Suchergebnisse

A growing body of literature analyses the conflict implications of REDD+ (Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries). However, the way these conflicts unfold is little understood. We address this research gap through the following question: What are the pathways that connect REDD+ projects and conflicts between local communities and other actors? We review 242 scientific articles, selecting eight that allow us to trace how the conflict pathways unfolded. We draw on a political ecology perspective and conceptualize 'conflict pathway' as an interaction of key events and drivers leading to conflict. We find six main conflict drivers: (1) injustices and restrictions over (full) access and control of forest resources; (2) creation of new forest governance structures that change relationships between stakeholders and the forest; (3) exclusion of community members from comprehensive project participation; (4) high project expectations that are not met; (5) changes in land tenure policy due to migrants, and (6) the aggravation of historic land tenure conflicts. Evictions from forests, acts of violence, and lawsuits are among the events contributing to the conflict pathways. To prevent them, the rights, livelihoods, and benefits of local communities need to be placed at the centre of the REDD+ ...

El trabajo trata el conflicto social de 2015, ocurrido en el Valle de Tambo (Islay-Arequipa) debido al intento de ejecutar el Proyecto Minero Tía María (PMTM) por la empresa Southern Copper Corporation (Grupo México). En el contenido se destacan los actores principales, los hechos de protestas que ocurren en más de dos meses, donde los protagonistas son los opositores al proyecto y la policía. Algunos temas seleccionados para el análisis y la discusión son: el conflicto mismo, el impacto en la agricultura, los estudios de impacto ambiental, el componente político y el fracaso del diálogo. ; The work deals with social conflict 2015, occurred in the Valley Tambo (Islay-Arequipa) due to the attempt to run the Tia Maria mining project by the Southern Copper Corporation (Grupo Mexico). highlights the main actors in the content, the facts of major protests occurring in more than two months, where the protagonists are the opponents of the project and the police. Some topics selected for analysis and discussion are: the same conflict, the impact on agriculture, environmental impact studies, the political component and the failure of dialogue.

This article examines a work phenomenon in working system of public oil mining from the perspective of functionalism and conflict. This is a unique phenomenon because in Indonesia there are only four areas of public oil mining; in Bojonegoro, Blora, Musi Banyu Asin, and Langkat. The research employed ethnographic method. Data were collected through observation, participation observation, and in-depth interviews. Results and discussion indicate that there are mutually integrated elements in the work system of oil mining people. In the work activity sometimes internal conflict and external conflict occur. Internal conflict may occur due to different ideas or interests among those who work such as competition, wages, fraud, and injustice. External conflict can occur because of the oil mine ban, ban on making new wells, monopoly, destruction of refinery, interception, and arrest. Military/police were present in oil mining activity with an ambiguous role, which can be on Pertamina's side at one time and on miners' side at another.

The case Singkil district in October 2015 in the form of inter-religious clashes that led to the burning of churches and loss of life is the fact that social interaction anatar religious adherents in the district of Gunung Meriah has not gone well. This study focused on the background of conflict, the interaction between religious communities after conflict and efforts to foster religious harmony after a conflict in Aceh Singkil. This study used a qualitative approach by using in-depth interviews, Focus Group Discussion (FGD), and study the documentation as data collection techniques. The results showed that the social conflict between religious communities is part of the social dynamics that occur in the community that stretches the inter-religious relations, but on the other hand can strengthen internal solidarity respective faiths. Forms of social interaction leads to the associative process and found to be also the potential that may lead to forms of dissociative interaction. Other forms of social interaction among religions is mutual cooperation, kinship, mutual silaturrahmi and respect among religions. The search results show that during the Aceh Singkil district government has sought to provide guidance to inter-religious harmony though not maximized. This is evident from the Government's efforts impressed yet to find effective strategies for conflict resolution that is holistic, systemic and regenerative. Then it can be predicted that the events of religious conflicts are still likely to occur in the future, both in the district of Gunung Meriah and elsewhere, especially in the district of Aceh Singkil.

History records since 1789 which lasted throughout the 19th century - were confronted by an important event full of chaos, the French Revolution - became the forerunner of human social distortions in dunua at that time. One side of the revolution demonstrate positive change and social order on the other side is going through a critical phase to be part concerns some scientists. However, who would have thought excessive attention and seriousness of the leading scientists cultivated by August Comte and Emile Durkheim. Ultimately leading trigger of Sociology and the validity of the methodology laid Sociology as a science. Who would have thought from then until now, to contribute to the presence of study Sociology 'partnership' as; Political Sociology, Economic Sociology, Sociology of Law, Sociology of Religion, Sociology of Communication and so on. Not without reason that 'partnership' Sociology is a solution of the situation and condition of polemics, discrimination, marginalized, alienation had stripped many aspects of life. Even for a man as the main mission of peace and compassion presenters also increasingly disoriented. It would need to design an alternative social science that is Sociology Propagation, scientific consists of scientific foundation; Sociology itself, the science of Communications and Propagation Studies.

The Indonesian nation is heterogeneous because it has various ethnic groups, languages, and customs. This situation indicates that a potential social conflict might occur. In managing potential social conflict, Law No. 7 of 2012 was enacted. This law regulates the resolution of social conflicts through the mechanism of traditional institutions. This research uses a legal concept approach, namely the concept of Lampung adat law, to overcome social conflict. The findings are: First, Law No. 7 of 2012 has not regulated social conflicts settlement specifically in procedural aspect and give a chance to a traditional institution to take its role. Second, Lampung adat law can systematically settle the social conflict through the internalized value of Piil Pesenggiri, which functions as a moral order to Lampung people and heavily relies on the joint meeting of perwatin adat to hold rembuk pekon. This research recommends that social conflicts settlement regulation considers including the Lampung adat law principle into national law. The Lampung local government should manage incoming social conflict based on the traditional institution to provide open space for Lampung adat law in carrying out its role.

Abstract. This study examined the conflict in South Sudan, which started in December 2013 due to political dissatisfaction between President Salva Kiir and his then Vice President Riek Machar. When South Sudan got independence in 2011 through a referendum where more-than 98 percent of the population supported secession from Sudan, the country became a case study for potential secessions in Africa. However, the euphoria of independence quickly evaporated, and immediately replaced by violent conflict. Thus, the study explored the major causes of the conflict and concluded that political discontent resulting from power struggle among the elites fuelled the conflict. Furthermore, the study argues that citing ethnicity as the fundamental cause of the conflict is misleading and ill-conceived. Rather than being the catalyst of the conflict, the present conflict in South Sudan has rekindled ethnic identities and ideologies to a record height. The new wave of ethnic sentiment in South Sudan is as a result of irrational quest for political power and control among the top echelons in the country. Although ethnicity is not considered as the main cause of the conflict, however, given that the present situation has invigorated ethnic identities and sentiments in the country, the study concludes that any viable solution to the conflict must give incentives to fair ethnic and inter-ethnic representation and coalitions. Keywords. South Sudan, Power struggle, Ethnicity, Violence conflict, Peace-building.JEL. A13, A14, A30.

En el presente trabajo me propongo abordar la violencia política en la república romana tardía a partir de la vinculación con el conflicto social. En particular, me concentraré en el estudio de acciones colectivas que tienen como eje reivindicaciones de la plebe, vinculadas a las dificultades que plantean las condiciones materiales de existencia para éste grupo heterogéneo. Intentaré establecer diferencias en los itinerarios trazados en el curso de las demandas de tierra pública. El análisis se estructurará a partir de la identificación de factores disposicionales y situacionales, las formas de participación, liderazgo y organización de las diversas modalidades de la protesta popular. En oposición a interpretaciones historiográficas que reducen el estudio de la violencia de la plebe a una modalidad informal de participación política (en esta línea Finley 1986; Urso 2006; Aldrete 2013), considero contrariamente que agitaciones, manifestaciones y disturbios, potenciales o reales, se encuentran en el orden de las expresiones políticas que son complementarias de las manifestaciones de la voluntad ciudadana a través de voto (Purcell 1994; Lintott 1999; Yakobson 2006; Rosenstein 2008 entre otros) ; In the present paper I intend to address the political violence in the late Roman republic from linking with social conflict. In particular, I will concentrate on the study of collective actions that have such as shaft demands of the plebs, linked to the difficulties posed by the material conditions of existence for this heterogeneous group. I will try to establish the differences in the itineraries outlined in the course of the demands of public land. The analysis will be structured from the identification of dispositional and situational factors, the forms of participation, leadership and organization of the various modalities of popular protest. As opposed to historiographical interpretations that reduce the study of violence of the plebs to an informal mode of political participation (in this line Finley 1986; Urso 2006; Aldrete 2013), contrary I think that agitations demonstrations and riots, actual or potential, they are in the order of the political expressions that are complementary demonstrations of public will through voting (Purcell 1994; Lintott 1999; Yakobson 2006; Rosenstein 2008 among others)

En el presente trabajo me propongo abordar la violencia política en la república romana tardía a partir de la vinculación con el conflicto social. En particular, me concentraré en el estudio de acciones colectivas que tienen como eje reivindicaciones de la plebe, vinculadas a las dificultades que plantean las condiciones materiales de existencia para éste grupo heterogéneo. Intentaré establecer diferencias en los itinerarios trazados en el curso de las demandas de tierra pública. El análisis se estructurará a partir de la identificación de factores disposicionales y situacionales, las formas de participación, liderazgo y organización de las diversas modalidades de la protesta popular. En oposición a interpretaciones historiográficas que reducen el estudio de la violencia de la plebe a una modalidad informal de participación política (en esta línea Finley 1986; Urso 2006; Aldrete 2013), considero contrariamente que agitaciones, manifestaciones y disturbios, potenciales o reales, se encuentran en el orden de las expresiones políticas que son complementarias de las manifestaciones de la voluntad ciudadana a través de voto (Purcell 1994; Lintott 1999; Yakobson 2006; Rosenstein 2008 entre otros) ; In the present paper I intend to address the political violence in the late Roman republic from linking with social conflict. In particular, I will concentrate on the study of collective actions that have such as shaft demands of the plebs, linked to the difficulties posed by the material conditions of existence for this heterogeneous group. I will try to establish the differences in the itineraries outlined in the course of the demands of public land. The analysis will be structured from the identification of dispositional and situational factors, the forms of participation, leadership and organization of the various modalities of popular protest. As opposed to historiographical interpretations that reduce the study of violence of the plebs to an informal mode of political participation (in this line Finley 1986; Urso 2006; Aldrete 2013), contrary I think that agitations demonstrations and riots, actual or potential, they are in the order of the political expressions that are complementary demonstrations of public will through voting (Purcell 1994; Lintott 1999; Yakobson 2006; Rosenstein 2008 among others)

En el presente trabajo me propongo abordar la violencia política en la república romana tardía a partir de la vinculación con el conflicto social. En particular, me concentraré en el estudio de acciones colectivas que tienen como eje reivindicaciones de la plebe, vinculadas a las dificultades que plantean las condiciones materiales de existencia para éste grupo heterogéneo. Intentaré establecer diferencias en los itinerarios trazados en el curso de las demandas de tierra pública. El análisis se estructurará a partir de la identificación de factores disposicionales y situacionales, las formas de participación, liderazgo y organización de las diversas modalidades de la protesta popular. En oposición a interpretaciones historiográficas que reducen el estudio de la violencia de la plebe a una modalidad informal de participación política (en esta línea Finley 1986; Urso 2006; Aldrete 2013), considero contrariamente que agitaciones, manifestaciones y disturbios, potenciales o reales, se encuentran en el orden de las expresiones políticas que son complementarias de las manifestaciones de la voluntad ciudadana a través de voto (Purcell 1994; Lintott 1999; Yakobson 2006; Rosenstein 2008 entre otros) ; In the present paper I intend to address the political violence in the late Roman republic from linking with social conflict. In particular, I will concentrate on the study of collective actions that have such as shaft demands of the plebs, linked to the difficulties posed by the material conditions of existence for this heterogeneous group. I will try to establish the differences in the itineraries outlined in the course of the demands of public land. The analysis will be structured from the identification of dispositional and situational factors, the forms of participation, leadership and organization of the various modalities of popular protest. As opposed to historiographical interpretations that reduce the study of violence of the plebs to an informal mode of political participation (in this line Finley 1986; Urso 2006; Aldrete 2013), contrary I think that agitations demonstrations and riots, actual or potential, they are in the order of the political expressions that are complementary demonstrations of public will through voting (Purcell 1994; Lintott 1999; Yakobson 2006; Rosenstein 2008 among others)

Our topic is democracy and social conflict, and how we govern ourselves between elections. I want to examine how our interactions in everyday life, even our arguments and disputes, can, and do, contribute to a democratic form of life, and even self-government.

This article examines the representation of conflict, diversity, peace, and justice issues in selected mandated curriculum guidelines, grades 1‐10, for three Canadian provinces. These curricula, grounded in prevailing assumptions, reflect political will and influence resource availability for teaching. Prominent among them is a neutral discourse invoking Canadian ideals of multiculturalism that emphasizes harmony, marginalizes conflict and critical viewpoints, and presents injustices as past or virtually resolved. Because relatively little attention is given to actual instances of social conflict, violence, or marginalization, these curricula limit students' opportunities to practice with constructive democratic conflict and peacebuilding. Key words: citizenship education, conflict resolution, social studies, English language arts, health education Cet article analyse la représentation du conflit, de la diversité, de la paix et des questions de justice dans des programmes‐cadres s'adressant aux élèves de la 1ère à la 10e année dans trois provinces canadiennes. Ces programmes, qui reposent sur des théories implicites courantes, reflètent une volonté politique et orientent les ressources disponibles pour l'enseignement. L'un des principaux postulats est un discours neutre qui invoque les idéaux canadiens du multiculturalisme. Privilégiant l'harmonie, ce discours marginalise les conflits et les points de vue critiques et présente les injustices comme des réalités du passé ou comme étant en voie de règlement. Comme les conflits sociaux, la violence et la marginalisation se voient accorder très peu d'attention dans ces programmes, les élèves ont peu l'occasion de se confronter à des conflits démocratiques constructifs et à la consolidation de la paix. Mots clés : éducation à la citoyenneté, résolution de conflits, sciences humaines, anglais langue maternelle, éducation à la santé.

This article describes the attitudes of Saint Petersburg residents to social conflicts. The author analyses their assessments of danger associated with social tension in the Russian society. This tension becomes particularly pronounced during the time of economic, social, and political turbulence. The research aims to examine the existing threats and identify opportunities for reducing social tension. The article makes a practical contribution to the development of social policy and civil society. The author describes the attitudes of Saint Petersburg residents to various social conflicts. They believe that religious and ethnic conflicts are the most dangerous ones and consider'conflicts over property and status' a minor threat. Residents, associating themselves with the middle class, are more inclined to stress the danger of religious conflicts compared to those who associate themselves with the lower class, which is corroborated by a comparison of real incomes. The intensity of personal anxiety, experienced in the presence of people differing from the respondents, can be described in the following way: the most acute anxiety is caused by people of a different nationality, followed by nationals of other countries and members of other religions, then people with differing political views, and compatriots from other Russian regions. These data make it possible to identify hidden connections and patterns in the socio-demographic structure of these attitudes, which can be instrumental in obtaining a comprehensive picture of threats and emerging social conflicts and, hence, in preventing them.

As world experience shows, countries that embark on the path of socioeconomic and political modernization are likely to encounter a rise in social tension and the emergence of numerous conflicts. The Republic of Kazakhstan is well versed in the prevention of these phenomena. Nevertheless, modernization in Kazakhstan is bringing to the fore other problems relating to efficient conflict management and finding peaceful constitutionally legal ways to carry out comprehensive reform of society. It is a well-known fact that the aggravation of contradictions and the political conflicts in the post-Soviet states, which in some cases have led to armed conflicts, are undoubtedly related both to historical prerequisites and to crisis phenomena in the development of the sociocultural, socioeconomic, and political spheres of public relations. However, we think that one of the main reasons for the emergence of the domestic political conflicts in the CIS countries has been the poor development of ways to prevent and regulate them. So strategies and efficient mechanisms must be sought for taking preventive measures against possible social upheavals and the outbreak of conflict action and for reaching a consensus among the political entities. It goes without saying that an entirely conflict-free society with ideal social relations is a utopia. Institutionalized conflicts are a different matter however, since they potentially perform a constructive function and help society to progress. The author of this article concentrates on potentially destructive conflicts, the settlement of which could be accompanied by social upheavals.

Rising economic inequality may produce a contraction of political stability and a spread of social conflict, as suggested by the theory of relative power. Following this approach, participation in the political arena depends on the distribution of incomes, because the relative rich use their power to ensure that the status quo do not change, while the relative poor are likely to abandon the public arena when they realize that their demands will not be discussed. Through the implementation of an index of political stability on the Italian general elections of 2008 and 2013, this study empirically tests whether political instability is linked with economic inequality. The results of the analysis, which examines the sub-regional level, show that the strengthening of economic inequality is a decisive factor affecting the weight of the elites in the determination of economic and political choices, and that it influences the distribution of votes between political blocks. This comes at the disadvantage of the poorest who, aware of their lesser chances to have influence, choose to change the character of their participation. Key words: Political participation, Social conflict, Relative power theory. JEL: D31, D72. Politicka nestabilnost, ekonomska nejednakost i socijalni sukob: slucaj u Italiji Rastuca ekonomska nejednakost može proizvesti kontrakciju politicke stabilnosti i sirenje drustvenih sukoba, kao sto to sugerise teorija relativne moci. Prateci ovaj pristup, ucesce u politickoj sceni zavisi od raspodele prihoda, jer relativno bogati koriste svoju moc da osiguraju da se status quo ne promeni, dok ce relativno siromasni verovatno napustiti javnu scenu kada shvate da se o njihovim zahtevima nece raspravljati. Kroz implementaciju indeksa politicke stabilnosti na opstim izborima u Italiji 2008. i 2013. godine, ovaj rad empirijski testira da li je politicka nestabilnost povezana sa ekonomskom nejednakoscu. Rezultati analize, koja razmatra subregionalni nivo, pokazuju da je jacanje ekonomske nejednakosti odlucujuci faktor koji utice na ulogu elite u određivanju ekonomskih i politickih izbora, i da utice na distribuciju glasova između politickih blokova. To je nepovoljno za najsiromasnije koji, svesni da imaju manju sansu da imaju uticaj, odlucuju da promene karakter svog ucesca. Kljucne reci: Politicka participacija, drustveni konflikt, teorija relativne moci.