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South Africa is celebrating 26 years of democracy and is still faced with various elements of social unrest such as protests and strikes; these include service delivery protests and community unrest. South Africa is known as the protest capital of the world and in the 2019 Global Peace Index, it was ranked 127 out of the 163 countries. There are high levels of inequality while race is still the main distinguishing feature of wealth in the country. This can be clearly seen through the continued triple socio-economic challenge of poverty, unemployment and inequality experienced by black people in South Africa. As a result of the triple challenges, South Africa is prone to high numbers of protests; these mainly being in black townships. These challenges have contributed to the South African social cohesion project. A community that is prone to protest and strike action is the community of Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. Many black people within Motherwell are confronted by these triple challenges resulting in protest action within the community. These protests are due to the failure of the government to address the needs of the community. Social conflict in terms of protests and strikes affects and influences the social cohesion of a community. This research looks at the influence of social conflict on social cohesion amongst the black youth of contemporary South Africa. The youth is a central component in the development of a prosperous society and their views are crucial in building a united and diverse society. The research study used qualitative research methodology through an exploratory and explanatory research approach. The collection of data was through focus group discussions and individual telephone interviews, through using semi-structured interviews. The study used purposive sampling; a form of non-probability sampling for the study. Through the snowball sampling technique, a total of 50 research participants formed part of the study. There were 30 individual telephone interviews and two focus group discussions consisting of 10 participants in each focus group discussion. The research participants were from the Motherwell township, Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. The data collected in the study was analysed through a thematic analysis. The findings of the study highlight that only through protests and strike action does the government respond to the plights of the community, and also that there is a lack of trust in the police, in dealing with gender-based violence and other related crimes. Furthermore, inequality and poverty affect race relations, contributing to racial tension. Lastly, greater economic transformation is needed within South Africa to address black inequality; to ensure equality and greater prosperity for black South Africans. ; Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, 2021

This paper deals with the modeling of social competition, possibly resulting in the onset of extreme conflicts. More precisely, we discuss models describing the interplay between individual competition for wealth distribution that, when coupled with political stances coming from support or opposition to a Government, may give rise to strongly self-enhanced effects. The latter may be thought of as the early stages of massive unpredictable events known as Black Swans, although no analysis of any fully-developed Black Swan is provided here. Our approach makes use of the framework of the kinetic theory for active particles, where nonlinear interactions among subjects are modeled according to game-theoretical principles.

Over the past two decades, indebtedness has been at the centre of the world's attention, but social conflicts against private debts have only rarely been studied. Drawing on a global database of 65 cases ranging from 1765 to 2020, we offer a preliminary glimpse at such mobilisations. We find that anti-debt conflicts seem to have increased exponentially since the early 1980s and that they have involved different social classes with various political objectives, ranging from 'populist' to 'revolutionary', hence their multifaceted 'awkward' nature. Credit/debt relations are an underestimated root cause of many economic conflicts because of their foundational role in the (mis)workings of capitalism, their lasting consequences in terms of discipline and dispossession, and their potential to change one's class location, downwards or upwards. While the repression of anti-debt protests and the particular subjectivity associated with debt have often deterred mobilisations, we argue that the situation seems to be changing, as ever more people are discontented with the 'debtfare state' and the financialisation of everyday life, including that of farming.

This research focuses on efforts to provide solutions in resolving social conflicts that occur between the community and the company PT Silva Inhutani at Register 45 in Mesuji Lampung, which has been running for 14 years (2005-2019), but within that period there has not been a comprehensive settlement. This article is one of the solutions in realizing legal justice so that social conflicts in the Register 45 Mesuji Lampung do not cause futile casualties. We also found that monopolistic practices were carried out by the company in implementing the partnership policy issued by the government and the practice of intimidation by the company using thugs to ban and evict land that was worked on by the community at the Register 45 Mesuji Lampung. Some of the most successful references in resolving social conflicts found by journal authors, they are Pham Huu Ty et al (2013), Rafael Reuveny et al (2007), Franks et al (2014), Ismael Rafols et al (2012), Buijs et al. (2012) 2013), Lambin et al (2001) and Pauline E. Piters (2004), whose research was carried out in countries; Vietnam, Latin America, England and Africa. The approach used in resolving social conflicts is the "legal justice" approach between the community and the company.Keywords: Solution, Social Conflict, Register Land, societies, company.

We consider the different types of rent-seeking practices in emerging oil economies, and discuss how they contribute to social conflict and a local resource curse in the Albertine Graben region of Uganda. The rent-seeking activities have contributed to speculative behavior, competition for limited social services, land grabbing, land scarcity, land fragmentation, food insecurity, corruption, and ethnic polarization. Local people have interpreted the experience of the consequent social impacts as a local resource curse. The impacts have led to social conflicts among the affected communities. Our research used a range of methods, including 40 in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, participant observation, and document analysis. We argue there is an urgent need by all stakeholdersincluding local and central governments, oil companies, local communities, and civil society organizationsto address the challenges before the construction of oil infrastructure. Stakeholders must work hard to create the conditions that are needed to avoid the resource curse; otherwise, Uganda could end up suffering from the Dutch Disease and Nigerian Disease, as has befallen other African countries.

Since the election of Evo Morales, Bolivia has experienced a contradiction between environmental discourse around the indigenous imaginary and extractive practices. These contradictions are not unique to the government but also affect many social organizations. The subject of mining is particularly revealing of these tensions. From the case of the Northern region of Potosí and the Mallku Khota conflict, we will show that these conflicts are not only based on a multiplication of actors and on competing development projects, but also on both a material reality and a discursive, normative and symbolic repertoire leading to a redefinition of natural resources management. Through a multi-level approach we analyze the flow of imaginaries and the mobilization of resources that the different actors use in a strategic ways. We will therefore see how the discourses of "acceptance" or "rejection" of mining depend less on the ideological environmental discourse than on the construction of coalitions and the development of the conflict. ; Open Access Journal. ; This item from the UA Faculty Publications collection is made available by the University of Arizona with support from the University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions, please contact us at repository@u.library.arizona.edu.

Based on the background of American civil rights movement in which religious factors participated, this study analyzes the function of religious factors in civil rights movement from the perspective of political participation and the principle of separation of politics and religion, in order to consider the research paradigm of the relationship between religion and social conflict. It is believed that religious participation is helpful to exert the positive force of social conflict, the right of religious freedom has, to a certain extent, become the "safety valve" of social stability, and the development of religion is the embodiment of social pluralism and symbiosis.

We consider the different types of rent-seeking practices in emerging oil economies, and discuss how they contribute to social conflict and a local resource curse in the Albertine Graben region of Uganda. The rent-seeking activities have contributed to speculative behavior, competition for limited social services, land grabbing, land scarcity, land fragmentation, food insecurity, corruption, and ethnic polarization. Local people have interpreted the experience of the consequent social impacts as a local resource curse. The impacts have led to social conflicts among the affected communities. Our research used a range of methods, including 40 in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, participant observation, and document analysis. We argue there is an urgent need by all stakeholders&mdash ; including local and central governments, oil companies, local communities, and civil society organizations&mdash ; to address the challenges before the construction of oil infrastructure. Stakeholders must work hard to create the conditions that are needed to avoid the resource curse ; otherwise, Uganda could end up suffering from the Dutch Disease and Nigerian Disease, as has befallen other African countries.

This study aimed at analyzing the dynamics of confrontation between popular mobilization and state in Jordan from the sociological perspective of an analytical social conflict. It also concentrated on the factors that led to the emergence of popular mobilization and its Legitimacy and the variables that guided the peaceful confrontation between mobilization and state. The study results showed that economic deprivation was the main factor behid the emergence of the popular mobilization, and the political demands were emerged when the state didn't achieve the economical Reforms , and the mobilization derives its legitimacy From its objective economical demands, the Arab revolutions and the concessions of the state which mean recognition of the Mobilization and its demands. Then the results showed that the mobilization was Fall back because of its lack of organization leadership and Ideology and the cleavages in the structure of national identity , but the conscious of the mobilization and its legitimacy may intense it again. Besides, The results indicated that the confrontation was included dialectical Relationship between the peaceful oriention of the state toward the mobilizations and the peaceful orientation of the mobilization from the other hand. This dialectical relationship constituted moral treaty between the two partisans stand out as safty valve against violence and polarization. After that, the study showed some Factors which, sometimes , provoked violence such as : the partisans, usage of violent power, and arrestation of mobilization's activists . Then, the study showed that the confrontation was realistic , but didn't occur substantial change in the social structure, However, it escalated the level of freedom, Raised the power of the street, and obtained the state and the society more flexibility and democracy. With regard to the theoretical approach, This study showed that the perspectives of analytical conflict are of complementarily nature, and it could be syenthesized to produce a new theoretical perspective.

Law, as a social phenomenon reflects and includes in it's content (identifies) the peculiarities of social phenomena, it's content and emerging problems. Hence, system judicial problematic issues should not be left only for their analysis only to sociologists and politicians, as if law could function isolated from the conditions of social peculiarities. It is the aim of this article to show the link among problematic issues in law (the increasing number of law suits, mistrust of courts) and social peculiarities (certain developed judicial social traditions, the adaptivity of social circles aiming to retain and occupy certain positions). The object of the research of this article is the relation between social conflict and judicial practice in Lithuania, i.e. how one factor may be the reason and the consequence of the other. Both, judicial and social conflicts in the article are used in their broadest sense (conflict as a relation among state institutions, the relation of mistrust, judicial practice as a law making, court practice etc.).The peak of quarrel (conflict) both in a social and judicial sense apparently is reached when subjects apply to the court. Modern law, which is characterized by the amount of procedural forms, reflects this "critical" moment of the quarrel and further development of it in the shape of the magnitude of judicial norms. In fact, the advancement of the state is often judged by the development and quantity of procedural forms. In this sense nobody could call Lithuanian law and judicial system as retarded. All in all there are 63 courts in Lithuania. This figure reaches 63, (Constitutional court of Lithuania including) for the population of 2 943 472 inhabitants. The number of population decreased by 12,6 percent (440,6 thousands) during the decade (from 2001 years till the beginning of the year 2012). But the court system did not diminish. The law suits increased. Courts increasingly complain of ever increasing number of law suits and the amount of work. So, the situation is that a person commands a variety of means to defend his rights in a sense of procedural/institutional forms. On the other hand, it's the situation when nobody is satisfied, and it seems there is no end in making the system of dispute resolution more perfect, and the entire dissatisfaction with the system (including the criticism of courts) is increasingly addressed to courts or prietrial institutions. From the sociological point of view the before mentioned situation may be compared to the fashion of conflicts which precludes animosity to any social group, phenomenon, situation. In a sense it has become a tradition. Thus the improvement of procedural forms in law, organizational judicial means, do not solve the problem. On the other hand, in as social sense a certain animosity among positions as maintenance of traditions or balance may become in a certain sense useful for the justification of the existence of any side in the conflict: one side criticizes the other works, undergoes the criticism of society, which encourages another criticism. When analyzing the above mentioned situation of position convenience, interesting situation emerges regarding real judicial and court practice. It's not likely judging from these quarters that the number of law suits is diminishing. On the contrary, what concerns peace treaties in courts, mediation and other court practice signifies something else. Thus, it seems that the situation has developed when one part can comfortably criticize and the other can adjustingly react to criticism, thus making a "balance" and "tradition" jointly maintaining permanent traits, necessary for adjustment. Such social beliefs and traditions hardly change, although whole generations pay for it with the quality of life. The forecast could be that the situation will change naturally, i.e. the rate of it's increase may be such, that it becomes unbearable even to those, to whom it is comfortable at present. There are such signs. They can be observed in the implementation of organizational means, in the change of court laws with the aim of reducing the number of law suits, in making the process more quick and simple. External factors may change the situation, e.g. the control of institutions by the European Union. Certain personalities may change it on condition that they are independent from state institutions occupying adjustive "positions". The input of law scientists in this sense could be a fine example of cooperation of state and society. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama socialinio konflikto plačiuoju požiūriu – valstybės valdžios institucijų tarpusavio santykio, visuomenės santykio (nepasitikėjimo) teismu, konflikto "populiarumo", t. y. bylų gausos teismuose, tema. Straipsnyje parodomas teisinės praktikos plačiuoju požiūriu (įstatymų leidybos, teismų praktikos, socialinės ir teisinės tradicijos) ir socialinio konflikto ryšys, atskleidžiama pirmosios įtaka antrajam.

The Bugis community who lived and lived on the Island of Serangan in the City of Denpasar originated from South Sulawesi who migrated around the middle of the 17th century. The existence of this community shows its own uniqueness and dynamics in the historical, political, economic and cultural context so that it is interesting to study socially historically. The purpose of this study is 1) to understand the factors causing social conflicts in the Bugis community on Serangan Island; 2) understand the process and mechanism of conflict resolution in the Bugis community on Serangan Island, and 3) analyze the impact of the conflict on the lives of the Bugis community on Serangan Island. The research approach and analysis method is qualitative. Data collection techniques carried out by in-depth interviews, observation, and document analysis. Based on these methods, this study found that the factors causing conflict were land dispute and the rejection of the execution of the district court and Makamah Agung verdict by 36 families of Bugis residents who occupy the disputed land. Conflict resolution is done by means of mediation, negotiation and cohersiveness. In conclusion, the impact of conflict is positive and negative. However, negative impacts are more dominant than positive impacts, especially in the economic, environmental, and health problems in children of conflict victims' families. Keywords, Bugis community, social conflict, resolution, conflict impact

The culture of insurgents in early modern Europe was primarily an oral one; memories of social conflicts in the communities affected were passed on through oral forms such as songs and legends. This popular history continued to influence political choices and actions through and after the early modern period. The chapters in this book examine numerous examples from across Europe of how memories of revolt were perpetuated in oral cultures, and they analyse how traditions were used. From the German Peasants' War of 1525 to the counter-revolutionary guerrillas of the 1790s, oral traditions can offer radically different interpretations of familiar events. This is a 'history from below', and a history from song, which challenges existing historiographies of early modern revolts.

This article examines student social movements with a focus of student activities in extra-campus organizations, especially the Islamic Students Association (HMI) and the Indonesian Christian Students' Movement (GMKI) at the campus of the Pattimura University, State College of Islamic Studies Of Ambon and the State College of Protestant Christian Studies Ambon, which aims to describe forms of student social movements in responding to social issues and development in the city of Ambon and Maluku after the conflict. The data of this study were collected using a qualitative method approach through observation, interviews and document study. Therefore, this study is qualitative, the data were analyzed qualitatively and presented descriptively. This study found that first, cadres or members of HMI and GMKI always strive to master public spaces on campus through the distribution of their cadres to occupy strategic positions in the executive bodies or the student senate, even the seniors who have become lecturers in structural positions on campus, which in turn can affect campus policies. Second, the activities in the movement of HMI and GMKI have similarities in terms of responding to social issues, by paying attention to a few aspects including socio-religious issues, local political issues and post-conflict community development.

International audience ; Compte rendu d'un ouvrage dans lequel l'auteur a voulu mettre en perspective les événements religieux et politiques de l'Alexandrie byzantine.

In protracted social conflict, trust between the contending parties is absent and distrust can prevent or undermine attempts to find a sustainable resolution. It is important to recognise distrust as an active process, distinct from low trust or the absence of trust. Previous work has identified the difference between thick (internal) and thin (social) trust bonds within and between groups. Recognising the varied nature of trust and distrust can provide opportunities to create mechanisms to bridge divides. It may be possible to create institutions able to guarantee agreements, as leading actors persuade followers by calling on thick trust. This paper examines the negotiation of the peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the FARC, following more than 50 years of conflict. The aims of the paper are to (1) identify the form and extent of trust and distrust between parties, and (2) determine how distrust was managed in negotiating the peace agreement. The findings point to the ability of elite actors to develop thin trust through repeated formal interactions and in turn use thick trust to bind followers