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This controversial book shows that there is more to economics than dry models and esoteric equations. By investigating the rise and fall of postwar Keynesianism and focusing on the experience of the United States, the author adopts an interdisciplinary approach to show that economics is rooted in the flesh and blood history of social conflict. This timely study concludes with a discussion of the viability of Keynesianism today, in the context of recurrent crisis in the global economy and the rise of new social movements.

Cross-cutting cleavages do seem to help moderate social conflict.1 This can be explained in either of two ways. One argument focuses on the logic of electoral competition. Where parties must appeal to an electorate with diverse tastes along many dimensions, politicians must take moderate positions (defined as near the median voter) in most dimensions of cleavage if they are to win. A socialist party which draws its support from both Protestants and Catholics cannot take extreme positions on the religious question without alienating potential supporters and jeopardizing its electoral chances.2

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to examine the claims made for the potential of sports such as cricket to reduce social conflict and engender peace.Design/methodology/approach– The use of an Eliasian sociological perspective to analyze historical documentary sources and contemporary media analyses of narratives of the role of violence and its regulation in cricket.Findings– Violence and its regulation interweave with the broader development of cricket and remain central concerns in status conflicts between competing social groups involved in the game. This ranges from evidence of an increasing internalization of expectations regarding the regulation of violence to the stratification of social groups according to beliefs about differing uses of and attitudes towards violence.Originality/value– This paper provides the first long-term analysis of violence trends in relation to cricket, and provides clarification of some problematic aspects of Elias' sociological framework.

Social conflict in postcrisis Argentina can be divided into three kinds: that concentrating on land issues and the ability to subsist beyond the market, that confronting the environmental degradation resulting from mining, and that focused on the current dilemmas of labor and union organization. Workers did not disappear as collective subjects in conflict but, starting from their positions in production or in "unproductive" activities such as government services, challenged the dynamics of capital from both old and new social spaces. Their singular practices are part of the conflictual scenario that Our America is currently experiencing and of the resistance in the region that brings new urgency to "living with dignity." El conflicto social en la Argentina posterior a la crisis se puede dividir en tres tipos: el que se centra en cuestiones de la tierra y la capacidad de subsistir más allá del mercado, el que enfrenta la degradación ambiental resultante de la minería, y el que se centró en los dilemas actuales de la organización laboral y sindical. Los trabajadores no desaparecieron como sujetos colectivos en conflicto, sino que, a partir de sus posiciones en la producción o en actividades "improductivas," tales como los servicios públicos, desafiarion la dinámica del capital de los viejos y nuevos espacios sociales. Sus prácticas singulares son parte del escenario conflictivo que Nuestra América está viviendo y de la resistencia en la región, que trae una nueva urgencia a "vivir con dignidad."

This paper investigates the empirical role of violent conflicts for the causal effect of democracy on economic growth. Exploiting within-country variation to identify the effect of democratization during the Third Wave, we find evidence that the effect of democratization is weaker than reported previously once one accounts for the incidence of conflict, while the incidence of conflict itself significantly reduces growth. The results show in turn that permanent democratic transitions significantly reduce the incidence and onset of conflict, which suggests that part of the positive growth effect of democratization arises because democratization reduces conflict incidence. When accounting for the role of violence during democratization, we find evidence that peaceful transitions to democracy have a significant positive effect on growth that is even larger than reported in the previous literature, while violent transitions to democracy have no, or even negative, effects on economic growth.

The background of this research is the conflict began with an inharmony between political party leaders and legislators, especially those who have become legislative members and intend to advance again as legislative candidates from the same party. It aims to provide solutions for political parties in the election nomination. It reveals conflict in the preparation of candidates in the elections of 2019. Researchers collect data from political party information and media coverage by comparing news. The method is qualitative with analysis using Paul Conn's conflict structure theory to produce alternative solutions. The results is a difference in expectations and designs between political party leaders and incumbent legislators, according to political party leaders that legislative incumbents need to have an evaluation so they are displaced from candidates for those who were not optimally fighting for political parties, different perspectives of incumbent legislators because they feel have struggled be serious and prepare for second (more) contestation. The legislative incumbent who should be eligible to advance back from the same electoral district then tries to find a new path by advancing again as a legislative candidate by using other political parties. The Conclusion is shifting legislative candidates and changes in the acquisition of election results show the dynamics of political party conflict affect the outcome.

This work examined the relationship between climate change and the key social dimensions of vulnerability that often result in violent conflict. The authors adopted the human needs theory, the frustration-aggression theory of conflict, fragile state as well as the cultural theory of risk for climate change adaptation. The paper found that the government of Nigeria does not have an effective policy for adaptation during flooding, displacement and forceful migration due to climate change. The paper also highlighted other identifiable outcomes. These include loss of life and properties, increasing vulnerability, diminishing opportunities for income generating economic activities, increasing conflicts, the polity is tense and the country is overwhelmed due to increasing cases of victims of climate change and lack of adaptation measures. The paper therefore made appropriate recommendations to deal with the twin challenge of climate change and conflict in Nigeria.

This research aimed to find out the social conflict that exist in the novel of Kembang Jepun. This research focused on forms of social conflict in novels and the causes of social conflict. This study used a sociological literature approach. The source of data in this research was the novel of Kembang Jepun by Remy Sylado. The results of the study showed that the form of social conflict which showed the existence of child trafficking carried out by Janjte and Kotaro Takimura figures, violence and fights that occurred in Shinju, arrest by police at the Tjahaja Soerabja office. The reason of this social conflict was the greed character of Janjte's figure, Kotaro Takamura, who wanted his place of business to be crowded again and Tjak Broto's writing which was considered to have provoked the community to hate the Dutch government.