary units. Military units were always followed by merchants who satisfied their needs, but also the needs of settled Italics, as well as the upper class of the indigenous population, to whom those goods were not unknown, with imported goods. The Roman merchants were familiar with the circumstances on the market of the Drava-Sava-Danube interfluve and they were the advance contingent of the Roman conquest. The quote of Velleius Paterculus (II.110) that at the beginning of the rebellion in Pannonia and Dalmatia many merchants were killed testifies to the early presence of Roman merchants in this interfluve zone. If one would try to closer determine the ethnicity of the grave found in Ilok, one should look for the answer in Roman antiquity sources dealing with the ethnic structure of the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the pre-Roman period and immediately after the conquest. The middle Danube in the Late Iron Age was populated by the Scordiscs, and after the conquest Roman sources mention some new communities. Thus, in the territory of the Croatian Danube area the Cornacates are mentioned, which Pliny the Elder mentions in his alphabetic index of the communities settled in Pannonia (N.H. III. 148). Since on that occasion communities from the territory of Transdanubia are mentioned as well, which were definitely conquered as late as in the Claudius period, the information on the Cornacates, to whom Cuccium is assigned, corresponds with the time to which the grave from Ilok is dated. The Cornacates as a peregrine community of Celtic-Pannonian origin were settled in the territory along the Danube in the surroundings of Vukovar up to Ilok. The western border towards neighbors - the Breuci - must have been around Vukovar and Negoslavci, where two military diplomas were found, issued to veterans of Breuci origin. The second possibility is that the Cornacates were only the citizens of the settlement Cornacum. Evidence supporting this statement is also found in Pliny's statement (N.H. III. 148) that Sirmium was an oppidum and a community of the Sirmienses and Amantinis, where under the Sirmienses exclusively the citizens of the settlement, which was the center of the Amantinian community, are meant. The final answer to the question whether the Cornacates lived in the territory of Ilok will be found only by an epigraphic find. The results of excavations of the castle of the Ilok in 2001 and 2002 extended the present-day understanding of the topography of Cuccium, and the discovery of the Early Roman cremation grave gave an insight into the process of early romanization of the Limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region. The Roman settlement laid more to the west than the late medieval palace of the Ilok princes, whereas graves were situated along the roads that led from the settlement, grave sites being indicated by finds of Late Antiquity sarcophagi and brick tombs to the south of today's Ilok. A grave was found to the west of the settlement, on the site of the present Ilok fortress, suggesting the existence of an Early Roman cemetery, where the indigenous population was buried. The finds of two hand-made pots with a rounded body and the wheel-made S-profiled bowl testify to this, indicating a strong tradition of the La Tène culture. The shape of the grave with the remains of a wooden cast has up to the present not been identified at the known Late La Tène Scordisc graves, therefore the question of its origin remains open. The second group of grave goods of northern Italic origin, represented by the bowl with thin walls, the lamp with the volute nose, the glass vessel and other metal and glass finds, points to the romanization of the encountered indigenous population, at the same time, based on the coin finds, dating the grave in the time of Claudius, in the middle of the 1st century. The discovery of the remains of different cultivated plants, out of which some show traces of incineration in and around both pots, testifies to the existence of a complex funeral rite in which, same as in the finds, the traditions of the newly arrived Roman culture intermingle with the material heritage of the autochthonous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population. It is highly conceivable that future research in Ilok shall expand the scarce understanding of the process of romanization and life along the limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region.